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The Health Security Act: coercion and distrust for the market. 健康保障法:对市场的强制和不信任。
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-25 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/wk8vc
H. Beresford
79 Cornell Law Review 1405 (1994)
《康奈尔法律评论》1994年第1405期
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引用次数: 0
Laws Intentionally Favoring Mainstream Religions: An Unhelpful Comparison to Race 有意偏袒主流宗教的法律:与种族的无益比较
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-19 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/ndv84
G. Simson
79 Cornell Law Review 514 (1994)
《康奈尔法律评论》第514期(1994)
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引用次数: 0
The Role of History in Constitutional Interpretation: A Case Study 历史在宪法解释中的作用:个案研究
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-19 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/ftw68
G. Simson
70 Cornell Law Review 253 (1985)
70康奈尔法律评论253 (1985)
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引用次数: 0
Making state civil procedure 制定国家民事程序
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-03-22 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3147280
Z. Clopton
State courts matter. Not only do state courts handle more than sixty times the number of civil cases as federal courts, but they also represent an important bulwark against the effects of federal procedural retrenchment. Yet state courts and state procedure are notably absent from the scholarly discourse. In order to evaluate state procedure—and in order to understand the states’ relationship to federal procedural retrenchment—this Article presents the first comprehensive study of who makes state civil procedure. This project begins with a systematic review of the formal processes by which states make their rules of procedure. Many of the relevant sources were not publicly accessible, so this project not only collects important data but in so doing also makes state procedure more accessible. Formal rulemaking authority is only part of the story. At the federal level, scholars have focused on the Advisory Committee on Civil Rules: an elite committee of mostly judges and practitioners, selected by the Chief Justice, that plays a primary role in proposing amendments to the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Critics have argued that the advisory commit- tee favors corporate interests, and they have attributed these effects to committee membership. Since the 1960s, there has been a dramatic decline in the share of practitioners on the committee and, simultaneously, an increased homogeneity among its members—i.e., Republican judges and corporate defense attorneys. State advisory committees have gone virtually unstudied. Indeed, in many states, advisory committee membership is not readily accessible. I collected membership information for every state advisory committee, and this Article compares these little-studied state committees to the well-known federal committee. In brief, state committees are notably more diverse. They have far greater representation of practitioners than the federal committee, and those practitioners are more evenly divided between plaintiff- and defense-side lawyers and between individual and corporate lawyers. Partisan effects are less severe among state judge members than at the federal level. State committees have much greater female representation than the federal advisory committee, and at least equal representation of racial and ethnic minorities. But at the same time, many state committees are less accessible to the public than the federal committee is. This Article then makes at least three contributions. First, although these data do not support causal inference, they permit normative engagement with the design of rulemaking institutions. This analysis connects with interdisciplinary re- search on decision-making that suggests that epistemic diversity can produce better and more durable outputs. Second, I argue that civil rulemaking can unite accessibility and diversity. States can be more accessible, and federal rulemaking can be more diverse. Finally, as state procedure becomes more important, this Article
