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Terrorism Mortality Salience Manipulation: A Causal Mediation Analysis 恐怖主义死亡率显著性操纵:一个因果中介分析
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2022.2060081
F. Erol
ABSTRACT Building upon past findings on terrorism and individual-level politically conservative self-identification, I evaluate the effect of terrorism mortality reminders on conservative self-placement with three survey experiments, using non-representative Facebook samples in Turkey (2018, 2020). The scant existing experimental findings outside the usual Northwestern European and North American environment make it difficult to assess how the context (e.g., the longevity and diversity of terrorism problems in a country) can explain the alignment between terrorism threats and conservatism. In non-Western areas such as Turkey, with various types of terrorism over time, the link between terrorism threat and conservatism may remain uniform. However, the fear of death in a terrorist attack elicited by the terrorism mortality salience would create psychological strain and make individuals suppress terrorism-related death-thoughts by moving away from conservatism, reminding them of the human body’s vulnerability to threats and igniting fearfulness. Using the Terror Management Theory perspective, this study explored the causal mechanism running from terrorism mortality reminder to terrorism mortality fear to conservative self-identification. In all three studies, conservatism decreased when the respondents felt fearful of terrorism mortality and the treated respondents became more conservative if the terrorism mortality fear was kept at its average value (as a covariate).
基于过去关于恐怖主义和个人层面政治保守自我认同的研究结果,我通过三个调查实验评估了恐怖主义死亡提醒对保守自我定位的影响,使用土耳其(2018年,2020年)的非代表性Facebook样本。在通常的西北欧和北美环境之外,现有的实验结果很少,这使得很难评估背景(例如,一个国家恐怖主义问题的持久性和多样性)如何解释恐怖主义威胁与保守主义之间的一致性。在非西方地区,如土耳其,随着时间的推移,各种类型的恐怖主义,恐怖主义威胁和保守主义之间的联系可能保持一致。然而,恐怖主义死亡率的显著性引发的恐怖袭击中的死亡恐惧会产生心理压力,使个人从保守主义中解脱出来,压抑与恐怖主义相关的死亡思想,提醒他们人体对威胁的脆弱性,点燃恐惧。本研究运用恐怖管理理论的视角,探讨了从恐怖主义死亡提醒到恐怖主义死亡恐惧再到保守自我认同的因果机制。在所有三项研究中,当受访者对恐怖主义死亡率感到恐惧时,保守性降低,如果恐怖主义死亡率恐惧保持在其平均值(作为协变量),接受治疗的受访者变得更加保守。
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引用次数: 1
Sources of Conventional and Guerrilla Strategies in Ethno-Territorial Civil Wars 民族-领土内战中常规战略和游击战略的来源
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2022.2054338
S. Horowitz
ABSTRACT In ethno-territorial civil wars, which factors influence whether rebels choose and retain conventional warfare as their primary military strategy throughout the conflict, or whether they use guerrilla warfare as a primary strategy during periods judged to be less advantageous to conventional warfare? The existing literature almost exclusively emphasizes relative power as the determining factor: rebels use guerrilla warfare because they typically lack the capability to fight conventional wars effectively against states. I find some support for this hypothesis: ethno-territorial rebels are much more likely to fight exclusively conventional wars when external states intervene conventionally on the rebel side. I also find that rebel leaders with more intense, far-reaching nationalist goals are more likely to employ guerrilla warfare as a primary war strategy. For such leaders, the higher costs of using guerrilla methods pending an eventual transition to conventional warfare are made more acceptable by a higher valuation of the far-reaching gains delivered by military victory—gains expected to be made more likely by interim periods in which guerrilla warfare is the primary strategy. Turning to other factors, I do not find that status quo conditions or a high level of state democracy have a significant influence.
