Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2022336
Ilias Alami, M. Babić, Adam D. Dixon, I. T. Liu
ABSTRACT This article introduces and lays the groundwork for this Contemporary Politics special issue on the ‘new’ state capitalism. We start by noting that the rubric state capitalism tends to elicit paradoxical responses, from uncritically embracing the term and overstretching its realms of application, to rejecting its validity altogether. We argue that the source of such ambivalence resides in issues of conceptual definition, which have led to a number of analytical impasses. We propose instead to construe state capitalism as a set of critical interrogations concerning the changing role of the state, thereby introducing a degree of plasticity in the use of the category. We call this the problématique of state capitalism. We subsequently identify three major themes that are explored in this dedicated issue, and that warrant further research in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, namely (1) its class underpinnings, (2) its global nature, and (3) its relational character.
{"title":"Special issue introduction: what is the new state capitalism?","authors":"Ilias Alami, M. Babić, Adam D. Dixon, I. T. Liu","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2022336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2022336","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article introduces and lays the groundwork for this Contemporary Politics special issue on the ‘new’ state capitalism. We start by noting that the rubric state capitalism tends to elicit paradoxical responses, from uncritically embracing the term and overstretching its realms of application, to rejecting its validity altogether. We argue that the source of such ambivalence resides in issues of conceptual definition, which have led to a number of analytical impasses. We propose instead to construe state capitalism as a set of critical interrogations concerning the changing role of the state, thereby introducing a degree of plasticity in the use of the category. We call this the problématique of state capitalism. We subsequently identify three major themes that are explored in this dedicated issue, and that warrant further research in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, namely (1) its class underpinnings, (2) its global nature, and (3) its relational character.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"245 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46550311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2023260
Gianni Del Panta
ABSTRACT By focusing on the 2019 Algerian uprising that led to Bouteflika’s removal, this article explores how broad and mass-based convergences of various social and political opposition actors can produce an existential threat to autocracies. It develops a dynamic understanding that analyses the behaviour of political groups, social classes, and state actors. To do so, it points to the hegemonic contraction of the ruling coalition, the outbreak of a long series of protests in the pre-2019 period, and the gradual emergence of a cross-class and cross-ideological convergence in the course of the uprising. The article not only contributes to debates about authoritarian regimes and mobilizations, but also demonstrates how the scholarship might develop more nuanced accounts by combining insights from the structuralist approach and microfoundational studies. To analyse the uprising in Algeria, it relies on secondary sources and press analysis, taking into account three leading Algerian newspapers and two well-known websites.
{"title":"Defeating Autocrats from below: Insights from the 2019 Algerian uprising","authors":"Gianni Del Panta","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2023260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2023260","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT By focusing on the 2019 Algerian uprising that led to Bouteflika’s removal, this article explores how broad and mass-based convergences of various social and political opposition actors can produce an existential threat to autocracies. It develops a dynamic understanding that analyses the behaviour of political groups, social classes, and state actors. To do so, it points to the hegemonic contraction of the ruling coalition, the outbreak of a long series of protests in the pre-2019 period, and the gradual emergence of a cross-class and cross-ideological convergence in the course of the uprising. The article not only contributes to debates about authoritarian regimes and mobilizations, but also demonstrates how the scholarship might develop more nuanced accounts by combining insights from the structuralist approach and microfoundational studies. To analyse the uprising in Algeria, it relies on secondary sources and press analysis, taking into account three leading Algerian newspapers and two well-known websites.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"539 - 557"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43847818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2022323
Nathaniel H. Sperber
ABSTRACT The emergent literature on ‘new state capitalism' has offered little in terms of class analysis so far. This stands in contrast with prior twentieth-century writings which had sought to retool Marxist class theory to highlight the ambivalent position of the ‘state class' in settings where the state owned large concentrations of productive capital. This article sets out a novel conceptual framework for analyzing the class situation of officials and executives embedded in government and state-owned enterprises. Overseers and managers of state-owned capital should be understood as Janus-faced actors, participating simultaneously in political and economic fields, articulating political hierarchy with power over capital. Furthermore, fractions inside the state can be identified in so far as the authority to operate, and to allocate, capital is distributed unevenly within the state’s ruling stratum. As an illustration, an examination of the class ramifications of central-level SOEs in China is provided.
