Terrorism and Political Violence最新文献

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A Systematic Review of the Risk and Protective Factors for Processes Associated with Islamist Radicalization and Extremism 对与伊斯兰激进化和极端主义相关进程的风险和保护因素的系统回顾

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2243349

Isgard Ohls, Diba S. Hosseini, A. Spasojevic, F. Brandes, Rashid Bajwa, Kaser Ahmed, Jurgen Gallinat, A. Karow, M. Allroggen

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The Gangster and the Bride: The Media Representation of Masculinity and Femininity in News Coverage of Jihadi Terrorists 黑帮与新娘:媒体对圣战恐怖分子新闻报道中男性气质与女性气质的表现

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Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2244083

Michael Krona, Olivia Caskey

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“I Don’t Justify Anything Regarding My Son:” Danish Foreign Fighters’ Initial Attraction and Reaffirmed Commitment to Islamic State and Al Qaeda—Testimonies from Five Relatives “我不为我儿子的任何事情辩护:”丹麦外国战士最初对伊斯兰国和基地组织的吸引力和重申承诺——来自五名亲属的证词

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2022.2045964

Kathrine Elmose Jørgensen

ABSTRACT Relatives are a potentially rich source of insight regarding foreign fighters’ pathways into Islamist fundamentalism. However, a small fraction of the literature that explores Salafi-jihadist trajectories examines the testimonies of extremists’ families. Based on qualitative interviews with relatives of five Danish, non-returned male foreign fighters, this article explores how and why—according to their relatives—the men were initially attracted and reaffirmed their commitment to violent jihadism. Findings reveal tensions within the data between ascribing responsibility to the men and mitigating their responsibility. Yet, the article suggests that the relatives’ testimonies should not be perceived simply as using “neutralization techniques” nor as exculpatory narratives, since there is a tendency for the relatives to acknowledge and even accept the men’s deviance.

亲属是了解外国战士如何进入伊斯兰原教旨主义的潜在丰富来源。然而，在探索萨拉菲圣战分子轨迹的文献中，有一小部分考察了极端分子家属的证词。本文通过对五名未回国的丹麦男性外国战士亲属的定性访谈，探讨了他们最初是如何被吸引并重申他们对暴力圣战的承诺的。调查结果显示，数据中存在将责任归咎于男性和减轻男性责任之间的矛盾。然而，这篇文章表明，亲属的证词不应该被简单地理解为使用“中和技术”，也不应该被视为无罪的叙述，因为亲属有一种承认甚至接受男子越轨行为的倾向。

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Proscribing Right-Wing Extremist Organizations in Europe: Variations, Trends, and Prospects 欧洲右翼极端主义组织的兴起：变化、趋势和前景

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2240446

Micah Zeller, Michael Vaughan

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QAnon Beliefs, Political Radicalization and Support for January 6th Insurrection: A Gendered Perspective QAnon信仰、政治激进化和对1月6日起义的支持:性别视角

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2236230

S. Moskalenko, Tomislav M. Pavlović, Brett A. Burton

引用次数: 1

White Jihad: How White Supremacists Adopt Jihadi Narratives, Aesthetics, and Tactics 《白人圣战:白人至上主义者如何采用圣战叙事、美学和策略》

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2223694

Ariel Koch, Karine Nahon, A. Moghadam

引用次数: 1

Time Is of the Essence: Temporality and Competition as Drivers of Terrorist Credit-Taking 时间至关重要：恐怖分子获取信贷的驱动因素是时间和竞争

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2022.2035364

T. M. Hansen

ABSTRACT Despite widespread focus on the communicative function of terrorism, terrorists frequently forgo claiming responsibility for their attacks. So why don’t terrorists claim their attacks? The scholars who have attempted to answer this question have primarily focused on group- and target-based differences. I propose an alternative theory, emphasizing the importance of temporality. Intuitively, the passing of time following group entry should change the utility of verbal claims of responsibility as an emerging group cannot rely on a previously established reputation. Levels of terrorist competition over time further influence verbal credit-taking-especially when competitors share attack styles-leading to decreased credit-taking over time in terrorist monopolies relative to competitive settings. I explore these dynamics through case-studies of Canada and Ireland during the 1960–1970s. Canada poses a monopoly case, whereas the Irish case experienced extensive intra- and inter-group competition. Coding newspaper articles, I appended the Canadian Incident Database with a measure of verbal credit-taking and juxtaposed it with Domestic Terrorist Victims data. Results show the expected newcomer dynamic, backing a temporal theory, yet neither intra- nor inter-group competition showed any effect despite the most-likely nature of the cases.

