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Controlling academics: Power and resistance in the archipelago of post-COVID-19 audit regimes 控制学者:后covid -19审计制度群岛中的权力与阻力
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-04 DOI: 10.1177/14634996211010508
John Welsh
Government response to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic promises to entrench austerity politics deeper into the organization of academic life, and audit regimes are the likely means of achieving this. Redoubled efforts to understand the operation of audit as a strategic technology of control are therefore clearly a priority. A distinctly anthropological literature has emerged over recent years to analyse and understand audit culture in academia, but what seems to be missing are analyses capable of bringing the disparate techniques experienced in academic audit together into coherent technologies, and identifying how these technologies thereby constitute a distinct audit regime within the broader audit culture. While the anthropological literature implicitly calls for further historical and conceptual exploration of the rationality to these techniques, what is required is the translation of our understanding of audit rationality into a presentation of the concrete techniques of control as they are experienced, so that more effective counter-conducts and resistances can be conceived. This article indicates how an excursion into the Soviet Gulag, and the political technology of the ‘camp’ that is its principal apparatus, can reveal not merely how the techniques of audit operate, but also indicate how those techniques might be engaged tactically in the academic setting. This kind of analogic analysis can allow us to understand audit in ways more promising for resistance to its idiomatic power, replacing demoralized and helpless resignation with inspirational exempla. Politically, the article argues that ‘techniques of the self’ are not only necessary to engage audit techniques through particular kinds of counter-conduct, but how these counter-conducts are contributory to the organized and concerted kind of resistance that we so desperately desire. The practice of tukhta is singled out and introduced as an illustrative means for combining survival strategies with the development of critical rationality in praxis.
政府对正在进行的COVID-19大流行的应对措施承诺将紧缩政治更深地融入学术生活的组织中,而审计制度可能是实现这一目标的手段。因此,加倍努力将审计业务理解为一种战略控制技术显然是一项优先事项。近年来出现了一种独特的人类学文献来分析和理解学术界的审计文化,但似乎缺少能够将学术审计中经验到的不同技术整合为连贯技术的分析,并确定这些技术如何因此在更广泛的审计文化中构成独特的审计制度。虽然人类学文献含蓄地要求对这些技术的合理性进行进一步的历史和概念探索,但需要的是将我们对审计合理性的理解转化为具体控制技术的呈现,因为它们是经验丰富的,因此可以设想更有效的反行为和抵抗。本文指出,对苏联古拉格的考察,以及作为其主要机构的“集中营”的政治技术,不仅可以揭示审计技术是如何运作的,还可以表明这些技术是如何在学术环境中策略性地使用的。这种类比分析可以让我们以一种更有希望的方式来理解审计,以一种鼓舞人心的例子来取代士气低落和无助的辞职。在政治上,文章认为“自我的技术”不仅是通过特定类型的反行为来使用审计技术所必需的,而且这些反行为如何有助于我们如此迫切渴望的有组织和协调的抵抗。图赫塔的实践被挑选出来并被介绍,作为一种将生存策略与实践中批判理性的发展相结合的说明性手段。
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引用次数: 8
Governing the future through scenaristic and simulative modalities of imagination 通过场景化和模拟化的想象方式管理未来
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.1177/14634996211014116
Limor Samimian-Darash
In this article, I examine several expressions of imaginative practices to unpack the umbrella term scenario. Drawing on my long-term fieldwork on Israel’s annual Turning Point exercises, I examine actual uses of scenarios and distinguish between two different logics of imaginative practices and the modalities in which the future is governed by them, which I refer to as the scenaristic and the simulative. As I demonstrate, these two modalities can be distinguished from each other in terms of their approaches to future uncertainty, their temporalities and the role of imagination within their enactment. To further conceptually develop the logics of imagination, I draw on Deleuze’s and Bergson’s discussions of the concept of fabulation, and I suggest that scenarios and simulations represent two different logics of future-governing that are based on practices of imagination.