州法院很重要。州法院不仅处理的民事案件数量是联邦法院的60多倍,而且是抵御联邦程序紧缩影响的重要堡垒。然而,州法院和州诉讼程序显然没有出现在学术讨论中。为了评估州程序,并了解各州与联邦程序缩减的关系,本文首次对谁制定州民事程序进行了全面研究。该项目首先对各州制定议事规则的正式程序进行系统审查。许多相关来源都无法公开获取,因此该项目不仅收集了重要数据,而且还使国家程序更容易获取。正式的规则制定权威只是故事的一部分。在联邦层面,学者们关注的是民事规则咨询委员会:这是一个由首席大法官挑选的精英委员会,主要由法官和从业者组成,在提出《联邦民事诉讼规则》修正案方面发挥着主要作用。批评者认为,咨询承诺有利于企业利益,他们将这些影响归因于委员会成员。自20世纪60年代以来,委员会中从业者的比例急剧下降,与此同时,委员会成员(即共和党法官和公司辩护律师)的同质性也在增加。国家咨询委员会几乎没有经过研究。事实上,在许多州,咨询委员会的成员并不容易获得。我收集了每个州咨询委员会的成员信息,本文将这些研究较少的州委员会与著名的联邦委员会进行了比较。简言之,州委员会明显更加多样化。与联邦委员会相比,他们的从业者代表性要大得多,而且这些从业者在原告和辩方律师以及个人和公司律师之间的比例更为平均。州法官中的党派影响没有联邦法官那么严重。州委员会的女性代表人数比联邦咨询委员会多得多,至少少数种族和族裔的代表人数是平等的。但与此同时,许多州委员会比联邦委员会更不容易向公众开放。这篇文章至少做出了三项贡献。首先,尽管这些数据不支持因果推断,但它们允许规范参与规则制定机构的设计。这一分析与跨学科的决策研究相联系,表明认识多样性可以产生更好、更持久的产出。其次,我认为民事规则制定可以将可及性和多样性结合起来。各州可以更容易进入,联邦规则制定可以更多样。最后,随着国家程序变得越来越重要,本条有助于确保相关信息不限于那些有特权访问和使用这些信息的资源的人。
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引用次数: 3
Stricken: the Need for Positive Statutory Law to Prevent Discriminatory Peremptory Strikes of Disabled Jurors. 打击:制定积极成文法防止残疾陪审员歧视性强制罢工的必要性。
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/5hnrf
Jordan Benson
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438 R I. JURY SELECTION AND THE BATSON RIGHT . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441 R II. CREATION AND EXPANSION OF THE BATSON CHALLENGE . 442 R A. Mechanics of the Batson Challenge . . . . . . . . . . . 442 R B. Batson’s Equal Protection Analysis Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445 R III. EXISTING CONSTITUTIONAL LAW IS UNLIKELY TO LEAD TO THE EXTENSION OF BATSON PROTECTIONS TO THE DISABLED. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447 R A. Disability Is Subject Only to Rational Basis Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448 R B. The ADA Does Not Entitle the Disabled to Heightened Scrutiny Protection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450 R C. Statutory Protections of the ADA Do Not Independently Entitle the Disabled to BatsonLike Hearings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452 R D. Recent Appellate Court Decisions Have Upheld the Use of Peremptory Strikes Against Disabled Jurors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452 R IV. COULD THE RATIONAL BASIS TEST PROVIDE PROTECTIONS FOR DISABLED JURORS?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454 R V. POSITIVE STATUTORY LAW IS NEEDED TO PREVENT DISCRIMINATION ON THE BASIS OF DISABILITY IN JURY SELECTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458 R A. Federal Legislation Is Unlikely to Be Successful in Reducing Discriminatory Peremptory Strikes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459 R
简介。438 R.I.陪审团的选择和巴特森权利。441 R II。巴特森挑战赛的创建和扩展。442 R A.巴特森挑战赛的力学。442 R B.Batson的平等保护分析框架。445 R III.现行宪法不太可能将巴特森保护扩大到残疾人。447 R.A.残疾仅接受理性基础审查。448 R.B.《残疾人法案》不赋予残疾人加强审查保护的权利。450 R.C.《美国残疾人法》的法定保护不独立地赋予残疾人类似蝙蝠的听证会的权利。452 R.D.最近上诉法院的裁决搁置了对残疾陪审员使用永久罢工。452 R IV.理性基础测试能为残疾陪审员提供保护吗。454诉积极成文法需要防止陪审团选择中基于残疾的歧视。458 R.A.联邦立法不太可能成功减少歧视性永久罢工。459 R
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引用次数: 1
A First Amendment Right to Corrupt Your Politician 第一修正案赋予你腐化政客的权利
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/x98u2
E. Temchenko