摘要在民族-领土内战中,哪些因素会影响叛军在整个冲突期间是否选择并保留常规战争作为其主要军事战略,或者在被认为不太利于常规战争的时期是否使用游击战作为主要战略?现有文献几乎完全强调相对权力是决定因素:反叛分子使用游击战,因为他们通常缺乏有效对抗国家的常规战争的能力。我发现这一假设得到了一些支持:当外部国家以常规方式干预叛军时,民族领土叛军更有可能只打常规战争。我还发现,具有更强烈、更深远民族主义目标的反叛领导人更有可能将游击战作为主要战争战略。对于这些领导人来说,在最终过渡到常规战争之前,使用游击战方法的成本更高,这是因为对军事胜利带来的深远收益的评估更高,而游击战是主要战略的过渡时期预计更有可能取得这些收益。谈到其他因素,我不认为现状条件或高水平的国家民主有重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
An Economic Perspective on Terrorism and Counterterrorism 从经济角度看恐怖主义和反恐
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2259992
Todd Sandler
ABSTRACTThis occasional-series paper offers an economic perspective on the study of terrorism and counterterrorism. At the outset, the paper identifies how the economic perspective enriches terrorism analysis by stressing rational choice of myriad agents (e.g., the terrorist groups, their supporters, and targeted governments) subject to constraints. Game-theoretic strategic rational choice allows allied and adversarial agents to incorporate the responses of others into their interdependent choices. Economists’ theoretical paradigms are judged by their success in predicting agents’ behavior and informing effective policies. Since 9/11, many political scientists, operation researchers, sociologists, and others applied economic methods to their study of terrorism. To illustrate selected applications of the economic approach, the paper considers findings from economic studies on bargaining and making concessions during hostage incidents, judging the effectiveness of counterterrorism strategies, identifying the economic consequences of terrorism, and finding adequate identification strategies in empirical studies. Future directions and some shortcomings of the economic approach complete the study.KEYWORDS: Economic approachrationality and terrorismconcessions in hostage incidentseconomic consequences of terrorist attacksempirical identification strategies AcknowledgmentsThe author profited from comments from two anonymous reviewers.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Lionel Robbins, The Nature and Significance of Economic Science (London: Macmillan, 1962), 16.2. Jack Hirshleifer, “The Expanding Domain of Economics,” American Economic Review 75, no. 6 (1985): 53–68.3. See, e.g., Navin A. Bapat, “Transnational Terrorism, US Military Aid, and the Incentive to Misrepresent,” Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 3 (2011): 303–18; Ethan Bueno de Mesquita, “Conciliation, Counterterrorism, and Patterns of Terrorist Violence,” International Organization 59, no. 1 (2005): 145–76; Ethan Bueno de Mesquita, “The Quality of Terror,” American Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (2005): 515–30; David B. Carter, “The Strategy of Territorial Conflict,” American Journal of Political Science 54, no. 4 (2010): 969–87; David B. Carter, “A Blessing or Curse? State Support for Terrorist Groups,” International Organization 66, no. 1 (2012): 129–51; James A. Piazza, “Incubators of Terror: Do Failed and Failing States Promote Transnational Terrorism?” International Studies Quarterly 52, no. 3 (2008): 469–88; James A. Piazza, “Poverty, Minority Economic Discrimination, and Domestic Terrorism,” Journal of Peace Research 48, no. 3 (2011): 339–53.4. Walter Enders and Todd Sandler, The Political Economy of Terrorism, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 4.5. See, e.g., Yonah Alexander and Dennis Pluchinsky, Europe’s Red Terrorists: The Fighting Communist Organizations (London: Frank Cass, 1992); Martha Crenshaw
