Contemporary Politics最新文献

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Armed forces and airwaves: media control and military coups in autocracies 武装部队和电波:独裁国家的媒体控制和军事政变

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-02-05 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2023.2173874

Tanja Eschenauer-Engler

ABSTRACT Media play a key role in military coups. Yet, there is little research on information environments and coups. Therefore, this article asks whether the extent of media control affects coup attempts and coup success in dictatorships. It argues that autocracies with extensive media control offer an opaque decision environment for plotters, thus decreasing the likelihood of coup attempts. On the outcome stage, extensive media control is expected to lower the prospects of success as conspirators struggle to control public information. Additionally, coups are disaggregated, arguing that the effect of media control varies between regime change and leader reshuffling coups. The arguments are tested by employing regression analyses. As expected, strong media control renders coup attempts and success less likely. While I do not find robust evidence for a varying effect of media control on different types of coup attempts, its influence on coup success is driven by regime change coups.

摘要媒体在军事政变中扮演着重要角色。然而，关于信息环境和政变的研究却很少。因此，本文询问媒体控制的程度是否会影响独裁政权的政变企图和政变成功。它认为，拥有广泛媒体控制的独裁政权为策划者提供了一个不透明的决策环境，从而降低了政变企图的可能性。在结果阶段，由于阴谋者难以控制公共信息，广泛的媒体控制预计会降低成功的前景。此外，对政变进行了分类，认为媒体控制的效果因政权更迭和领导人改组政变而异。通过回归分析来检验这些论点。不出所料，强大的媒体控制使政变企图和成功的可能性降低。虽然我没有找到有力的证据表明媒体控制对不同类型的政变企图有不同的影响，但它对政变成功的影响是由政权更迭政变驱动的。

引用次数: 0

Iran’s soft power in the Middle East via the promotion of the Persian language 通过波斯语的推广，伊朗在中东的软实力

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2023.2169305

Ali Akbar

ABSTRACT This article explores the language-related instruments Tehran uses to pursue its soft power goals in the Middle East. The article first defines soft power and the role of language in its promotion, and then summarises Iran’s overall Persian-language strategies across the region. The main part of the article uses a rich array of primary source material in Persian to focus specifically on Tehran’s efforts to use the Persian language as a soft power resource in Lebanon, Iraq and Syria. The article demonstrates that over the last decade, Iran has increasingly engaged in strategies to enhance its soft power reach in these countries through the development of Persian language programmes. It argues that Iran at times uses the promotion of the Persian language to further other soft power goals, such as the development of its key foreign policy platforms and the spread of Shiism based on the context.

摘要本文探讨了德黑兰为实现其在中东的软实力目标而使用的语言工具。文章首先定义了软实力和语言在其推广中的作用，然后总结了伊朗在该地区的总体波斯语战略。文章的主要部分使用了丰富的波斯语原始资料，特别关注德黑兰在黎巴嫩、伊拉克和叙利亚使用波斯语作为软实力资源的努力。这篇文章表明，在过去十年中，伊朗越来越多地采取战略，通过发展波斯语项目来提高其在这些国家的软实力。它认为，伊朗有时会利用推广波斯语来推进其他软实力目标，例如发展其关键的外交政策平台和在此背景下传播什叶派。

引用次数: 0

BRICS countries’ annual intergovernmental declaration: why does it matter for world politics? 金砖国家年度政府间宣言：为什么这对世界政治很重要？

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-17 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2023.2167340

Adeelah Kodabux

ABSTRACT At their yearly summit, the bloc of the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS) countries issues an annual intergovernmental declaration. While these declarations are scrutinised for challenges they allegedly represent for global affairs, how they self-construct a positive representation about their global purpose is little studied. Notably, there is insufficient examination of the political deliberations behind the statements among the five different countries. By conducting a thematic content analysis based on coding content of the first ten intergovernmental declarations from 2009 to 2018, it is found that BRICS countries speak positively of their cooperative role to solve world problems without mentioning any internal disagreement. In parallel, they present Western institutions negatively in their communication strategy. An absence of deliberations does not imply an apolitical discourse. On the contrary, it can be a deliberate political communication strategy especially among the five different countries aiming to showcase alignment about their purpose in world politics.