Are you dealing with state or federal agencies, to no avail? Do you need someone on top to advocate for you? You may have a right to buy your Governor’s help. It is wellestablished that the Constitution protects the right of political association, which includes contributions to candidates in return for ingra-tiation and access. Nonetheless, courts and scholars have generally limited this right to contributions to campaigns for public office. After McDonnell v. United States, that may change. Reading the McDonnell opinion in light of McCutch-eon, this Note and other commentators conclude that the Su-preme Court may have inadvertently created a First Amendment right to buy a politician’s influence, favor, and advocacy even outside the campaign finance setting. Undoubtedly, to the general public this must appear as nothing other than a First Amendment right to bribery. Yet this right has already been articulated in courts and has the support of at least one U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals judge. These findings suggest that Congress may no longer be able to criminalize certain types of corruption. Some courts have begun to reverse convictions and invalidate parts of existing anti-corruption statutes. While the impact of the First Amendment right remains unclear, the dismantling of the United States’ anti-corruption framework may already have begun. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466 R I. MCDONNELL V. UNITED STATES: SUPREME COURT DEFINES THE BRIBERY STATUTE’S “OFFICIAL ACT” REQUIREMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 470 R
你是在和州或联邦机构打交道,却毫无用处吗?你需要有人在上面为你辩护吗?你也许有权收买总督的帮助。众所周知,《宪法》保护政治结社的权利,其中包括向候选人提供捐款,以换取讨好和进入。尽管如此,法院和学者通常将这项权利限制在为公职竞选捐款的范围内。在麦克唐纳诉美国案之后,这种情况可能会改变。根据McCutch-eon的观点来解读McDonnell的意见,本刊和其他评论员得出结论,最高法院可能无意中创造了第一修正案赋予的权利,即在竞选财务环境之外购买政治家的影响力、支持和宣传。毫无疑问,对公众来说,这无非是第一修正案赋予的贿赂权。然而,这项权利已经在法庭上得到了明确表述,并得到了至少一名美国巡回上诉法院法官的支持。这些发现表明,国会可能不再能够将某些类型的腐败定为刑事犯罪。一些法院已经开始推翻定罪,并使现有反腐败法规的部分内容无效。虽然第一修正案权利的影响尚不清楚,但美国反腐败框架的瓦解可能已经开始。介绍 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .466 r i . McDonnell诉美国:最高法院定义贿赂法的“官方行为”要求. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .470 R
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引用次数: 3
Stricken: the Need for Positive Statutory Law to Prevent Discriminatory Peremptory Strikes of Disabled Jurors. 打击:制定积极成文法防止残疾陪审员歧视性强制罢工的必要性。
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01
Jordan Benson
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引用次数: 0
Order Without Intellectual Property Law: Open Science in Influenza. 没有知识产权法的秩序:流感中的开放科学。
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-11-06 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/6ep4x
A. Kapczynski
Today, intellectual property (IP) scholars accept that IP as an approach to information production has serious limits. But what lies beyond IP? A new literature on "intellectual production without IP" (or "IP without IP") has emerged to explore this question, but its examples and explanations have yet to convince skeptics. This Article reorients this new literature via a study of a hard case: a global influenza virus-sharing network that has for decades produced critically important information goods, at significant expense, and in a loose-knit group--all without recourse to IP. I analyze the Network as an example of "open science," a mode of information production that differs strikingly from conventional IP, and yet that successfully produces important scientific goods in response to social need. The theory and example developed here refute the most powerful criticisms of the emerging "IP without IP" literature, and provide a stronger foundation for this important new field. Even where capital costs are high, creation without IP can be reasonably effective in social terms, if it can link sources of funding to reputational and evaluative feedback loops like those that characterize open science. It can also be sustained over time, even by loose-knit groups and where the stakes are high, because organizations and other forms of law can help to stabilize cooperation. I also show that contract law is well suited to modes of information production that rely upon a "supply side" rather than "demand side" model. In its most important instances, "order without IP" is not order without governance, nor order without law. Recognizing this can help us better ground this new field, and better study and support forms of knowledge production that deserve our attention, and that sometimes sustain our very lives.