在这篇文章中,我研究了几种富有想象力的实践表达,以解开总括术语场景。根据我对以色列年度转折点演习的长期实地调查,我研究了场景的实际使用,并区分了想象实践的两种不同逻辑以及未来由它们支配的模式,我称之为场景和模拟。正如我所展示的,这两种模式可以从它们对未来不确定性的处理方法、它们的时间性以及想象力在其实施中的作用等方面加以区分。为了进一步从概念上发展想象力的逻辑,我借鉴了德勒兹和柏格森对虚构概念的讨论,并提出场景和模拟代表了基于想象力实践的两种不同的未来治理逻辑。
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引用次数: 5
Between shame and a shared world: Toward a democratized theory of heterodoxical awareness 在羞耻和共享的世界之间:走向异教意识的民主化理论
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/14634996211010511
J. DeVore
This article develops a democratized account of heterodoxy that draws attention to how heterodoxical discourses may implicitly arise through social interaction. The analysis is based on one rural Brazilian woman’s claim that it tastes better to eat beans and rice by using one’s fingers. Formerly common in Brazil prior to the 20th century—across identities, regions, and classes—the practice of “eating by hand” was gradually erased from public life, and reconstituted as a mark of non-whiteness, through what Norbert Elias described as a “civilizing process.” The woman’s claim registers as a heterodoxical response to hierarchized and racialized notions of taste arising from this process of historical erasure. The analysis draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s practice theory to situate the woman’s claim within a wider field of taste, while engaging with Hannah Arendt’s suggestion that aesthetic judgments may implicitly disclose shared and more equal worlds. Whereas Bourdieu’s famous account of heterodoxy focuses on leaders, experts, and spokespersons of the dominated skilled in the “work of making explicit,” the contribution draws on scholarship in analytic philosophy to argue that critical historical awareness may emerge in what philosophers of language and linguistic anthropologists call pragmatic presuppositions. The heterodoxical pragmatic presuppositions implicit in the woman’s claim conjure a notion of semiotic equality, which is disclosed as a defeasible presupposition of the ethnographic situation in which she makes her claim.
这篇文章发展了一种对异端的民主化解释,引起了人们对异端话语如何通过社会互动隐含地产生的关注。这项分析是基于一位巴西农村妇女的说法,她说用手指吃豆子和米饭味道更好。在20世纪之前,“用手吃饭”在巴西很常见——跨越身份、地区和阶级——这种做法逐渐从公共生活中消失,并通过诺伯特·埃利亚斯(Norbert Elias)所说的“文明过程”,重新成为非白人的标志。这个女人的主张是对这种历史抹去过程中产生的等级化和种族化的品味观念的一种异端反应。该分析借鉴了皮埃尔·布迪厄的实践理论,将女性的主张置于更广阔的品味领域,同时结合了汉娜·阿伦特的建议,即审美判断可能隐含地揭示了共享的、更平等的世界。尽管布迪厄关于异端的著名论述关注的是精通“明确工作”的被支配者的领导者、专家和发言人,但他的贡献借鉴了分析哲学的学术研究,认为批判性的历史意识可能出现在语言哲学家和语言人类学家所谓的实用预设中。在这个女人的主张中隐含的异教的实用主义前提唤起了一种符号学平等的概念,这被揭示为她提出主张的民族志情境的一个可推翻的前提。
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引用次数: 0
The ghosts of progress: Contradictory materialities of the capitalist Golden Age 进步的幽灵:资本主义黄金时代的矛盾物质
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-16 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620980292
Éric Pineault
This theoretical contribution will examine the process of displacement of the constitutive contradictions of advanced capitalist societies from interior to exterior during the postwar era known as the ‘capitalist Golden Age’ (1945 to 1980). I ask the following question: what if this displacement is both an inherent and necessary process? In that case, the apparent stability or expansion gained in the core during this era was not only at the expense of externalized instability and destruction ‘elsewhere’; rather, this displacement was a precondition for growth in the centre. This has normative, political and methodological implications for current projects of socio-ecological transformation based on a proverbial Green New Deal. By examining theories of unequal ecological exchange and biophysically expanded versions of the labour process as developed by ecological anthropologists such as Hornborg or ecological economists such as Georgescu-Roegen, I will explore the possibility of understanding the material trajectory of advanced capitalism as a zero-sum game. This leads to a view of capitalist development in the 20th century where the accumulation process is no longer seen as progressive. To substantiate this argument, I will re-examine the energy flow patterns that sustained the growth of American capitalism during the Fordist period of accumulation, or so-called Golden Age of American capitalism. This revision of the American experience of growth from 1945 to 1980 can be considered a contribution to the wider study of the development of the dependence of capitalism on fossil fuels, or ‘fossil capital’.