{"title":"Servants of the state or masters of capital? Thinking through the class implications of state-owned capital","authors":"Nathaniel H. Sperber","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2022323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2022323","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The emergent literature on ‘new state capitalism' has offered little in terms of class analysis so far. This stands in contrast with prior twentieth-century writings which had sought to retool Marxist class theory to highlight the ambivalent position of the ‘state class' in settings where the state owned large concentrations of productive capital. This article sets out a novel conceptual framework for analyzing the class situation of officials and executives embedded in government and state-owned enterprises. Overseers and managers of state-owned capital should be understood as Janus-faced actors, participating simultaneously in political and economic fields, articulating political hierarchy with power over capital. Furthermore, fractions inside the state can be identified in so far as the authority to operate, and to allocate, capital is distributed unevenly within the state’s ruling stratum. As an illustration, an examination of the class ramifications of central-level SOEs in China is provided.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"264 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44385124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-28DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2022335
Kyunghoon Kim
ABSTRACT This paper argues that state capitalism is not just a developing world phenomenon; a number of high-income economies in Europe and Asia have experienced a notable expansion of state capitalism over the past two decades. By using data on equity and investment fund shares from government balance sheets, this paper compares the strength of state capitalism across more than 30 high-income economies since 2000. This dataset enables the analysis of government ownership of economic entities in totality and over time. By analysing the diverse cases of the United States, Britain, and Norway in depth, this paper also emphasises the importance of the historical, political, and socio-economic contexts in understanding the persistence of and government influence in state capitalism through corporate ownership. Based on these analyses, this paper challenges the analytical value of ‘geographical imaginaries’ that categorise high-income economies as liberal capitalists and developing economies as statist capitalists.
{"title":"Locating new ‘state capitalism’ in advanced economies: an international comparison of government ownership in economic entities","authors":"Kyunghoon Kim","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2022335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2022335","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper argues that state capitalism is not just a developing world phenomenon; a number of high-income economies in Europe and Asia have experienced a notable expansion of state capitalism over the past two decades. By using data on equity and investment fund shares from government balance sheets, this paper compares the strength of state capitalism across more than 30 high-income economies since 2000. This dataset enables the analysis of government ownership of economic entities in totality and over time. By analysing the diverse cases of the United States, Britain, and Norway in depth, this paper also emphasises the importance of the historical, political, and socio-economic contexts in understanding the persistence of and government influence in state capitalism through corporate ownership. Based on these analyses, this paper challenges the analytical value of ‘geographical imaginaries’ that categorise high-income economies as liberal capitalists and developing economies as statist capitalists.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"285 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42272392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-23DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2015086
E. Meka
ABSTRACT To what extent is political fragmentation associated with changes in democracy? The article uses the European integration process of ten Central and East European democracies to argue that political fragmentation is distinctly related to changes in democracy, depending on whether it is the government or opposition that is fragmented. Moreover, this association is mitigated by EU conditionality in the integration process. The paper tests the argument through the use of time-series cross-sectional data. The findings illustrate the importance of opposition fragmentation as an essential factor in explaining changes in democracy. In conclusion, the article draws attention to the understudied literature on opposition fragmentation by highlighting the theoretical implications of the findings for comparative politics and European integration.
{"title":"How much opposition? Political fragmentation and changes in democracy","authors":"E. Meka","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2015086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2015086","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT To what extent is political fragmentation associated with changes in democracy? The article uses the European integration process of ten Central and East European democracies to argue that political fragmentation is distinctly related to changes in democracy, depending on whether it is the government or opposition that is fragmented. Moreover, this association is mitigated by EU conditionality in the integration process. The paper tests the argument through the use of time-series cross-sectional data. The findings illustrate the importance of opposition fragmentation as an essential factor in explaining changes in democracy. In conclusion, the article draws attention to the understudied literature on opposition fragmentation by highlighting the theoretical implications of the findings for comparative politics and European integration.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"69 1","pages":"517 - 538"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60110832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-14DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2014630
Kursat Cinar, Asya Bulbul
ABSTRACT This article explores the linkage between different conceptualisations of democracy and forms of political participation. Specifically, it examines the correlates of conventional and unconventional modes of political participation, especially in light of three major understandings of democracy, namely liberal, redistributive, and authoritative understandings. This article maintains that different notions of democracy have their unique relationships with different forms of political participation. The article argues that people with a predominantly liberal notion of democracy are expected to partake in both conventional and unconventional modes of political participation, whereas those with an authoritative understanding of democracy are relatively more hesitant to take part in both forms. Finally, citizens with a redistributive notion of democracy are expected to appear more in unconventional forms of political participation, such as boycotts and lawful demonstrations. We test our arguments based on a global and up-to-date dataset and a multi-level framework, which covers more than 100,000 democratic citizens across the globe.