今天,知识产权(IP)学者承认,知识产权作为一种信息生产方式有着严重的局限性。但IP之外还有什么?一篇关于“没有知识产权的智力生产”(或“无知识产权的知识产权”)的新文献已经出现来探讨这个问题,但它的例子和解释还没有说服怀疑论者。这篇文章通过对一个棘手案例的研究,重新定位了这一新文献:几十年来,一个全球流感病毒共享网络以巨大的成本,在一个松散的群体中生产了至关重要的信息产品——所有这些都不依赖知识产权。我将网络分析为“开放科学”的一个例子,这是一种与传统知识产权截然不同的信息生产模式,但它成功地生产出了满足社会需求的重要科学产品。这里发展的理论和例子驳斥了对新兴的“无IP的IP”文学最有力的批评,并为这一重要的新领域提供了更坚实的基础。即使在资本成本很高的地方,如果能够将资金来源与声誉和评估反馈回路(如开放科学的特征)联系起来,那么无知识产权的创造在社会方面也可以相当有效。它也可以随着时间的推移而持续,即使是由松散的团体和风险很高的地方,因为组织和其他形式的法律可以帮助稳定合作。我还表明,合同法非常适合依赖“供给侧”而非“需求侧”模式的信息生产模式。在最重要的情况下,“没有知识产权的秩序”不是没有治理的秩序,也不是没有法律的秩序。认识到这一点可以帮助我们更好地开拓这一新领域,更好地研究和支持值得我们关注的知识生产形式,这些形式有时会维持我们的生活。
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引用次数: 26
Democratic Enforcement: Accountability and Independence for the Litigation State 民主执法:诉讼国家的问责制和独立性
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-09-24 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/scq2t
M. Lemos
A vast literature in law and political theory focuses on questions of accountability and independence in democratic government. Commentators tend to celebrate accountability in the legislative and regulatory arenas, and independence in the context of adjudication. Yet they largely ignore the government function that lies at the intersection of law-making and law-application: enforcement. The gap in theory is reflected in our current laws and institutional structures. When an agency proposes a new regulation, we have rules in place to promote political accountability, public participation, and neutral expertise in the regulatory process. When the same agency adopts a new approach to enforcing the relevant statutes and regulations, however, we lack equivalent mechanisms for legitimating government action. This Article seeks to fill that gap. Focusing on the civil side of the civil/criminal divide, I develop a theory of enforcement that makes sense of its place in our system of government. Enforcement, I explain, connects law-making and adjudication both in terms of how it operates—bringing cases to adjudicators so that generally applicable laws may be interpreted and applied to particular individuals and firms—and in terms of the features it shares with those more familiar modes of governance. Enforcement is a form of discretionary policymaking, necessitating the same sorts of policy judgments that characterize law-making, and triggering similar demands for accountability, transparency, and public engagement. But enforcers also must make individualized, retroactive, legal determinations of the sort we associate with judging, making the strongest forms of popular control seem inapt.