这一理论贡献将考察在被称为“资本主义黄金时代”的战后时期(1945年至1980年),先进资本主义社会的构成矛盾从内部转移到外部的过程。我问以下问题:如果这种位移既是一个固有的又是必要的过程,该怎么办?在这种情况下,在这个时代,核心获得的明显稳定或扩张不仅以牺牲“其他地方”的外部不稳定和破坏为代价;相反,这种流离失所是该中心增长的先决条件。这对当前基于众所周知的绿色新政的社会生态转型项目具有规范、政治和方法论意义。通过研究Hornborg等生态人类学家或Georgescu Roegen等生态经济学家提出的不平等生态交换理论和劳动过程的生物物理扩展版本,我将探索将先进资本主义的物质轨迹理解为零和游戏的可能性。这导致了20世纪资本主义发展的观点,在这种观点中,积累过程不再被视为进步。为了证实这一论点,我将重新审视在福特主义积累时期,即所谓的美国资本主义黄金时代,支撑美国资本主义发展的能量流动模式。对1945年至1980年美国经济增长经验的修订可以被认为是对资本主义对化石燃料或“化石资本”依赖发展的更广泛研究的贡献。
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引用次数: 3
Political discontent and labour in a post-growth region: A view from East Germany 后增长地区的政治不满与劳工:来自东德的观点
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620982784
S. Schmalz, Ingo Singe, Anne Hasenohr
The article traces the political economy and labour relations in East Thuringia, a ‘post-growth region’ in East Germany with a structurally weak periphery and a declining populace. We argue that the regional decline results from a process of peripheralization which has led to economic stagnation and a shrinking population, and also has fostered political discontent. By drawing on a regional survey, an intensive case study at a manufacturing site and qualitative interviews with policy makers, managers, works council members and employees, we analyse how peripheralization has impacted labour relations and politics in a shrinking region. We discuss our findings by referring to current political sociology debates on the rise of right-wing populism and the scientific discussion on post-growth, as well as recent approaches of critical geography and development sociology. We show how feelings of injustice such as anger about low wages and the democratic void at work interlink with pessimistic assessments concerning the region’s future and feelings of deprivation. We conclude that the economic model based on labour-intensive exports in the internal periphery of East German capitalism is eroding and is contributing to a crisis of hegemony and political instability.
这篇文章追溯了东图林根州的政治经济和劳资关系,这是东德的一个“后增长地区”,周边地区结构薄弱,人口不断下降。我们认为,区域衰退是外围化进程的结果,外围化进程导致了经济停滞和人口萎缩,也助长了政治不满。通过利用一项区域调查、一个制造厂的深入案例研究以及对政策制定者、经理、工作委员会成员和员工的定性采访,我们分析了边缘化如何影响缩小地区的劳动关系和政治。我们通过参考当前关于右翼民粹主义兴起的政治社会学辩论和关于后增长的科学讨论,以及批判地理学和发展社会学的最新方法来讨论我们的发现。我们展示了对低工资的愤怒和工作中的民主空白等不公正感与对该地区未来的悲观评估和匮乏感之间的联系。我们得出的结论是,东德资本主义内部边缘以劳动密集型出口为基础的经济模式正在侵蚀,并导致霸权危机和政治不稳定。
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引用次数: 4
Neoliberalism’s prologue: Keynesianism, myths of class compromises and the restoration of class power 新自由主义的序言:凯恩斯主义、阶级妥协的神话和阶级权力的恢复
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/1463499621989130
George Baca
Many anthropologists interpret neoliberalism as a radical break from and dangerous rupture in post-war societies that featured Keynesian economic policies and welfare provision. The allure of a mythic welfare state has boosted John Maynard Keynes’s popularity to many who embrace certain facets of socialism. Many critical social scientists have embraced Keynesianism in ways that overlook how the US used Keynesian policies to reengineer and redeploy state power. Keynes’s liberal synthesis inspired managers in the US Treasury Department to understand depression-era problems of unemployment and poverty in ways that were consonant with the expansion of corporate power. For understanding Keynesianism, as it actually existed during the Cold War, we must analyse how the US Treasury and State Departments used Keynesian principles to rebuild the social reproductive capacities necessary for capitalist accumulation both domestically and in Western Europe. I focus on how the architects of post-war capitalism used full employment policies, labour laws and welfare provision to renovate the nexus of political practices and institutional structures in ways that formed a benevolent and caring image of ‘the state’ and the myth of a class compromise. Through these reforms, governmental planners and administrators used the ‘state idea’ to reorganize capital accumulation as if the post-war economy would represent ordinary people’s best interests. In the process, these sophisticated practices of power became reified as the ‘welfare state’ and the ‘Keynesian compromise’ in ways that endow these institutions and policies with a character divorced from practices of power. The post-war state embodied a dialectic of repression and reform that combined criminalizing dissent with full employment policies and welfare provision. Taking these aspects of power into account, we can see post-war Keynesianism in ways that inspire a robust and far-reaching criticism of the contemporary predicament of economic uncertainty, political instability and environmental degradation.