尽管人们普遍关注恐怖主义的传播功能，但恐怖分子经常放弃对其袭击负责。那么为什么恐怖分子不承认他们的袭击呢?试图回答这个问题的学者主要集中在群体和目标的差异上。我提出了另一种理论，强调时间性的重要性。直观地说，随着时间的推移，随着群体的加入，口头责任声明的效用应该会改变，因为新兴群体不能依赖于先前建立的声誉。随着时间的推移，恐怖分子的竞争水平进一步影响口头上的信用获取——尤其是当竞争对手分享攻击风格时——导致相对于竞争环境，恐怖分子垄断的信用获取随着时间的推移而减少。我通过20世纪60年代至70年代加拿大和爱尔兰的案例研究来探索这些动态。加拿大是一个垄断案例，而爱尔兰的案例则经历了广泛的集团内部和集团间竞争。对报纸上的文章进行编码后，我在加拿大事件数据库中添加了一种口头信用衡量标准，并将其与国内恐怖主义受害者的数据并列。结果显示了预期的新来者动态，支持了一个时间理论，但无论内部还是内部的竞争都没有显示出任何影响，尽管最可能的情况是这样的。

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Racist and Anti-diversity Attitudes as Predictors of Support for Political Violence among Supporters of Mainstream Political Parties 种族主义和反多样性态度是主流政党支持者支持政治暴力的预测因素

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2021.2010716

M. Vergani, T. Diallo, F. Mansouri, K. Dunn, R. Sharples, Y. Paradies, Amanuel Elias

ABSTRACT Although there are widespread concerns about support for political violence among people affiliated with mainstream political parties, this topic remains largely under-researched. This article examines the relationship between the respondents’ support for political violence and their endorsement of social and political positions that are highly divisive between the left and the right. We collected survey data from a sample of 4,019 respondents from Victoria (Australia). Our analyses distinguished between people affiliated with left-wing parties, right-wing parties, and people with no party affiliation, and found that support for racist and anti-diversity positions is significantly associated with support for political violence across the three groups. Specifically, having negative attitudes to ethnic and religious minorities and having negative attitudes to diversity are significant predictors of support for political violence in the right-wing group. Having negative attitudes to diversity is a predictor of support for political violence in the left-wing group. Having anti-Muslim prejudice is a predictor of support for political violence among people with no party affiliation. Other significant predictors are having anti-democratic views (across the three groups) being male and being young (in the left-wing and right-wing groups) and having experienced discrimination (in the the left-wing group).

摘要尽管人们普遍担心主流政党成员对政治暴力的支持，但这一话题在很大程度上仍处于研究不足的状态。本文考察了受访者对政治暴力的支持与他们对社会和政治立场的支持之间的关系，这些立场在左翼和右翼之间具有高度的分裂性。我们从澳大利亚维多利亚州的4019名受访者中收集了调查数据。我们的分析区分了左翼政党、右翼政党和无党派人士，发现支持种族主义和反多样性立场与支持这三个群体的政治暴力显著相关。具体而言，对少数族裔和宗教群体持负面态度以及对多样性持负面态度是右翼群体支持政治暴力的重要预测因素。对多样性持负面态度是左翼团体支持政治暴力的预测因素。反穆斯林偏见是无党派人士支持政治暴力的预测因素。其他重要的预测因素是（在三个群体中）有反民主观点，即男性和年轻（在左翼和右翼群体中），以及经历过歧视（在左翼群体中）。

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引用次数: 0

Sectarian Identity and Mobilization Amongst the Druze: How Do Sectarian Minorities Respond to Religious Terrorism? 德鲁伊教中的宗派身份和动员：宗派少数群体如何应对宗教恐怖主义？

