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The reshaping of political representation in post-growth capitalism: A paradigmatic analysis of green and right-wing populist parties 后增长资本主义政治代表性的重塑:对绿色和右翼民粹主义政党的范式分析
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620977992
Tilman Reitz, Dirk Jörke
This article aims to provide an analysis of the reconfiguration of political orientations in the face of weakening economic growth. We address a widely observed new polarization in the party systems of Western democracies, with radically universalist and ecological orientations, often represented by green parties, versus industrialist and authoritarian values, mainly represented by right-wing populism. In our effort to explain this constellation, we offer an alternative to accounts that merely focus on an underlying change of class structures or that, conversely, declare socio-economic factors obsolete in their relevance for voting behaviour. While the one side focuses on the ‘losers of modernization’ or deindustrialization, the other side emphasizes a cultural conflict between new cosmopolitan values and a defence of male, white, heterosexual, non-migrant privileges. In contrast to such accounts, we analyse how the general trend towards decelerated economic growth provoked new orientations on the (liberal) left and on the (populist) right. In a first step, we provide an overview of diagnoses of ‘secular stagnation’ and of the rise of radically universalist and right-wing parties in Western Europe, focusing in particular on the last decade and looking to the US by way of comparison. We then focus on the attitudes which the political actors in question entertain towards economic growth and offer an interpretation of their ‘cultural’ motives as struggles over economic distribution. The third and last step presents a Gramscian extension of socio-economic analysis beyond the study of voter groups and their attitudes. Here, we take into account the interests of the ruling classes along with the quest for legitimacy and projected changes in the regime of accumulation—if indeed the term accumulation is still adequate in a post-growth context.
本文旨在分析在经济增长疲软的情况下政治取向的重新配置。我们解决了西方民主国家政党体系中广泛观察到的新两极分化问题,它们具有激进的普遍主义和生态取向,通常以绿党为代表,而实业家和威权主义价值观,主要以右翼民粹主义为代表。在我们努力解释这一星座的过程中,我们提供了一种替代方案,而不是仅仅关注阶级结构的根本变化,或者相反,宣布社会经济因素与投票行为的相关性过时。一方关注的是“现代化或去工业化的失败者”,另一方则强调新的世界主义价值观与捍卫男性、白人、异性恋者和非移民特权之间的文化冲突。与这些说法相反,我们分析了经济增长放缓的总体趋势如何引发(自由主义)左翼和(民粹主义)右翼的新取向。第一步,我们概述了西欧“长期停滞”和激进普遍主义和右翼政党崛起的诊断,特别关注过去十年,并通过比较的方式展望美国。然后,我们将重点放在有关政治行为者对经济增长的态度上,并将他们的“文化”动机解释为经济分配的斗争。第三步也是最后一步提出了社会经济分析在选民群体及其态度研究之外的葛兰西扩展。在这里,我们考虑了统治阶级的利益,以及对合法性的追求和积累制度的预期变化——如果在后增长的背景下,积累这个词确实足够的话。
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引用次数: 4
Missing the political: A southern critique of political ontology 缺失政治:南方对政治本体论的批判
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-08 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620974797
Mónica L. Espinosa Arango
Against the backdrop of a world in crisis that plays as the stage of the ontological turn and political ontology, and based on long-term research on Colombia’s Andean southwest indigenous politics, this article critically assesses political ontologýs claims to the powers of difference. Following Wolin, Mouffe, and Laval and Dardot, it presents a notion of the political that takes into account the passionate, educational and transformative aspects of indigenous political praxis and engagements with commonality. The analysis of Eduardo Viveiros de Castro’s ontological multinaturalism, Mario Blaser’s critique of modernity and Reason, and Arturo Escobar’s ontological political practice points at three interconnected problems: the persistent appeal to binary thinking; the making of relativism anew; and the problem regarding the dialogue and knowledge exchange between the ethnographer and the ethnographic subject. Recapturing the political is a way to engage complex and entangled political histories and experiences of democratization in which indigenous peoples emerge as bearers of the political. The feminist concept of situated knowledges is presented as an alternative to deal with knowledge partiality, self-reflexivity, political solidarity, and collaboration.