许多人类学家将新自由主义解释为对战后社会的激进突破和危险破裂,这些社会以凯恩斯主义的经济政策和福利规定为特征。一个神话般的福利国家的诱惑使约翰•梅纳德•凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)在许多拥护社会主义某些方面的人心中大受欢迎。许多具有批判性的社会科学家在接受凯恩斯主义时,忽视了美国是如何利用凯恩斯主义政策来重新设计和部署国家权力的。凯恩斯的自由主义综合理论启发了美国财政部的管理人员,以与企业权力扩张相一致的方式来理解大萧条时期的失业和贫困问题。为了理解凯恩斯主义,因为它在冷战期间确实存在,我们必须分析美国财政部和国务院是如何利用凯恩斯主义原则重建国内和西欧资本主义积累所必需的社会再生产能力的。我关注的是战后资本主义的缔造者们如何利用充分就业政策、劳动法和福利规定,以一种形成“国家”的仁慈和关怀形象以及阶级妥协神话的方式,重塑政治实践和制度结构之间的联系。通过这些改革,政府计划者和管理者利用“国家理念”来重组资本积累,仿佛战后经济将代表普通人的最大利益。在这个过程中,这些复杂的权力实践被具体化为“福利国家”和“凯恩斯主义妥协”,赋予这些机构和政策与权力实践分离的特征。战后国家体现了镇压和改革的辩证关系,将异议定为犯罪与充分就业政策和福利提供相结合。考虑到权力的这些方面,我们可以看到战后凯恩斯主义激发了对当代经济不确定性、政治不稳定和环境恶化困境的强烈而深远的批评。
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引用次数: 1
Eating ourselves out of industrial excess? Degrowth, multi-species conviviality and the micro-politics of cultured meat 把我们自己从过剩的工业中吃掉?去生长、多物种欢宴与养殖肉的微观政治
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620981544
Lars Gertenbach, Jörn Lamla, Stefan Laser
To address the relationship between the crises of capitalist growth and democratic politics, this paper discusses the notions of degrowth and conviviality. Both concepts are often interpreted as making similar proposals in response to questions of environmental transformation. However, they bear on different strands of critique. While degrowth criticizes the momentum of capitalist accumulation, conviviality originates in the search for alternatives to the instrumental use of technologies in industrial societies. Although these two rationalities predominantly go hand in hand in the development of modern societies, they are sometimes in conflict and different strategies are required to deal with their consequences. Therefore, the differences between degrowth and conviviality should not be obscured. Instead of using the concepts in an ethical or moral fashion as normative claims directed at some diffuse agency of states, companies and the people, the paper argues for a thorough examination of issues and propositions to overcome the environmental crisis from the perspective of materialist science and technology studies. Since one key factor here is the level of global production and consumption of meat, this paper turns toward a controversial attempt to break new ground in meat production: the vision of artificially producing meat in the laboratory. Lab-grown, cultured meat provides a powerful case study for exploring political and democratic challenges of post-growth societies, all the more so as questions of animal welfare and interspecies conviviality are addressed as well. By taking a closer look at the role of animals in proposed solutions for degrowth and conviviality in meat production and consumption, the complementarity of such claims can be questioned, and a light can be shed on the inherent political implications of such technological innovations.