{"title":"Varieties of democratic understanding and political participation: multi-level evidence from the world","authors":"Kursat Cinar, Asya Bulbul","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2014630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2014630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores the linkage between different conceptualisations of democracy and forms of political participation. Specifically, it examines the correlates of conventional and unconventional modes of political participation, especially in light of three major understandings of democracy, namely liberal, redistributive, and authoritative understandings. This article maintains that different notions of democracy have their unique relationships with different forms of political participation. The article argues that people with a predominantly liberal notion of democracy are expected to partake in both conventional and unconventional modes of political participation, whereas those with an authoritative understanding of democracy are relatively more hesitant to take part in both forms. Finally, citizens with a redistributive notion of democracy are expected to appear more in unconventional forms of political participation, such as boycotts and lawful demonstrations. We test our arguments based on a global and up-to-date dataset and a multi-level framework, which covers more than 100,000 democratic citizens across the globe.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"469 - 489"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49066049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2011644
M. Jessoula, M. Natili, E. Pavolini
ABSTRACT This article introduces a novel analytical framework to compare the changing positions of five populist right-wing parties in the field of welfare policies. Results outline that a novel programmatic approach on the socio economic dimension materialised, which clearly departs from traditional right wing ideologies. We call it ‘exclusionary welfarism’, characterised by (i) high salience of welfare issues, (ii) strong support for welfare state expansion, (iii) low support for the role of the market in welfare provision and (iv) the adoption of a chauvinistic stance in social policies. Furthermore, different profiles of exclusionary populist parties emerge. In fact, if both the salience of welfare issues and welfare chauvinism are shared across all parties’ manifestos considered here, the analysis shows high heterogeneity and varieties of exclusionary populist approaches among populist right-wing parties for what concerns the roles of the two main institutional spheres in welfare provision: state and market.
{"title":"‘Exclusionary welfarism’: a new programmatic agenda for populist right-wing parties?","authors":"M. Jessoula, M. Natili, E. Pavolini","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2011644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2011644","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article introduces a novel analytical framework to compare the changing positions of five populist right-wing parties in the field of welfare policies. Results outline that a novel programmatic approach on the socio economic dimension materialised, which clearly departs from traditional right wing ideologies. We call it ‘exclusionary welfarism’, characterised by (i) high salience of welfare issues, (ii) strong support for welfare state expansion, (iii) low support for the role of the market in welfare provision and (iv) the adoption of a chauvinistic stance in social policies. Furthermore, different profiles of exclusionary populist parties emerge. In fact, if both the salience of welfare issues and welfare chauvinism are shared across all parties’ manifestos considered here, the analysis shows high heterogeneity and varieties of exclusionary populist approaches among populist right-wing parties for what concerns the roles of the two main institutional spheres in welfare provision: state and market.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"447 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48023954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-07DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2002547
Safa Al-Saeedi
ABSTRACT Tunisia's uprising ignited the 2011 Arab revolt, spreading rapidly across the republics and leaving, for the most part, the monarchies untouched. Explanations for why uprisings did not reach the monarchies have focused on oil wealth, regime legitimacy, economic grievances, and political culture as possible factors. However, attention to these factors leaves some anomalies unexplained. I argue that unlike the republics, long-term expanding of civil liberties in the monarchies accounts for why uprisings did not reach these countries too. Civil liberties affect uprisings via two mechanisms: citizens' perception of less grievances relative to the past, and their expectation of higher benefit if the regime endures. Enjoying more freedoms relative to earlier decades, monarchies' citizens felt less aggrieved and more optimistic that their political systems were capable and willing to grant more liberties in the future. Together, these mechanisms explain why Tunisia's revolution did not stimulate similar revolutionary attempts in these countries.