本文以危机中的世界为本体论转向和政治本体论的舞台为背景,基于对哥伦比亚安第斯西南土著政治的长期研究,批判性地评估政治ontologýs对差异力量的主张。继Wolin, Mouffe, Laval和Dardot之后,它提出了一种考虑到土著政治实践和与共性接触的激情,教育和变革方面的政治概念。通过对爱德华多·维维罗斯·德·卡斯特罗的本体论多自然主义、马里奥·布拉泽对现代性和理性的批判以及阿图罗·埃斯科瓦尔的本体论政治实践的分析,我们可以发现三个相互关联的问题:对二元思维的持续诉求;相对主义的重新形成;以及民族志学者与民族志主体之间的对话与知识交流问题。重新获得政治是一种参与复杂和纠缠的政治历史和民主化经验的方式,其中土著人民成为政治的承担者。情境知识的女权主义概念是作为处理知识偏袒、自我反思、政治团结和合作的替代方案提出的。
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引用次数: 4
Time and the other in crisis: How anthropology makes its displaced object 危机中的时间与他者:人类学如何塑造其流离失所的对象
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499619840464
Georgina Ramsay
Displacement is typically approached in anthropology as an exceptional experience that is associated with refugees and forced migration. Recent representations of a migration ‘crisis’ have reinforced the exceptionality attached to displacement. Drawing on research conducted with people in both refugee and non-refugee contexts, in this article I put forward a more expansive theorisation of displacement as a sense of temporal dispossession. Additionally, I describe how, by characterising refugees and other migrants as people who occupy a temporality that is distinguished by their migration status, anthropology denies coevalness with and between migrants and non-migrants and thereby reinforces the very logics of otherness that we might otherwise seek to critique. Recognising the shared temporal rhythms of displacement, and how these manifest broadly as the effects of global capitalism and neoliberal restructurings, is one way through which anthropologists can strengthen our analyses and critiques of bordering structures. We must firmly situate refugees and migrants within these shared rhythms of displacement, rather than exceptionalise them through the lens of ‘crisis’.
在人类学中,流离失所通常被视为一种与难民和被迫迁移有关的特殊经历。最近关于移民“危机”的表述强化了流离失所的特殊性。根据对难民和非难民背景下的人们进行的研究,在本文中,我提出了一个更广泛的理论,将流离失所作为一种暂时的剥夺感。此外,我还描述了,通过将难民和其他移民描述为占用了一段时间的人,这段时间是由他们的移民身份来区分的,人类学否认了与移民和非移民之间的同一性,从而加强了我们可能寻求批评的他者性的逻辑。认识到流离失所的共同时间节奏,以及这些如何广泛地表现为全球资本主义和新自由主义重构的影响,是人类学家加强我们对边界结构的分析和批评的一种方式。我们必须坚定地将难民和移民置于流离失所的共同节奏中,而不是通过“危机”的镜头将他们排除在外。
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引用次数: 63
The other side of freedom: On the sociality of ethics 自由的另一面:论伦理的社会性
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499619890762
K. Miller, S. Lukes
The social character of ethics is best revealed by exploring the complex dynamics linking individuals’ freedom to moral requirements. In this article, we consider James Laidlaw’s influential proposal that an anthropology of ethics makes freedom central to what is distinctively ethical in human life, but we argue that it unduly restricts the proposed scope of anthropology. This account of freedom is both overly cognitive, focusing on reflection, viewed as involving distance, decision, reasoning and doubt, and too individualistic, downplaying the importance of freedom’s normative background and excluding from consideration many documented forms of ethical experience. We propose instead an alternative, more open-ended conceptualization of freedom, distinguishing a concept of freedom that differs from its widely varying conceptions, and drawing on ethnographic material from the Hunza Valley in Northern Pakistan and elsewhere to illustrate multiple ways in which the constitution of selves and normative constraints impinge on one another.