为了解决资本主义增长危机与民主政治之间的关系,本文讨论了衰退和欢乐的概念。这两个概念通常被解释为针对环境转型问题提出了类似的建议。然而,他们有不同的批评。虽然衰退批评了资本主义积累的势头,但欢乐源于在工业社会中寻找技术工具使用的替代品。尽管这两种理性在现代社会的发展中主要是相辅相成的,但它们有时会发生冲突,需要采取不同的策略来应对其后果。因此,不应混淆退化和欢乐之间的区别。本文主张从唯物主义科学技术研究的角度,彻底审视克服环境危机的问题和主张,而不是以伦理或道德的方式将这些概念作为针对国家、公司和人民的某种分散机构的规范性主张。由于其中一个关键因素是全球肉类生产和消费水平,本文转向了一个有争议的尝试,即在实验室人工生产肉类。实验室培育的养殖肉类为探索后成长社会的政治和民主挑战提供了强有力的案例研究,随着动物福利和种间欢乐问题的解决,情况更是如此。通过仔细研究动物在肉类生产和消费中的退化和欢乐的拟议解决方案中的作用,可以质疑这些说法的互补性,并揭示这些技术创新的内在政治含义。
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引用次数: 6
Post-growth, post-democracy, post-Memoranda: What can the ‘post-growth’ debate learn from Greece and vice versa? 后增长、后民主、后备忘录:“后增长”辩论能从希腊学到什么,反之亦然?
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620982121
Maria Markantonatou
The crisis in Greece in the last decade has led to a wide economic transition, raising the question of whether Greece can be understood as a kind of a ‘post-growth’ society. The article has two aims. First, it examines how the Greek crisis has been discussed within the post-growth debate and focuses on three views: Greece as a post-growth anti-paradigm, Greece as an opportunity for democratic post-growth and austerity in Greece as a path for anti-Keynesian degrowth. Second, the article examines how ideas and projects with a post-growth orientation have influenced specific social initiatives born out of the crisis period in Greece. Some of these initiatives are reviewed (self-organized social and economic collectives, grassroots initiatives for solidarity, solidarity economy actions, etc.). As further discussed in the article, these initiatives were part of a broader ‘countermovement’ (Polanyi), and they faded together with other forms of labour and social protest, in accordance with events at the central political scene, and especially SYRIZA’s adoption of Memoranda politics. It is observed that in the post-Memoranda era in Greece, although past strategies of social reproduction are either unavailable (the pre-crisis finance-led growth model) or no longer equally effective (the familistic social model) and fiscal discipline remains, the search for other alternatives, including social initiatives with a post-growth orientation, did not actually extend as was expected, due to some new growth opportunities, e.g. in the field of tourism. It is finally concluded that, although they constituted an important part of the Greek countermovement, born as responses to the crisis, these social initiatives did not manage to consolidate more permanent structures of social action that could successfully challenge the neoliberal agenda.
希腊过去十年的危机导致了广泛的经济转型,这引发了一个问题,即希腊是否可以被理解为一种“后增长”社会。这篇文章有两个目的。首先,它考察了在后增长辩论中如何讨论希腊危机,并重点关注三种观点:希腊是后增长的反范式,希腊是民主后增长的机会,希腊的紧缩是反凯恩斯主义衰退的途径。其次,文章考察了后增长导向的想法和项目如何影响希腊危机时期产生的具体社会倡议。回顾了其中一些倡议(自组织的社会和经济集体、基层团结倡议、团结经济行动等)。正如文章中进一步讨论的那样,这些倡议是更广泛的“反运动”(波兰尼)的一部分,它们与其他形式的劳工和社会抗议一起消失,根据中央政治舞台上的事件,特别是SYRIZA通过的备忘录政治。据观察,在希腊的后备忘录时代,尽管过去的社会再生产战略要么不可用(危机前金融主导的增长模式),要么不再同样有效(家庭社会模式),财政纪律依然存在,但寻找其他替代方案,包括以后增长为导向的社会举措,实际上并没有像预期的那样扩大,由于一些新的增长机会,例如在旅游领域。最后得出的结论是,尽管这些社会倡议构成了希腊反运动的重要组成部分,是为了应对危机而产生的,但它们并没有设法巩固能够成功挑战新自由主义议程的更永久的社会行动结构。
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引用次数: 1
From democracy at others’ expense to externalization at democracy’s expense: Property-based personhood and citizenship struggles in organized and flexible capitalism 从以牺牲他人为代价的民主到以牺牲民主为代价的外化:有组织和灵活资本主义中基于财产的人格和公民权斗争
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-20 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620977995
Dennis Eversberg
This contribution investigates the anthropological foundations of European democracies’ continuous entanglement with economic and military expansionism and a hierarchical separation between public and private spheres, both of which have enabled the appropriation of nature and others’ labour as property on which citizens’ abstract personhood could be founded. Drawing on an argument made by David Graeber, it is suggested that modern European history can be interpreted as a process of the ‘generalization of avoidance’, in which such abstract, property-based forms of personhood, which were initially what defined the superior party in relations of hierarchy, came to be a model for the figures of market participant and citizen within the spheres of formal equal exchange of economy and politics. From this perspective, and building on an account of different stages of capitalist history as ‘subjectivation regimes’, the article then analyses the transition from the ‘exclusive democracy’ of post-war organized capitalism in Western Europe, in which citizens’ entitlement, through the collective guarantees of ‘social property’ (Castel), increasingly allowed individualized competitive practices of status attainment and gave rise to individualist movements for extended citizenship, to current-day flexible capitalism. This regime, seizing on those calls and instrumentalizing the desires for competitive status consumption, has effected a broad restructuring of the social as a unified field of competition in which new hierarchies and inequalities materialize in global chains of appropriation, causing a ‘dividual’ fragmentation of property-based personhood and generating calls for responsible citizenship as an inherent counter-movement. In conclusion, it is suggested that anthropologists have much to contribute to investigating the possibility of democratic, post-capitalist ‘anthropologies of degrowth’.