摘要本文从经济学的角度对恐怖主义和反恐问题进行了研究。首先,本文确定了经济视角如何通过强调受约束的无数行动者(如恐怖组织、其支持者和目标政府)的理性选择来丰富恐怖主义分析。博弈论的战略理性选择允许联盟和敌对代理将他人的反应纳入他们相互依赖的选择中。经济学家的理论范式是通过他们在预测代理人行为和告知有效政策方面的成功来判断的。自9/11以来,许多政治学家、运筹学家、社会学家和其他人将经济方法应用于他们对恐怖主义的研究。为了说明经济方法的选择应用,本文考虑了在人质事件中讨价还价和做出让步的经济研究结果,判断反恐战略的有效性,识别恐怖主义的经济后果,并在实证研究中找到适当的识别策略。未来的方向和一些不足的经济方法完成研究。关键词:经济学方法;理性与恐怖主义;人质事件中的让步;恐怖袭击的经济后果;实证识别策略。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。莱昂内尔·罗宾斯,《经济学的性质与意义》(伦敦:麦克米伦出版社,1962),第16.2页。杰克·赫施莱弗,《不断扩大的经济学领域》,《美国经济评论》第75期。6(1985): 53-68.3。参见,例如,Navin A. Bapat,“跨国恐怖主义,美国军事援助和歪曲的动机”,《和平研究杂志》48期,第2期。3 (2011): 303-18;伊桑·布埃诺·德·梅斯奎塔,《和解、反恐和恐怖主义暴力模式》,《国际组织》第59期,第2期。1 (2005): 145-76;伊桑·布埃诺·德·梅斯奎塔,《恐怖的性质》,《美国政治科学杂志》第49期,第2期。3 (2005): 515-30;David B. Carter,“领土冲突的策略”,《美国政治科学杂志》,第54期。4 (2010): 969-87;大卫·b·卡特,《祝福还是诅咒?》国家对恐怖组织的支持"国际组织66号。1 (2012): 129-51;James A. Piazza,《恐怖的孵化器:失败的和即将失败的国家会促进跨国恐怖主义吗?》国际研究季刊,第52期。3 (2008): 469-88;James A. Piazza,《贫困、少数民族经济歧视与国内恐怖主义》,《和平研究》第48期。3(2011): 339-53.4。沃尔特·恩德斯和托德·桑德勒,《恐怖主义的政治经济学》,第二版(纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2012),第4.5页。参见,例如,Yonah Alexander和Dennis Pluchinsky,欧洲的红色恐怖分子:战斗的共产主义组织(伦敦:Frank Cass, 1992);玛莎·克伦肖,《恐怖主义的起因》,《比较政治》第13期,第2期。4(1981): 379-99:威廉L.尤班克和伦纳德B.温伯格,“民主鼓励恐怖主义吗?”恐怖主义和政治暴力6号。4 (1994): 417-35;布鲁斯·霍夫曼:《恐怖主义内部》,第3版(纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2012);6.保罗·威尔金森:《恐怖主义与自由国家》,修订版(伦敦:弗兰克·卡斯出版社,1986)。Reinhard Selten,“绑架的一个简单的游戏模型”,载于数学经济学和博弈论:纪念奥斯卡·摩根斯坦的论文,Rudolf Henn和Otto Moeschlin编辑(柏林:Springer出版社,1977),139-55.7页。哈维·e·拉潘、托德·桑德勒:《讨价还价还是不讨价还价:这是一个问题》,《美国经济学会论文集》第78期。2(1988): 16-21.8。William M. Landes,《1961-1976年美国劫机事件的经济学研究》,《法律与经济学杂志》第21期,第2期。1(1978): 1 - 31.9。出处同上,12 - 13.10。Todd Sandler, John T. Tschirhart和Jon Cauley,《跨国恐怖主义的理论分析》,《美国政治科学评论》第77期。1(1983): 36-54.11。Scott E. Atkinson, Todd Sandler, John T. Tschirhart,《讨价还价框架中的恐怖主义》,《法律与经济杂志》,第30期。1(1987): 1 - 21.12。查尔斯·h·安德顿和约翰·r·卡特,《理性选择理论与恐怖主义研究》,《国防与和平经济》第16期。杨建军,杨建军,杨建军,“恐怖主义的社会经济影响因素的实证研究”,《国际经济研究》,2005年第4期。增刊。(2011): S5-S16;桑德勒等人,《跨国恐怖主义的理论分析》,13。Walter Enders和Todd Sandler,“反恐政策的有效性:向量自回归干预分析”,《美国政治科学评论》第87期。4 (1993): 829-44;恩德斯和桑德勒:《恐怖主义的政治经济学》,第14页。 恩德斯和桑德勒,《反恐政策的有效性》,839-41.15。出处同上,843;沃尔特·恩德斯和托德·桑德勒,“我们对跨国恐怖主义中的替代效应了解多少”,《研究恐怖主义:趋势、成就和失败》,安德鲁·西尔克主编(阿宾登:劳特利奇出版社,2004),第119-37页;托德·桑德勒和哈维·e·拉潘,《异议的计算:对恐怖分子选择目标的分析》,《综合》76期,第2期。2(1988): 245-61.16。Patrick T. Brandt和Todd Sandler,《跨国恐怖分子的目标是什么?》它改变了吗?我们更安全吗?”《冲突解决》杂志,第54期。2 (2010): 214-36;Patrick T. Brandt和Todd Sandler,“一个贝叶斯泊松向量自回归模型”,《政治分析》第20期。3 (2012): 292-315;Sara M. T. Polo,“恐怖主义暴力的性质:解释恐怖主义目标选择的逻辑”,《和平研究杂志》第57期。2 (2020): 233-50;桑德勒和拉潘,《异议的计算》,第17页。沃尔特·恩德斯和托德·桑德勒:《9/11事件后跨国恐怖主义在不同收入阶层和地理区域的分布》,《国际研究季刊》,第50期。2 (2006): 367-93;恩德斯和桑德勒,《恐怖主义的政治经济学》,第18页。托德·桑德勒,《恐怖主义的分析研究:盘点》,《和平研究杂志》第51期。4 (2014): 257-71;Todd Sandler和Daniel G. Arce,“恐怖主义和博弈论”,《模拟与游戏》第34期,no。3 (2003): 319-37;Kevin Siqueira,“不同政见运动和组织中的政治和军事派别”,《冲突解决杂志》第49期,第2期。2(2005): 218-36.19。恩德斯和桑德勒,《反恐政策的有效性》,839-40页;恩德斯和桑德勒,《恐怖主义的政治经济学》,第20页。国家恐怖主义和应对恐怖主义研究联盟(START),“全球恐怖主义数据库(GTD)”,www.start.umd.edu/gtd/(2023年2月3日访问);Edward F. Mickolus, Todd Sandler, Jean M. Murdock和Peter Flemming,《国际恐怖主义:恐怖事件的属性(ITERATE), 1968-2021》(Ponte Vedra, FL: Vinyard Software, 2022)。对于国
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引用次数: 0
Breaking the Bank: Effects of Domestic Conflict on the Banking Sector in Turkey 破产银行:国内冲突对土耳其银行业的影响
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104
Emine Arı, Reşat Bayer, Özge Kemahlıoğlu
ABSTRACTAlthough banks occupy a central role in most (post-)conflict situations, there is a perplexing lack of attention to them in studies of political violence. As a case experiencing domestic conflict with varying degrees in the last decades, Turkey offers opportunities to understand how the banking sector, including state deposit banks, responds to such political violence. We focus on the short-term impact of political violence and address the following questions: Do all actors in the sector respond in similar ways to security threats? Is there variation according to conflict intensity? We shed light on these puzzles with an analysis of original data on bank ownership, bank branches, bank deposit amounts, and bank credits. We show that banks with profit incentives respond to conflict by lowering their presence in provinces hit by these attacks. In