{"title":"The Arab spring: why did the uprisings miss the monarchies?","authors":"Safa Al-Saeedi","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2002547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2002547","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Tunisia's uprising ignited the 2011 Arab revolt, spreading rapidly across the republics and leaving, for the most part, the monarchies untouched. Explanations for why uprisings did not reach the monarchies have focused on oil wealth, regime legitimacy, economic grievances, and political culture as possible factors. However, attention to these factors leaves some anomalies unexplained. I argue that unlike the republics, long-term expanding of civil liberties in the monarchies accounts for why uprisings did not reach these countries too. Civil liberties affect uprisings via two mechanisms: citizens' perception of less grievances relative to the past, and their expectation of higher benefit if the regime endures. Enjoying more freedoms relative to earlier decades, monarchies' citizens felt less aggrieved and more optimistic that their political systems were capable and willing to grant more liberties in the future. Together, these mechanisms explain why Tunisia's revolution did not stimulate similar revolutionary attempts in these countries.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"491 - 516"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47544344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-28DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2008617
D. Altman
ABSTRACT Contemporary migration flows affect virtually all aspects of the social fabric, democracy included. Focused on the competitiveness aspects of the regime, comparative measurements of democracy have underestimated the complexity of the Dahlian dimension of inclusiveness, a sine qua non for defining a polyarchy. This measurement paper proposes a new index of inclusiveness: Electoral Residential Inclusiveness. This measure, an alternative to the most frequently used ethnonational ones, assesses the size of the overlap between those who make the law and those who are subject to it. It is shown how some regimes—including some typically considered strong democracies—exhibit such a considerable gap between these two groups that their democratic credentials could be questioned. Regardless of the new metric's efficacy, one implication of this research is that measures of democracy need to be explicit about the complex normative decisions on how we conceptualize, measure, and aggregate the inclusiveness dimension of polyarchy.
{"title":"Adjusting democracy indices to the age of mass migration: voting rights of denizens and expats","authors":"D. Altman","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2008617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2008617","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Contemporary migration flows affect virtually all aspects of the social fabric, democracy included. Focused on the competitiveness aspects of the regime, comparative measurements of democracy have underestimated the complexity of the Dahlian dimension of inclusiveness, a sine qua non for defining a polyarchy. This measurement paper proposes a new index of inclusiveness: Electoral Residential Inclusiveness. This measure, an alternative to the most frequently used ethnonational ones, assesses the size of the overlap between those who make the law and those who are subject to it. It is shown how some regimes—including some typically considered strong democracies—exhibit such a considerable gap between these two groups that their democratic credentials could be questioned. Regardless of the new metric's efficacy, one implication of this research is that measures of democracy need to be explicit about the complex normative decisions on how we conceptualize, measure, and aggregate the inclusiveness dimension of polyarchy.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"408 - 428"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47623544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1080/13569775.2021.2007613
Ariel Becerra-Chávez, Patricio D. Navia
ABSTRACT In most democracies, women are a majority in the electorate, but men are the majority of those elected. Previous studies on gender affinity voting that point to substantive, descriptive and symbolic representation are often based on polling date and focus on whether women issues were central in the election. Since electoral rules—including candidate gender quotas—impact the choices voters have, we use a novel database with precinct-level voting data for 960 candidates (397 women) in the 28 open-list proportional representation districts for the 2017 Chamber of Deputies election in Chile to identify the determinants of gender affinity voting for candidates in same party matchups and whether gender affinity voting differently impacted left and rightwing parties. Using 35,120 precincts, we analyze 1,344,098 data points for individual candidates’ vote shares. We find statistically significant, but not substantive, gender affinity voting, especially favorable to women candidates in leftwing parties.
{"title":"Gender-affinity voting in legislative elections under open-list proportional representation rules: the legislative elections in Chile in 2017","authors":"Ariel Becerra-Chávez, Patricio D. Navia","doi":"10.1080/13569775.2021.2007613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.2007613","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 In most democracies, women are a majority in the electorate, but men are the majority of those elected. Previous studies on gender affinity voting that point to substantive, descriptive and symbolic representation are often based on polling date and focus on whether women issues were central in the election. Since electoral rules—including candidate gender quotas—impact the choices voters have, we use a novel database with precinct-level voting data for 960 candidates (397 women) in the 28 open-list proportional representation districts for the 2017 Chamber of Deputies election in Chile to identify the determinants of gender affinity voting for candidates in same party matchups and whether gender affinity voting differently impacted left and rightwing parties. Using 35,120 precincts, we analyze 1,344,098 data points for individual candidates’ vote shares. We find statistically significant, but not substantive, gender affinity voting, especially favorable to women candidates in leftwing parties.","PeriodicalId":51673,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"99 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45524913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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