通过探索将个人自由与道德要求联系起来的复杂动态,可以最好地揭示伦理的社会特征。在这篇文章中,我们考虑了詹姆斯·莱德洛(James Laidlaw)有影响力的建议,即伦理人类学使自由成为人类生活中独特伦理的核心,但我们认为这不适当地限制了人类学的拟议范围。这种对自由的描述既过于认知,侧重于反思,被视为涉及距离、决策、推理和怀疑,又过于个人主义,淡化了自由规范背景的重要性,并将许多有记录的道德体验形式排除在外。相反,我们提出了一种替代的、更开放的自由概念化,区分了一个不同于其广泛变化的概念的自由概念,并借鉴了巴基斯坦北部亨扎山谷和其他地方的民族志材料,以说明自我构成和规范约束相互影响的多种方式。
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引用次数: 6
‘PC worlds’: Ethno-nationalist identitarian theories of anti-political correctness “个人电脑世界”:反政治正确的民族主义认同理论
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620958206
Anne-Christine Trémon
Over the past two decades, politicians and intellectuals have lent support to rising anti-immigrant sentiments, ethno-nationalist integralism and far-right populism by coining expressions such as ‘cultural exclusion’ and claiming to be speaking in the name of the ‘people’, often under cover of anti-political correctness. In this article I identify a series of recurrent features of such ethno-nationalist identitarian theories. The book I am critiquing, PC Worlds: Political Correctness and Rising Elites at the End of Hegemony (2019) by Jonathan Friedman, is a clear example of these trends. The scholar who had previously critiqued racialized politics and the reification of cultures now offers a book in favour of anti-immigrant ethno-nationalism and radical cultural othering. The article shows how this is the result of contradictions related to the evolution in his own thinking and situates these contradictions in regard to different theories of the nation-state. It also demonstrates how Friedman has proceeded to hollow out his own previous model, by making a distorted and normative use of it, and points out a number of weaknesses, particularly regarding the notions of ‘elites’ and ‘hegemony’. Finally, it questions the very project of conducting a study of political correctness.
在过去的二十年里,政治家和知识分子通过创造诸如“文化排斥”之类的表达,并声称以“人民”的名义说话,通常在反政治正确的掩护下,为日益高涨的反移民情绪、种族民族主义整合主义和极右翼民粹主义提供了支持。在这篇文章中,我指出了这种种族民族主义认同理论的一系列反复出现的特征。我正在评论的这本书,乔纳森·弗里德曼的《PC世界:霸权终结时的政治正确和崛起的精英》(2019),就是这些趋势的一个明显例子。这位先前批评种族化政治和文化物化的学者现在出版了一本支持反移民的种族民族主义和激进的文化他者的书。本文揭示了这是与他自己的思想演变相关的矛盾的结果,并将这些矛盾置于不同的民族国家理论中。它还展示了弗里德曼如何通过扭曲和规范地使用他之前的模型来空心化他自己的模型,并指出了一些弱点,特别是关于“精英”和“霸权”的概念。最后,它质疑进行政治正确研究的项目本身。
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引用次数: 2
Realizing the existence of blind spots in the ‘West’: A systems-theoretical perspective 认识“西方”盲点的存在:一个系统理论的视角
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499619859107
Kenichi Tani, Kosuke Sakai
The aim of this paper is to define transcendental relativization, by using the binary in some anthropological works, and to give a description of it along with Niklas Luhmann’s sociology. We examine how the binary [the West/non-West] has been used in some anthropological works and how it has contributed not only to understanding ‘them’ as a research object but also to realizing ‘our’ conceptual limitations. This paper is an attempt to deal with political or power-relational asymmetry and scientific observational asymmetry in anthropological works. Luhmann’s sociology, which is based on the functional analysis and theory of social systems, shows that the binary approach in anthropology can be seen as a semantic form of science system, which realizes the existence of blind spots in anthropological observation, and is a possible strategy for anthropological investigations.
本文的目的是利用一些人类学著作中的二元概念来界定先验相对化,并结合卢曼的社会学理论对其进行描述。我们研究了二元(西方/非西方)在一些人类学著作中是如何使用的,以及它如何不仅有助于理解“他们”作为研究对象,而且有助于实现“我们”的概念局限性。本文试图处理人类学著作中政治或权力关系的不对称和科学观察的不对称。以功能分析和社会系统理论为基础的鲁曼社会学表明,人类学的二元方法可以被看作是科学系统的一种语义形式,它实现了人类学观察中盲点的存在,是人类学研究的一种可能策略。
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引用次数: 1
The returns of life: ‘Making’ kinship in life and death 生命的回归:在生与死中“制造”亲缘关系
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499619894427
Arpan Roy
This article revisits Marshall Sahlins’s theory of kinship as a ‘mutuality of being’, in which two possible kinship orders are proposed: those that are ‘inherited’ at birth, and others that are ‘made’ in life. Sahlins’s theory is not exactly a reformulation of the classical consanguinity/affinity divide in kinship theory, but instead allows a place for consanguineous ‘blood’ kinship in the first of the two orders alongside a myriad of affinal situations. What then does it mean to ‘make’ kinship in life? Taking kinship and community as related problematics in anthropology and philosophy, respectively, I suggest in this article that the conditions for ‘making’ kinship in life can be established by borrowing from Jean-Luc Nancy’s philosophy of community, in which community is the sharing of being. But being, as Nancy points out, is finite, meaning that it is curtailed by the experience of death. Joining the two discursive paradigms of Sahlins and Nancy, my argument is that if kinship can be ‘made’ in life, and life is delineated by finitude, then it is life and death (here conceptualised as biological forces) that act as frontiers for both inheriting and ‘making’ kinship.