comparison, our finding that deposits in high conflict intensity areas are not affected suggests that it is indeed economic actors outside high intensity regions that are more sensitive to short-time changes in security compared to local ones. Overall, the results demonstrate that political violence hurts banks’ presence in conflict locations and their presence matters through credit provision to these areas.KEYWORDS: Bankingpolitical violencepost-conflict economypublic/private policy and terrorismconflict region Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252104Notes1. John Horgan and Max Taylor, “Playing the ‘Green Card’—Financing the Provisional IRA: Part 2,” Terrorism and Political Violence 15, no. 2 (2003): 1–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550312331293027; Emre Hatipoglu and Dursun Peksen, “Economic Sanctions and Banking Crises in Target Economies,” Defence and Peace Economics 29, no. 2 (2018): 171–89. https://doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2016.1245811.2. Edward Moxon-Browne, European Terrorism (New York , Toronto: Macmillan, 1994); John Otis, “Rebirth, or Relapse? Colombia Hits a Post-War Turning Point,” Americas Quarterly, 2017. https://www.americasquarterly.org/fulltextarticle/rebirth-or-relapse-colombia-hits-a-post-war-turning-point/.3. Luigi Gioso Paola Sapienza and Luigi Zingales, “The Role of Social Capital in Financial Development,” The American Economic Review 94, no. 3 (2004): 526–56.4. Paul Collier and Marguerite Duponchel, “The Economic Legacy of Civil War: Firm-Level Evidence from Sierra Leone,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 57, no. 1 (2013): 65–88.5. Tilman Brück, Wim Naudé, and Philip Verwimp, “Small Business, Entrepreneurship and Violent Conflict in Developing Countries,” Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship 24, no. 2 (2011): 161–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2011.10593532.6. Asli Demirgüc-Kunt, Leora F. Klapper, and Georgios A. Panos, “Entrepreneurship in Post-Conflict Transition,” Economics of Transit
Andrew Karolyi,《恐怖主义对金融市场的影响:我们知道什么?》俄亥俄州立大学,Charles A. Dice金融经济学研究中心,2006。https://ideas.repec.org//p/ecl/ohidic/2006 - 6. html.43。Michael P Cañares,“暴力与和平:菲律宾的暴力冲突与农村创业”,《小企业与创业杂志》,第24期。2(2011): 253-64。https://doi.org/10.1080/08276331.2011.10593537.44。Kalkinma Bakanligi, On Birinci Kalkınma planyi 2019 - 2023(安卡拉:Kalkinma Bakanligi, 2019)。https://www.sbb.gov.tr/wp content/uploads/2022/07/on_birinci_kalkinma_plani - 2019 - 2023. - pdf.45。46.关于银行所有权、资产分布、分支机构和人员的信息可在土耳其银行协会的统计报告中找到。TBB (TBB), <s:1> rkiye Bankalar Birliği,“真实的高粱系统”,2019。https://www.tbb.org.tr/tr.47。Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, Andrei Shleifer,“银行的政府所有权”,《金融杂志》第57期。1(2002): 265-301.48。Dani Rodrik,“结构调整计划应该如何设计?”《世界发展》第18期。7(1990): 933-47。https://doi.org/10.1016/0305 - 750 x 90077 - b.49(90)。Thomas Marois,国家,银行和危机:新兴的金融资本主义在墨西哥和土耳其(切尔滕纳姆:爱德华埃尔加出版社,2013),102.50。<s:1> ls<e:1> n Akin, Ahmet Aysan, Levent Yildiran,“2001年危机后土耳其金融部门的转型”,《土耳其与全球经济:危机后时代的新自由主义重组与整合》,ed Ziya Öniş and Fikret Senses,第1版(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2009),73-100.51。Caner Bakir和Ziya Öniş,“后华盛顿共识时代的监管国家和土耳其银行改革”,《发展与变革》第41期。1(2010): 77-106。https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2009.01634.x.52。<s:1> rkiye Bankalar Birliği (TBB),“真实的高粱系统”,53。Akin et al.,“转型土耳其金融部门”,54。Seda Demiralp和Selva Demiralp,“土耳其中央银行独立性的侵蚀”,《土耳其研究》,第20期。1(2019): 49-68。https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1505512.55。Francesco Pavoni, Doruk Acar, Filippo Ghizzoni,最大分支:重新评估和振兴您的网络-聚焦土耳其(伊斯坦布尔:罗兰贝格中东和土耳其办事处,2013).56。马鲁瓦:《国家、银行和危机》57.57。如上,184.58。Arzu Kibris,“国内冲突中暴力的时空演变:基于新事件数据集的冲突扩散的微观分析”,《和平研究》第58期。5(2021): 885-99.59。Bilgel和Karahasan,《经济成本、分离主义恐怖主义》,458;参见Nadir Öcal和j<e:1> lide Yildirim,“恐怖主义对土耳其经济增长的区域影响:地理加权回归方法”,《和平研究杂志》第47期。4(2010): 477-89.60。《土耳其库尔德人的政治经济学:从奥斯曼帝国到土耳其共和国》(英国剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2017),第61页。