摘要在一年一度的金砖国家峰会上，金砖国家集团发布了年度政府间宣言。尽管这些宣言被仔细审查，以确定它们对全球事务所代表的挑战，但它们如何自我构建对其全球目标的积极代表却很少被研究。值得注意的是，对五个不同国家的声明背后的政治审议情况审查不足。通过对2009年至2018年前十次政府间宣言的编码内容进行主题内容分析，发现金砖国家积极评价其在解决世界问题方面的合作作用，而没有提及任何内部分歧。与此同时，他们在沟通策略中对西方机构提出了负面看法。不进行审议并不意味着进行非政治性的讨论。相反，这可能是一种深思熟虑的政治沟通策略，尤其是在五个不同的国家之间，旨在展示他们在世界政治中的一致性。

引用次数: 0

COVID-19 and ‘the public’: U.K. government, discourse and the British Political Tradition 2019冠状病毒病与“公众”:英国政府、话语和英国政治传统

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-11 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2162206

Alan Finlayson, L. Jarvis, M. Lister

ABSTRACT This article presents an original analysis of the U.K. government’s discursive response to COVID-19 across the first six months of the pandemic. Two arguments are made. First, representations of the state/people relationship were vital to the state’s storying and selling of its response to this crisis. And, second, despite populist-style inflections, the state/people relationship was typically constructed around a ‘government knows best’ claim associated with the ‘British Political Tradition’ (BPT). In making these arguments the article offers three contributions: (i) empirical, via an original thematic analysis of over 120 speeches, statements and documents from the U.K. government; (ii) analytical, via a new taxonomy of ways in which ‘the public’ is imagined and represented in political discourse; and (iii) theoretical, via conceptualisation of the flexible and adaptive discourse of the BPT.

摘要本文对英国政府在疫情前六个月对新冠肺炎的应对措施进行了原创分析。提出了两个论点。首先，国家/人民关系的表述对国家应对这场危机的故事讲述和宣传至关重要。其次，尽管有民粹主义风格的变化，但国家/人民关系通常是围绕着与“英国政治传统”（BPT）相关的“政府最了解”主张构建的。在提出这些论点时，本文提供了三个贡献：（i）通过对英国政府120多篇演讲、声明和文件的原始主题分析进行实证研究；（ii）通过对政治话语中“公众”的想象和表现方式的新分类进行分析；以及（iii）理论，通过对BPT的灵活和适应性话语的概念化。

引用次数: 2

Packaging OECD policy advice: universal policy models and domestication of recommendations 打包经合组织政策建议：普遍政策模式和建议的本土化

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-07 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2163547

Marjaana Rautalin, Jukka Syväterä, Eetu Vento

ABSTRACT The dynamics between international organisations’ activity of scriptwriting universalised models and theorising the local effects of such models has been a little studied aspect of world society research. In this paper, we seek to bridge this gap in the existing research. We examine one prominent IO, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and its flagship reports, and how the policy proposals promoted therein have changed from the 1960s to the 2010s. Our analysis reveals that from the 1990s onwards the themes addressed proliferate and the language becomes more abstract, while references to other countries’ policies also increase. In parallel, the actual policy proposals aimed at the countries evaluated expand and become more detailed, containing explicit links to national contexts and conditions. We suggest that these changes in the issuing of policy recommendations reflect strategic decisions by the OECD to facilitate the domestication of its reform ideas.

摘要在世界社会研究中，国际组织编写普遍化模型的活动与将这些模型的局部效应理论化之间的动态关系很少被研究。在本文中，我们试图弥合现有研究中的这一差距。我们研究了一个著名的IO，经济合作与发展组织（OECD）及其旗舰报告，以及其中提出的政策建议从20世纪60年代到2010年代的变化。我们的分析表明，从20世纪90年代开始，所涉及的主题激增，语言变得更加抽象，同时提及其他国家的政策也有所增加。与此同时，针对被评估国家的实际政策提案不断扩大，变得更加详细，包含了与国家背景和条件的明确联系。我们认为，政策建议发布方面的这些变化反映了经合组织为促进其改革理念的本土化而做出的战略决定。

引用次数: 0

Role of cognitive control in resolving two types of conflict during spoken word production. 认知控制在解决口语产生过程中的两种冲突中的作用。