本文回顾了马歇尔·萨林斯(Marshall Sahlins)将亲属关系视为“存在的相互性”的理论,其中提出了两种可能的亲属关系顺序:出生时“继承”的亲属关系顺序,以及生活中“制造”的亲属关系顺序。萨林斯的理论并不完全是对亲属理论中经典的血缘/亲缘划分的重新表述,而是在两个顺序中的第一个顺序中允许有血缘的“血缘”亲属关系,以及无数的最终情况。那么,在生活中“制造”亲属关系意味着什么呢?本文将亲缘关系和共同体分别作为人类学和哲学的相关问题,借鉴南希的共同体哲学,认为共同体是存在的共享,提出了在生活中“制造”亲缘关系的条件。但正如南希指出的那样,存在是有限的,这意味着它会被死亡的经历所削弱。结合萨林斯和南希的两种话语范式,我的论点是,如果亲属关系可以在生活中“制造”,而生命是由有限性描绘的,那么生与死(在这里被概念化为生物力量)就充当了继承和“制造”亲属关系的边界。
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberalism at work: Corporate reforms, subjectivity, and post-Toyotist affect in Japan 新自由主义在起作用:日本的企业改革、主体性和后裙带关系影响
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1463499618807294
Nana Okura Gagné
This article analyzes how the Japanese state and corporations promoted neoliberal restructuring and how employees responded to and reflected upon such changes. I show how neoliberal reforms have aimed to produce greater flexibility for corporations and promote a specific mode of control—“self-management”—among employees. However, rather than rationalizing and legitimizing risk and becoming self-regulating “enterprising selves,” many employees displayed a reflexive and reactive subjectivity that eschewed such neoliberal values. The reaction of many individuals to reforms in Japan can best be understood as “silent resistance” through a combination of discrete competition, turning inward, and stronger desires for stability and security. Economic restructuring thus produced a new kind of “alienation” characterized by narrowing corporate welfare and the breakdown of corporate community. At the same time, employees’ critical reflections reveal a post-Toyotist affect marked by retrenched desires for security and control under the changing national and global economy. Rather than a new, unprecedented subjectivation, the Japanese case of risk-aversive reflexive reaction reveals how existing cultural complexes produce different forms of subjectivity in response to reforms. Further, this nuances our understandings of how the kinds of subjectivities that emerge via the diverse processes of neoliberalization are always contingent upon the multiscalar historical and cultural contexts of work, responsibility, and risk.
本文分析了日本国家和企业是如何推动新自由主义结构调整的,以及日本员工是如何回应和反思这些变化的。我展示了新自由主义改革如何旨在为企业创造更大的灵活性,并在员工中推广一种特定的控制模式——“自我管理”。然而,许多员工并没有将风险合理化和合法化,也没有成为自我调节的“进取自我”,而是表现出一种回避这种新自由主义价值观的反身性和反应性主体性。许多个人对日本改革的反应可以被最好地理解为“无声的抵抗”,它结合了离散的竞争、内向和对稳定和安全的更强烈的渴望。因此,经济结构调整产生了一种新的“异化”,其特征是企业福利的缩小和企业共同体的瓦解。与此同时,员工的批判性反思揭示了一种后丰田主义的影响,其特征是在不断变化的国家和全球经济下,对安全和控制的渴望有所减弱。而不是一个新的,前所未有的主体化,日本的风险厌恶反射反应的案例揭示了现有的文化复合体如何产生不同形式的主体性,以应对改革。此外,这细微差别了我们对新自由主义化的不同过程中出现的各种主体性的理解,这些主体性总是取决于工作、责任和风险的多重历史和文化背景。
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引用次数: 5
Machines as manifestations of global systems: Steps toward a sociometabolic ontology of technology 作为全球系统表现形式的机器:迈向技术社会代谢本体论的步骤
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620959247
Alf Hornborg
Anthropologists have generally found it reasonable to understand the Industrial Revolution in Britain as a product of global historical processes including colonialism and the structure of world trade. The extent to which the industrialization of British textile production was contingent on global processes has been illuminated in detail by historians such as Joseph Inikori. Andre Gunder Frank proposed that we should reconceptualize technological development as a ‘world economic process, which took place in and because