Mesut Yeğen,“土耳其的库尔德问题:拒绝承认”,《土耳其的民族主义和政治:政治伊斯兰、凯末尔主义和库尔德问题》,Marlies Casier和Joost Jongerden主编,第1版(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2011),67-84.62。Mehmet Gurses,“土耳其演变中的库尔德问题”,《中东评论》第29期,第2期。[j](2020): 307-18。https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2020.1770448.63。https://www.riskmerkezi.org/Content/Upload/istatistikiraporlar/ekler/1416/Risk_Merkezi_Aylik_Bulteni_Haziran_2018.pdf.64。https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/ekonomi/batmanda - 20 - atm yakildi - 3 - milyon -里拉kayip - 27372573.65。https://www.finansgundem.com/haber/teror-karsiliksiz-ceki-patlatti/453369.66。https://www.milliyet.com.tr/ekonomi/guneydogu - ekonomisi zorda - isadami karamsar - 151358.67。Polat S Alpman, Esmer yakalılar: Kent-sınıf-kimlik ve k<e:1> rt emeği (İletişim Yayınevi, 2016)。https://iletisim.com.tr/kitap/esmer-yakalilar/9263.68。“10 bin kepenk kapandyi”,《共和报》,2017年1月25日,http://egazete.cumhuriyet.com.tr/oku/192/2017-01-25/0.69。TESEV, Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu 'da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Öncelikler(伊斯坦布尔:TESEV, 2006)。https://www.tesev.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/rapor_Dogu_Ve_Guneydogu_Anadoluda_Sosyal_Ve_Ekonomik_Oncelikler.pdf.70。https://www.dunya.com/ekonomi/ziraat-bankasi-genel-muduru-can-akin-caglar-guneydogu039da-az-haberi-34945 https://www.dunya.com/finans/haberler/kredide-gun
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引用次数: 0
Target Hardening and Non-State Armed Groups’ Target Selection: Evidence from India 目标强化与非国家武装组织的目标选择:来自印度的证据
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2252917
Ilayda B. Onder
ABSTRACTThis study explores the variation in the non-state armed group (NSAGs)'s behavior concerning target selection. Scholars of transnational terrorism have investigated transnational NSAGs' target selection. However, we are still missing out on the most common form of terrorism, terrorism perpetrated by domestic NSAGs involved in civil conflicts. This paper’s novel contribution is to the understanding of domestic NSAGs’ strategic logic. I argue that hardening makes soft targets, including civilians, attractive targets when hard targets are no longer attractive. NSAGs tactically adapt to hardening by switching to soft targets or by displacing attacks to adjacent locations within their home country. The empirical results from data on relevant state-group dyads in India between 2004–2016 show that domestic NSAGs (1) switch to soft targets when faced with hardening, (2) less frequently target soft targets when more of their attacks against hard targets have been logistically successful, and (3) commit more attacks in their primary area of operation when more of their attacks in that location have been logistically successful. These findings emphasize a variety of ways through which domestic NSAGs adapt their tactics and underscore potential costs for target hardening.KEYWORDS: Hardeningtarget selectionnon-state armed groupsterrorism in civil conflictstargeting of civiliansdomestic terrorism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2023.2252917.Notes1. Walter Enders and Todd Sandler, “What Do We Know about the Substitution Effect in Transnational Terrorism?” in Research on Terrorism: Trends, Achievements, and Failures, ed. Andrew Silke (Routledge, 2004).2. Patrick T. Brandt and Todd Sandler, “What Do Transnational Terrorists Target? Has It Changed? Are We Safer?” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 214–36; Walter Enders and Todd Sandler, “Distribution of Transnational Terrorism among Countries by Income Class and Geography after 9/11,” International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 2 (2006): 367–93.3. Joseph K. Young and Michael G. Findley, “Promise and Pitfalls of Terrorism Research,” International Studies Review 13, no. 3 (2011): 411–31.4. Brandt and Sandler, “What Do Transnational Terrorists Target?”5. START, “National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism, and Responses to Terrorism,” Global Terrorism Database, 2018, https://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/ (accessed April 27, 2021).6. Ibid.7. The GTD defines a terrorist attack as “the threatened or actual use of illegal force and violence by a non-state actor to attain a political, economic, religious, or social goal through fear, coercion, or intimidation” (10). To be included in the GTD, an incident must (1) be intentional, (2) entail some level of violence, and (3) be perpetrated by a non-state actor. In addition to these three crite
START,“国家恐怖主义研究和应对恐怖主义联盟”46。为了本研究的目的,我只依赖于印度国内的nsag。GTD的INT_ANY指标包括攻击是国内攻击还是跨国攻击的信息。使用GTD的targetype1指示器聚合目标类型。如果目标类型1是以下GTD类别之一,则事件被视为针对软目标的攻击:商业,与堕胎有关的,教育机构,食品供应,记者,海事,非政府组织,其他,私人公民,宗教人物,电信,游客,运输,公用事业。如果targetype1是下列GTD类别之一,则事件被认为是针对硬目标的攻击:政府(一般),警察,军队,机场,政府(外交)。在线附录5.50中包含了所有目标类型的攻击分布。特伦甘纳邦被纳入数据集的时间只有四年,因为它在2014.51年从安得拉邦分离出来。相关的州-州二联体是相邻的州对,或者至少有一个州是主要大国。欲了解更多相关二元方法,见Zeev Maoz和Bruce Russett,“1946-1986年民主和平的规范和结构原因”,《美国政治科学评论》第87期。3 (1993): 624-38;道格拉斯·莱姆克和威廉·里德,“政治相关二元的相关性”,《冲突解决杂志》第45期,第2期。1(2001): 126-44.52。分组主要操作区域的编码规则见在线附录3.53。为了计算针对软目标的攻击次数占攻击总数的比例,我首先使用GTD的provstate、group_txt、iyear和targetype1指标汇总针对软目标的攻击次数。然后,我将针对软目标的攻击次数除以攻击总数+ 0.1。添加0.1是因为攻击的总次数可能取0. 54的值。阿萨姆邦警方。特殊的分支。55.阿萨姆邦政府,https://police.assam.gov.in/portlet-innerpage/special-branch(2021年5月18日访问)。目标强化的另一个数据限制是缺乏关于跨国公司安全支出的可靠数据。在冲突地区经营的跨国公司可能会投入额外的资源来加强其安全。这些努力并没有被本文中使用的警方数据所捕获。然而,这不太可能是一个大问题。在大多数国家,大多数反叛乱和反恐怖主义的警务工作都不是私人的,而是由政府监督的。Baudains, Belur, Braithwaite, Marchione and Johnson,“警察存在的加剧效应”,第57页。攻击的成功与否并不是根据攻击者群体的更广泛目标来判断的。相反,GTD的关键标准是攻击是否发生。例如,如果炸弹爆炸了,爆炸就被认为是成功的。Victor Asal和R. Karl Rethemeyer,“野兽的本性:组织结构和恐怖袭击的致命性”,《政治杂志》70期,第2期。2 (2008): 437-49;“测绘激进分子项目”。59.斯坦福大学。经常使用自杀策略的nsg更有可能攻击硬目标。我用反政府武装伤亡来代表印度各邦对国家武装团体的军事化。国内冲突的军事化可能会打破对国家安全联盟不利的力量平衡,从而改变国家安全联盟对攻击软目标的成本和回报的计算。卷入激烈冲突的较强大的集团可以利用所需的资源对硬目标发动成功的攻击。在种族更分散的国家,种族民族主义团体可能倾向于以其他种族群体的成员为目标。有人建议,Heckman模型应该在选择方程中至少包含一个没有出现在结果方程中的变量(参见Anne E. Sartori,“无排除限制的一些二元结果选择模型的估计器”,《政治分析》11,第11期。2(2003): 111-38)。这样的变量被称为排除限制。我选择邦人口作为我的排除限制,因为它可能会影响一个邦集团在一年中至少经历一次袭击的可能性,因为大多数叛乱都被控制在印度人口相对稀少的农村地区。然而,我并不认为该州人口会显著影响国家安全联盟的战略逻辑;因此,人们不应该预测针对软目标的攻击的流行程度。反对使用人口作为排除限制的一个反驳是,人口捕获了平民的数量,这是一个软目标。这在印度不太可能成为问题,原因有三。首先,应该指出的是,软目标总是很多,即使在人口稀少的地区也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
A Decade of Media Coverage of the Social Reintegration of Terrorism-Related Convicts: France as a Case Study 与恐怖主义有关的罪犯重新融入社会的十年媒体报道:以法国为例研究
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2248269
Caroline Da Silva, Nicolas Amadio, Rachel Sarg, Bruno Domingo, Massil Benbouriche
ABSTRACTThe social reintegration of terrorism-related convicts in Europe is a pressing issue. Public opinion can play an essential role in this by making it easier or more difficult to implement (and succeed with) social reintegration strategies. Considering the media’s influence on shaping public opinions, attitudes, and social representations, the present research offers a case study by reviewing a decade (2011–2022) of media coverage of the social reintegration of terrorism-related convicts in the seven most read national daily newspapers in France. Results reveal that the topic is very little covered, with 395 newspaper articles published over a decade, and mostly discussing deradicalization, specifically, rather than social reintegration at large. Cluster analysis via Reinert’s method reveals that when the topic is discussed it revolves around political and security management (political discourse and security measures), target population (radical Muslims and returnees), and tertiary prevention programs (programs in prison and open settings). A time series analysis of clusters shows their chronological evolution. These