这篇文章调查了欧洲民主国家与经济和军事扩张主义的持续纠缠以及公共和私人领域之间的等级分离的人类学基础,这两者都使自然和他人的劳动成为公民抽象人格的财产。根据David Graeber的一个论点,有人认为现代欧洲历史可以被解释为一个“回避泛化”的过程,在这个过程中,这种抽象的、基于财产的人格形式,最初是等级关系中上级的定义,成为经济和政治正式平等交换领域内市场参与者和公民形象的典范。从这个角度出发,并在对资本主义历史的不同阶段作为“主观主义政权”的描述的基础上,文章分析了西欧战后有组织资本主义从“排他性民主”的转变,在这种转变中,公民的权利通过“社会财产”(Castel)的集体保障,越来越多地允许获得地位的个性化竞争实践,并引发了扩大公民身份的个人主义运动,以及当今的灵活资本主义。这个政权抓住了这些呼吁,并将竞争地位消费的欲望工具化,实现了社会的广泛重组,将其作为一个统一的竞争领域,在这个领域中,新的等级制度和不平等现象在全球挪用链中出现,造成基于财产的人格的“个人”分裂,并引发对负责任公民身份的呼吁,作为一种固有的反运动。总之,有人认为,人类学家对研究民主、后资本主义的“退化人类学”的可能性有很大贡献。
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引用次数: 6
Democracy in post-growth societies: A zero-sum game? 后增长社会的民主:零和游戏?
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-07 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620977984
Tilman Reitz, Peter Schulz, Mariana Schütt, B. Seyd
Talk of crisis is no longer the prerogative of drama-seeking intellectuals. It is increasingly difficult to overlook the many current incidents of economic, ecological and political malfunction and breakdown that call for structural explanations.In the economic dimension, two multifaceted crises frame the last decade. While there has been scant recovery after the global financial breakdown of 2008, the economic rupture caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the measures taken to contain it are the next blow for the global economy, with as yet unclear outcomes. Politically, liberal democracies have been unsettled by the sharp rise of far-right parties, movements and governments, with severe effects in some countries. As this Special Issue goes to print, there is widespread uncertainty about the US presidential elections. With legitimacy already being called into question and voting rights disputed in many local contexts, it is uncertain whether the incumbent will accept defeat if he loses or whether democratic procedures will remain intact in the case of a narrow result. At the same time, strained ecological conditions are making themselves felt in all parts of the world, from melting polar icecaps through to flooding and massive wildfires returning autumn upon autumn with increased force.
谈论危机不再是追求戏剧性的知识分子的特权。人们越来越难以忽视当前许多需要结构性解释的经济、生态和政治失灵和崩溃事件。在经济方面,过去十年发生了两次多方面的危机。尽管2008年全球金融崩溃后复苏乏力,但新冠肺炎疫情造成的经济破裂以及为遏制疫情而采取的措施是对全球经济的下一个打击,其结果尚不清楚。在政治上,自由民主国家对极右翼政党、运动和政府的急剧崛起感到不安,在一些国家产生了严重影响。随着这期特刊的出版,美国总统选举存在着广泛的不确定性。由于合法性已经受到质疑,许多地方的投票权也存在争议,如果现任总统输了,他是否会接受失败,或者在微弱的结果下,民主程序是否会保持不变,都是不确定的。与此同时,从极地冰盖融化到洪水和大规模野火,世界各地都感受到了紧张的生态条件。
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引用次数: 2
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Anthropological Theory
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