of the structure of the world economy’. Yet the theoretical implications of understanding industrial technological systems as global and unevenly distributed phenomena have, by and large, not contaminated mainstream conceptions of technologies as politically neutral and fundamentally innocent manifestations of enlightenment, detachable from the societal contexts in which they have emerged. Social theory nevertheless offers perspectives for a radical rethinking of this conventional ontology of modern technology. If the premises of actor–network theory, material culture studies, Marxism and poststructuralist critiques of power and inequalities are combined with the perspectives of ecological economics on global social metabolism, the fossil-fuelled textile factories of 19th-century Britain can be reinterpreted as social instruments for appropriating embodied human labour and natural space from elsewhere in the global system. A renewed ‘anthropology of technology’ might focus on the observation that technology is not simply a matter of putting nature to work, but a strategy of putting other sectors of global society to work. 1
人类学家普遍认为,将英国的工业革命理解为包括殖民主义和世界贸易结构在内的全球历史进程的产物是合理的。Joseph Inikori等历史学家详细阐述了英国纺织品生产的工业化在多大程度上取决于全球进程。安德烈·冈德·弗兰克提出,我们应该将技术发展重新定义为“世界经济过程,它发生在世界经济结构中,并因为世界经济结构而发生”。然而,将工业技术系统理解为全球性和分布不均的现象的理论含义,总的来说,并没有污染主流概念,即技术是政治中立的、从根本上无害的启蒙表现,与它们出现的社会背景是可分离的。然而,社会理论为彻底反思现代技术的传统本体论提供了视角。如果将行动者网络理论、物质文化研究、马克思主义和后结构主义对权力和不平等的批判的前提与生态经济学对全球社会新陈代谢的观点相结合,19世纪英国以化石燃料为燃料的纺织厂可以被重新解释为从全球体系的其他地方挪用具体的人类劳动和自然空间的社会工具。一个新的“技术人类学”可能会关注这样一个观察,即技术不仅仅是一个让自然发挥作用的问题,而是一个让全球社会其他部门发挥作用的战略。1.
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引用次数: 3
Domestic violence policies in the Netherlands: A regime of deficiency 荷兰的家庭暴力政策:缺陷制度
IF 1.7 2区 社会学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-10-08 DOI: 10.1177/1463499620958857
Arne Mellaard, T. Meijl
In a number of countries, domestic violence is represented as a governable phenomenon that is amenable to policy interventions. Over the past 40 years in the Netherlands, however, this approach has not resulted in a reduction of domestic violence. Yet new policy strategies continue to be designed to improve existing interventions. In this article, we focus on a Dutch policy measure that aims to detect early signals of violence and abuse. We argue that this strategy, by approaching domestic violence as a technical problem, fails to take into account structural and symbolic violence. As a consequence, the impact of domestic violence policies on women, particularly poor women, and especially women with a migration background, is to intensify their difficulties. Moreover, these policies deploy a technology that shapes the subjectivity of professionals engaged in protection practices, while maintaining the status quo of inequality and violence against women. The connection between these two flaws of domestic violence policies leads us to claim that the current approach is constituted as a regime of deficiency.
在一些国家,家庭暴力被视为一种可治理的现象,可以接受政策干预。然而,在荷兰过去的40年里,这种做法并没有减少家庭暴力。然而,仍在制定新的政策战略,以改进现有的干预措施。在这篇文章中,我们重点关注荷兰的一项政策措施,该措施旨在发现暴力和虐待的早期信号。我们认为,这一战略将家庭暴力视为一个技术问题,没有考虑到结构性和象征性暴力。因此,家庭暴力政策对妇女,特别是贫困妇女,尤其是有移民背景的妇女的影响,加剧了她们的困难。此外,这些政策采用了一种技术,塑造了从事保护实践的专业人员的主体性,同时维持了不平等和暴力侵害妇女的现状。家庭暴力政策的这两个缺陷之间的联系使我们声称,目前的做法是一种缺陷制度。
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引用次数: 2
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