findings and their implications for generating (mis)trust in the social reintegration of terrorism-related convicts amongst the general public are discussed.KEYWORDS: Mediapublic opinionterrorismradicalizationsocial reintegration Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data Availability StatementThe data supporting the findings of this study are available in Open Science Framework, along with more detailed information on the included newspaper articles, more examples of text segments for each cluster, the French materials (keywords, text segments, and Figure 2), and the interrater agreement: https://osf.io/q9bwv/?view_only=b92dabfe4c08488da5e19eea8dbcf28dNotes1. Europol, “European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report 2021” (Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2021), https://ctmorse.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/tesat_2021.pdf.2. MLRV, « La Stratégie Pénitentiaire de Lutte Contre la Radicalisation et le Terrorisme: Evolution et Dispositifs Actuels » [The Penitentiary Strategy to Fight Radicalization and Terrorism: Evolution and Current Arrangements] (paper presented at Journée d’études « Du milieu fermé au milieu ouvert: la réintégration sociale des personnes condamnées pour terrorisme », Lille, France, June, 10, 2022).3. Alpaslan Özerdem, “A Re-Conceptualisation of Ex-Combatant Reintegration: ‘Social Reintegration’ Approach,” Conflict, Security & Development 12, no. 1 (2012): 51–73, https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2012.667661.4. John Horgan, “Deradicalization or Disengagement? A Process in Need of Clarity and a Counterterrorism Initiative in Need of Evaluation,” International Journal of Social Psychology 24, no. 2 (2009): 291–298, https://doi.org/10.1174/021347409788041408.5. Fernando Reinares, “Exit from Terrorism: A Qualitative Empirical S
摘要欧洲与恐怖主义有关的罪犯的重新融入社会是一个紧迫的问题。舆论可以在这方面发挥重要作用,使社会重新融合战略的实施(并取得成功)变得更容易或更困难。考虑到媒体对塑造公众舆论、态度和社会表征的影响,本研究提供了一个案例研究,通过回顾十年来(2011-2022年)媒体对法国七家最受欢迎的全国性日报中与恐怖主义有关的罪犯重新融入社会的报道。结果显示,这个话题很少被报道,十多年来发表了395篇报纸文章,主要讨论的是去激进化,而不是社会重新融合。通过Reinert的方法进行的聚类分析显示,当讨论这个话题时,它围绕着政治和安全管理(政治话语和安全措施)、目标人群(激进的穆斯林和返回者)和三级预防计划(监狱和开放环境中的计划)展开。集群的时间序列分析显示了它们的时间演化。本文讨论了这些发现及其对公众对与恐怖主义有关的罪犯重新融入社会产生(错误)信任的影响。关键词:媒体舆论恐怖主义激进化社会融合披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。数据可用性声明支持本研究结果的数据可在开放科学框架中获得,以及有关所包括的报纸文章的更详细信息,每个集群的更多文本片段示例,法语材料(关键字,文本片段和图2)以及解释器协议:https://osf.io/q9bwv/?view_only=b92dabfe4c08488da5e19eea8dbcf28dNotes1。欧洲刑警组织,《2021年欧盟恐怖主义形势和趋势报告》(卢森堡:欧盟出版物办公室,2021年),https://ctmorse.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/tesat_2021.pdf.2。MLRV,《打击激进化和恐怖主义的监狱战略:演变和目前的安排》(发表于《新闻通讯》上的论文《Du milieu fermise au milieu ouvert: La remimimacei sociale des des persones condames pour Terrorism》,里尔,法国,2022年6月10日)。Alpaslan Özerdem,“前战斗人员重返社会的重新概念化:‘社会重返社会’方法”,《冲突、安全与发展》,第12期。1 (2012): 51-73, https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2012.667661.4。约翰·霍根,《去极端化还是脱离接触?》需要澄清的过程和需要评估的反恐行动,《国际社会心理学杂志》,第24期。2 (2009): 291-298, https://doi.org/10.1174/021347409788041408.5。Fernando Reinares,“从恐怖主义中退出:埃塔成员脱离与去极端化的定性实证研究”,《恐怖主义与政治暴力》第23期。5 (2011): 780-803, https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2011.613307.6。Emily A. Calobrisi和Raymond A. Knight,“社区和专家样本对性侵犯个体感知风险的比较”,《性虐待》,第35期。5 (2022): 568-595, https://doi.org/10.1177/10790632221139176.7。李智英、金永旭,“恐怖主义线索对非法移民态度极化的影响:基于负面情绪和信息回避的理论视角”,《社会科学》,第1期,https://doi.org/10.1080/03623319.2021.1884777.8。Nour Kteily, Gordon Hodson和Emile Bruneau,“他们认为我们不是人类:通过相互的非人性化来预测群体间冲突”,《人格与社会心理学杂志》110,第2期。3 (2016): 343-370, https://doi.org/10.1037/pspa0000044.9。Kyle A. Msall,“科威特大学生对极端分子的认知与去极端化计划”,《去极端化杂志》(2017):77-97,https://journals.sfu.ca/jd/index.php/jd/article/view/84.10。Roberto M. Lobato, Álvaro Rodríguez-López, Josep García-Coll, Manuel Moyano和Mario Sainz,“对恐怖分子康复计划的态度:心理调解和调节机制”,《心理学,犯罪与法律》,在线高级出版物,https://doi.org/10.1080/1068316X.2022.2137164.11。