IF 2.3 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/23273798.2023.2202917

Mara Steinberg Lowe, Adam Buchwald

A theoretically- and clinically-important issue for understanding word retrieval is how speakers resolve conflict during linguistic tasks. This study investigated two types of conflict resolution: prepotent conflict, when one dominant incorrect response must be suppressed; and underdetermined conflict, when multiple reasonable responses compete. The congruency sequence effect paradigm was used to assess trial-to-trial changes in reaction time and accuracy during word production tasks with either prepotent or underdetermined conflict. Pictures were named faster on trials with low-conflict as compared to high-conflict regardless of conflict type. This effect was modulated by the amount of conflict experienced on the previous trial for both tasks. These results suggest that resolution of underdetermined and prepotent conflict may engage the same general cognitive mechanism. This work expands our understanding of the relationship between cognitive control and word production and can inform clinical approaches for people with anomia.

理解单词检索的一个理论和临床上重要的问题是说话者如何在语言任务中解决冲突。本研究调查了两种冲突解决方式：前置冲突，即必须抑制一种主要的错误反应；以及当多个合理的反应相互竞争时的不确定冲突。一致序列效应范式用于评估在具有前置或欠定冲突的单词产生任务中，反应时间和准确性的逐试变化。无论冲突类型如何，与高冲突相比，低冲突审判中的图片命名速度更快。这一影响受到前一次试验中两项任务所经历的冲突量的调节。这些结果表明，解决不确定冲突和前置冲突可能涉及相同的一般认知机制。这项工作扩展了我们对认知控制和单词产生之间关系的理解，并可以为失范者的临床方法提供信息。

引用次数: 0

From democracy to hybrid regime. Democratic backsliding and populism in Hungary and Tunisia 从民主政体到混合政体。匈牙利和突尼斯的民主倒退和民粹主义

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2162210

D. Huber, Barbara Pisciotta

ABSTRACT Democratic backsliding has become a global reality which in the past decade has curiously occurred together with populism and the polarisation of societies. How do these phenomena interact? Through a comparative study of two iconic cases of democratisation and democratic backsliding from different world regions, Hungary and Tunisia, we find that polarisation – typically instrumentalized by populists along the socio-cultural axis – harms social trust, setting a context in which societies accept democratic backsliding. Based on a most-different-systems design, our findings confirm the causal link between populism and democratic backsliding and represent a starting point for further analysis focused on the effects of the socio-cultural dimension on institutional change.

民主倒退已成为一个全球现实，在过去十年中，与民粹主义和社会两极分化一起奇怪地发生了。这些现象是如何相互作用的?通过对匈牙利和突尼斯这两个来自世界不同地区的民主化和民主倒退的标志性案例的比较研究，我们发现两极分化——通常是由社会文化轴线上的民粹主义者利用的——损害了社会信任，为社会接受民主倒退设定了一个背景。基于最不同的系统设计，我们的研究结果证实了民粹主义与民主倒退之间的因果关系，并为进一步分析社会文化维度对制度变革的影响提供了起点。

引用次数: 4

Middle power and power asymmetry: how South Korea’s free trade agreement strategy with ASEAN changed under the New Southern Policy 中等实力与权力不对称:新南方政策下韩国与东盟自由贸易协定战略的变化

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2146288

S. Lee

ABSTRACT The political economy literature extensively discusses how great powers use asymmetric power relations as a tool in trade negotiations, yet discussion regarding how asymmetric power relations can account for the variety of power asymmetry dynamics in international relations, especially in the cases of middle power countries such as South Korea, is scarce. This paper examines how South Korea’s free trade agreement (FTA) strategies with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were enabled under the Moon Jae-in administration’s New Southern Policy (NSP) by analyzing the sources of South Korea’s power asymmetry with ASEAN. Understanding power asymmetry as an evolving process, this paper takes the constructivist approach to middle power to demonstrate how South Korea’s development of a middle power identity shaped the country’s negotiation leverage in trade negotiations. This enabled South Korea to secure in-depth FTAs with ASEAN at the bilateral level under the NSP, despite ASEAN members’ initial reluctance.