IF 2.4 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2021.2021892

Hadikusuma Wahab

ABSTRACT Taking its point of departure in the sectarian dynamics in the Middle East, namely the Sunni–Shiʿa schism that is taking the largest share in the current debates, this article studies sectarian identity and religious terrorism against the Druze minority during Syria’s sect-coded civil war. It argues that while religion can act as a mobilizational tool and marker of group solidarity amongst Druze as well as amongst Sunni and Shiʿa, the Druze did not instrumentalize sectarian identity to implement their geopolitical agenda. Rather, for far too long the Druze used sectarian identity as a defense mechanism to unite against violent motifs and actions by the sectarian “other.” The latter, for our purposes, happens to be Sunni jihadist groups such as Daesh (The Islamic State or ISIS) and Jabhat al-Nusra (JAN). Further, Druze is not a tabshiri sect. Put it another way, it is a sectarian minority that prevents conversions. Therefore, for the Druze, sectarian identity had always been a marker of group solidarity only. This article brings to the fore the response of sectarian minorities to religious terrorism following the Arab Uprisings era, and stresses that sectarian mobilization has parallel means but not always similar ends.

摘要本文以中东地区宗派主义动态，即逊尼派-什叶派分裂为出发点，研究叙利亚宗派内战期间针对德鲁兹少数民族的宗派认同和宗教恐怖主义。它认为，虽然宗教可以作为德鲁兹人以及逊尼派和什叶派群体团结的动员工具和标志，但德鲁兹人并没有利用教派身份来实施他们的地缘政治议程。相反，长久以来，德鲁兹派一直将宗派身份作为防御机制，团结起来反对宗派“他者”的暴力主题和行动。就我们而言，后者恰好是逊尼派圣战组织，如伊斯兰国（Daesh）和努斯拉圣战组织（Jabhat al-Nusra）。此外，德鲁兹并不是一个禁忌派。换言之，是宗派少数派阻止了皈依。因此，对于德鲁兹人来说，教派身份一直只是群体团结的标志。这篇文章突出了阿拉伯起义时代后教派少数群体对宗教恐怖主义的反应，并强调教派动员有平行的手段，但并不总是相似的目的。

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引用次数: 0

The Impact of Public Holidays on Insurgent Attacks: The Case of Thailand. 公共假日对叛乱袭击的影响：以泰国为例

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Terrorism and Political Violence

Pub Date : 2023-06-30 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2023.2222810

Chris Chinda, Cigdem Unal, Zoe Marchment, Paul Gill

This paper analyzes Malay-Muslim insurgents' attacks in the three southern provinces of Thailand between the years of 2010-2021 and identifies the role of public holidays on the level of violence. The existing literature suggests terrorists consider holidays during attack planning. However, there is a lack of agreement on the effect direction. Some studies have found that holidays are a force for peace while others have found they can act as trigger for more violence. Applying environmental criminology to the timing of terrorist attacks, we argue that the type of the holiday matters. Therefore, we analyze public (secular), Islamic, and Buddhist holidays separately. We show that Islamic holidays witness increased violence while Buddhist and public holidays see reductions. We discuss that Islamic holidays increase the Malay-Muslim insurgents' motivation to attack by assigning to those dates a higher symbolic value. On the other hand, on Buddhist and public holidays, insurgents may hesitate to attack to avoid the adverse effects of losing public support and triggering a backlash. The results demonstrate the necessity to analyze the temporal dynamics of terrorist attacks.

本文分析了 2010-2021 年间马来穆斯林叛乱分子在泰国南部三府发动的袭击，并指出了公共节假日对暴力程度的影响。现有文献表明，恐怖分子在策划袭击时会考虑节假日。然而，在影响方向上却缺乏一致意见。一些研究发现，节假日是促进和平的力量，而另一些研究则发现，节假日可能成为引发更多暴力的导火索。我们将环境犯罪学应用到恐怖袭击的时机上，认为节日的类型很重要。因此，我们分别分析了公共（世俗）、伊斯兰和佛教节日。我们发现，伊斯兰教节假日的暴力事件会增加，而佛教节假日和公共节假日的暴力事件会减少。我们讨论了伊斯兰教节假日通过赋予这些日期更高的象征意义来提高马来穆斯林叛乱分子的攻击动机。另一方面，在佛教节日和公共节日，叛乱分子可能会犹豫是否发动袭击，以避免失去公众支持和引发反弹的不利影响。研究结果表明，有必要对恐怖袭击的时间动态进行分析。

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