法律和政治理论方面的大量文献关注民主政府的问责制和独立性问题。评论人士倾向于在立法和监管领域赞扬问责制,以及在裁决方面的独立性。然而,他们在很大程度上忽视了政府在立法和法律应用之间的职能:执法。理论上的差距体现在我国现行法律和体制结构上。当一个机构提出一项新法规时,我们有相应的规则来促进监管过程中的政治问责制、公众参与和中立的专业知识。然而,当同一机构采用一种新的方法来执行相关法规和规章时,我们缺乏使政府行为合法化的等效机制。本文试图填补这一空白。专注于民事/刑事分歧的民事方面,我发展了一种执法理论,使其在我们的政府体系中的地位有意义。我解释说,执法将立法和裁决联系在一起,一方面是执法的运作方式——将案件提交审查员,以便对普遍适用的法律进行解释,并将其应用于特定的个人和公司——另一方面是执法与那些更熟悉的治理模式所共有的特征。执法是自由裁量决策的一种形式,需要与立法相同的政策判断,并引发对问责制、透明度和公众参与的类似要求。但执法者也必须做出个性化的、溯及既往的法律决定,就像我们与审判联系在一起的那样,使最强有力的大众控制形式显得不恰当。
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引用次数: 4
Coordinating Compliance Incentives 协调合规激励措施
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-09-24 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/ktj7x
Veronica S. Root
In today’s regulatory environment, a corporation engaged in wrongdoing can be sure of one thing: regulators will point to an ineffective compliance program as a key cause of institutional misconduct. The explosion in the importance of compliance is unsurprising given the emphasis that governmental actors — from the Department of Justice, to the Securities and Exchange Commission, to even the Commerce Department — place on the need for institutions to adopt “effective compliance programs.” The governmental actors that demand effective compliance programs, however, have narrow scopes of authority. DOJ Fraud handles violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, while the SEC adjudicates claims of misconduct under the securities laws, and the Federal Trade Commission deals with concerns regarding anticompetitive behavior. This segmentation of enforcement authority has created an information and coordination problem amongst regulators, resulting in an enforcement regime where institutional misconduct is adjudicated in a piecemeal fashion. Enforcement actions focus on compliance with a particular set of laws instead of on whether the corporate wrongdoing is a result of a systematic compliance failure that requires a comprehensive, firm-wide, compliance overhaul. As a result, the government’s goal of incentivizing companies to implement “effective ethics and compliance programs” appears at odds with its current enforcement approach.Yet governmental actors currently have the tools necessary to provide strong inducements for corporations to, when needed, engage in restructuring of their compliance programs. This Article argues that efforts to improve corporate compliance would benefit from regulatory mechanisms that (i) recognize when an institution is engaged in recidivist behavior across diverse regulatory areas and(ii) aggressively sanction institutions that are repeat offenders. If governmental actors adopt a new enforcement strategy aimed at “Coordinating Compliance Incentives,” they can more easily detect when an institution is suffering from a systemic compliance failure, which may deter firms from engaging in recidivist behavior. If corporations are held responsible for being repeat offenders across diverse regulatory areas, it may encourage them to implement more robust reforms to their compliance programs and, ultimately, lead to improved ethical conduct and more effective compliance programs within public companies.
在当今的监管环境中,从事不法行为的公司可以肯定一件事:监管机构将指出,无效的合规计划是机构不当行为的关键原因。鉴于政府行为者——从司法部到证券交易委员会,甚至到商务部——都强调机构需要采用“有效的合规计划”,合规重要性的激增并不令人惊讶。然而,要求有效遵守计划的政府行为者的权力范围很窄。美国司法部负责处理违反《反海外腐败法》(Foreign Corrupt Practices Act)的行为,美国证券交易委员会(SEC)负责根据证券法对不当行为的指控进行裁决,美国联邦贸易委员会(Federal Trade Commission)负责处理有关反竞争行为的担忧。这种执法权力的分割造成了监管机构之间的信息和协调问题,导致执法制度以零敲碎打的方式裁决机构不当行为。执法行动关注的是对某一套特定法律的遵守情况,而不是公司的不法行为是否是系统性合规失败的结果,这需要对整个公司进行全面的合规检查。因此,政府激励公司实施“有效的道德和合规计划”的目标似乎与目前的执法方法不一致。然而,政府行为者目前拥有必要的工具,可以在必要时为企业提供强有力的激励,以参与其合规计划的重组。本文认为,提高企业合规性的努力将受益于以下监管机制:(i)识别一个机构在不同监管领域的累犯行为,以及(ii)积极制裁惯犯机构。如果政府行为体采用旨在“协调合规激励”的新执行策略,他们可以更容易地发现一个机构何时遭受系统性合规失败,这可能会阻止公司从事累犯行为。如果企业对在不同监管领域屡教不改的行为负责,可能会鼓励它们对合规计划实施更有力的改革,最终在上市公司内部改善道德行为,制定更有效的合规计划。
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引用次数: 6
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Cornell Law Review
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