政治经济学文献广泛讨论大国如何将不对称权力关系作为贸易谈判的工具，但关于不对称权力关系如何解释国际关系中各种权力不对称动态的讨论，特别是在韩国等中等大国的情况下，却很少。本文通过分析韩国与东盟的权力不对称的根源，探讨了文在寅政府的新南方政策下，韩国与东盟的自由贸易协定(FTA)战略是如何实现的。本文将权力不对称理解为一个演进的过程，采用建构主义的中等大国研究方法，论证了韩国中等大国身份的发展如何塑造了该国在贸易谈判中的谈判杠杆。这使得韩国能够在NSP下与东盟达成深入的双边自由贸易协定，尽管东盟成员国最初不愿意。

引用次数: 1

Understanding the dual glass ceiling of selecting and electing women candidates: evidence from Latin American mayoral elections 了解选择和选举女性候选人的双重玻璃天花板:来自拉丁美洲市长选举的证据

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2143638

K. Kouba, Tomáš Došek

ABSTRACT Women politicians face two distinct glass ceilings – when becoming candidates and when turning these candidacies into elected offices. While existing research posits important explanatory accounts of both these processes, both stages are often studied separately when the determinants of women’s descriptive representation are analyzed. This generates possible inferential issues, because one stage conditions the other and individual variables might pull in opposing directions in both stages. Drawing on a novel data set of mayoral elections in almost 10,000 municipalities across 15 Latin American countries, we build on existing research to identify the distinct components of glass ceilings at both stages, propose a methodological solution to this problem, illustrate how certain variables have different effects in each stage, and draw implications for theory building in the research on women’s descriptive representation.

女性政治家面临着两个截然不同的玻璃天花板——当她们成为候选人时，以及当她们成为民选官员时。虽然现有的研究对这两个过程都作出了重要的解释，但在分析妇女描述性代表性的决定因素时，往往将这两个阶段分开研究。这就产生了可能的推理问题，因为一个阶段制约着另一个阶段，而在两个阶段中，单个变量可能会朝着相反的方向发展。利用15个拉丁美洲国家近10,000个城市市长选举的新数据集，我们在现有研究的基础上，确定了玻璃天花板在两个阶段的不同组成部分，提出了解决这个问题的方法，说明了某些变量在每个阶段的不同影响，并为女性描述性代表性研究的理论构建提供了启示。

引用次数: 1

When migrants become ‘the people’: unpacking homeland populism 当移民成为“人民”：打开本土民粹主义的包装

IF 2 3区社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE

Contemporary Politics

Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2022.2140791

Mari-Liis Jakobson, Sebastián Umpierrez de Reguero, I. Yener-Roderburg

ABSTRACT The emerging debate on transnational populism has thus far mainly focused on cases, which have remained relatively inconsequential due to the weak institutionalisation of the political transnationalism arena. By bringing in a better-structured arena of migrant transnationalism, this paper introduces populist political parties mobilising transnational migrants to the debate and explores the resulting phenomenon of homeland populism. The paper investigates three populist parties that operate transnationally – Ecuadorian APAIS in Spain, Turkish AKP in Germany and Estonian EKRE in Finland. The analysis demonstrates that the phenomenon of homeland populism shares several distinct features despite the ideological, geographic, cultural and migratory differences between the three cases. The cases also sport differences: while the construction of ‘the people’ depends on migratory context, the construction of ‘the antagonist’ is more related to the ideational variations of populism. The study also suggests that the key target group of homeland populism are economic migrants.

到目前为止，关于跨国民粹主义的新兴辩论主要集中在案例上，由于政治跨国主义领域的制度化薄弱，这些案例仍然相对无关紧要。通过引入一个结构更好的移民跨国主义舞台，本文介绍了民粹主义政党动员跨国移民进行辩论，并探讨了由此产生的本土民粹主义现象。本文调查了三个在跨国经营的民粹主义政党——厄瓜多尔的APAIS在西班牙，土耳其的AKP在德国，爱沙尼亚的EKRE在芬兰。分析表明，尽管这三个案例在意识形态、地理、文化和移民方面存在差异，但本土民粹主义现象具有几个明显的特征。这些案例也存在差异:“人民”的建构取决于移民语境，而“对手”的建构则更多地与民粹主义的观念变异有关。该研究还表明，本土民粹主义的主要目标群体是经济移民。

引用次数: 6

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