Mary Beth Altier,“罪犯还是恐怖分子?”对囚犯重返社会项目的恐惧、偏见和公众支持,《恐怖主义和政治暴力》,第35期。1 (2021): 83-103, https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2020.1866556.12。迪伦·s·坎贝尔和安娜·佳莎·纽威瑟,《演出必须继续吗?》《反证据改变犯罪控制政策态度的能力》,《法律与人类行为》,第43期。6 (2019): 568-584, https://doi.org/10.1037/lhb0000338.13。 Caroline Guibet Lafaye和Ami-Jacques Rapin,《激进化:一个概念的个体化和去政治化》,《政治与传播》第2期。8 (2017): 127-154, https://doi.org/10.3917/pdc.008.0127.36。Gordon Clubb和Ryan O 'Connor,《理解去激进化的有效性和可取性:去激进化是如何被框定的》,《英国政治与国际关系杂志》,第21期。2 (2019): 349-366, https://doi.org/10.1177/1369148118819067.37。Gordon Clubb, Daniel Koehler, Jonatan Schewe和Ryan O 'Connor,《出售去激进化:管理打击暴力极端主义的媒体框架》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2021),第38页。欧洲刑警组织,《2022年欧盟恐怖主义形势和趋势报告》(卢森堡:欧盟出版物办公室,2022年),https://www.europol.europa.eu/publication-events/main-reports/european-union-terrorism-situation-and-trend-report-2022-te-sat.39。Ibid.40。本杰明·杜科尔和亚历克斯·伍德,“查理周刊袭击事件后法国土地上的极端主义暴力和公共行动的新路线”,《以证据为基础的暴力极端分子工作:法国恐怖袭击和反应的国际影响》,马丁·赫佐格-埃文斯和马西尔·本布里什主编(列克星敦:列克星敦出版社,2019),125-155;欧洲刑警组织,2022;经济与和平研究所,《2022年全球恐怖主义指数:衡量恐怖主义的影响》(悉尼,2022),https://reliefweb.int/report/world/global-terrorism-index-2022.41。杜
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引用次数: 0
Missing the Spoiler: Israel’s Policy with Regard to Hamas during the Oslo Talks and the First Stages of the Implementation of the Oslo Accords 错过破坏者:以色列在奥斯陆会谈期间对哈马斯的政策和《奥斯陆协议》执行的第一阶段
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2242511
Elad Ben-Dror, Netanel Flamer
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引用次数: 1
A Systematic Review of the Risk and Protective Factors for Processes Associated with Islamist Radicalization and Extremism 对与伊斯兰激进化和极端主义相关进程的风险和保护因素的系统回顾
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2243349
Isgard Ohls, Diba S. Hosseini, A. Spasojevic, F. Brandes, Rashid Bajwa, Kaser Ahmed, Jurgen Gallinat, A. Karow, M. Allroggen
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引用次数: 0
The Gangster and the Bride: The Media Representation of Masculinity and Femininity in News Coverage of Jihadi Terrorists 黑帮与新娘:媒体对圣战恐怖分子新闻报道中男性气质与女性气质的表现
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2244083
Michael Krona, Olivia Caskey
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引用次数: 0
“I Don’t Justify Anything Regarding My Son:” Danish Foreign Fighters’ Initial Attraction and Reaffirmed Commitment to Islamic State and Al Qaeda—Testimonies from Five Relatives “我不为我儿子的任何事情辩护:”丹麦外国战士最初对伊斯兰国和基地组织的吸引力和重申承诺——来自五名亲属的证词
IF 2.4 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2022.2045964
Kathrine Elmose Jørgensen
ABSTRACT Relatives are a potentially rich source of insight regarding foreign fighters’ pathways into Islamist fundamentalism. However, a small fraction of the literature that explores Salafi-jihadist trajectories examines the testimonies of extremists’ families. Based on qualitative interviews with relatives of five Danish, non-returned male foreign fighters, this article explores how and why—according to their relatives—the men were initially attracted and reaffirmed their commitment to violent jihadism. Findings reveal tensions within the data between ascribing responsibility to the men and mitigating their responsibility. Yet, the article suggests that the relatives’ testimonies should not be perceived simply as using “neutralization techniques” nor as exculpatory narratives, since there is a tendency for the relatives to acknowledge and even accept the men’s deviance.
亲属是了解外国战士如何进入伊斯兰原教旨主义的潜在丰富来源。然而,在探索萨拉菲圣战分子轨迹的文献中,有一小部分考察了极端分子家属的证词。本文通过对五名未回国的丹麦男性外国战士亲属的定性访谈,探讨了他们最初是如何被吸引并重申他们对暴力圣战的承诺的。调查结果显示,数据中存在将责任归咎于男性和减轻男性责任之间的矛盾。然而,这篇文章表明,亲属的证词不应该被简单地理解为使用“中和技术”,也不应该被视为无罪的叙述,因为亲属有一种承认甚至接受男子越轨行为的倾向。
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引用次数: 0
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Terrorism and Political Violence
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