Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2115289
Andika Wahab, Ramli Dollah
Abstract By focusing on child labor in oil palm production in Sabah (East Malaysia), this study contributes to the ongoing debate about unfree labor from three perspectives. First, the study highlights the importance of measuring the incidence of child labor from an individual basis and subsequently advances discourse on what is acceptable and unacceptable in the context of children’s involvement in oil palm production. Second, it advances children’s voices that reflect their perceptions, everyday realities, and social expectations behind their active participation in oil palm production. Third, it highlights the reoccurrence of unfree labor relations and conditions as a result of employment transition among working children within the agricultural sector and from agricultural to the fishing sector. Here we argue that, although not all children’s participation in oil palm production constitutes child labor, the presence of unfree and unacceptable labor relations and conditions suggests strong indicators of child labor. This study, however, cautions that the blanket use of child labor may not only ignore local dynamics and societal expectations but also hinder effective policy intervention and business actions.
{"title":"Child labor and unfree labor: Evidence from the palm oil sector in Sabah (East Malaysia)","authors":"Andika Wahab, Ramli Dollah","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2115289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2115289","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract By focusing on child labor in oil palm production in Sabah (East Malaysia), this study contributes to the ongoing debate about unfree labor from three perspectives. First, the study highlights the importance of measuring the incidence of child labor from an individual basis and subsequently advances discourse on what is acceptable and unacceptable in the context of children’s involvement in oil palm production. Second, it advances children’s voices that reflect their perceptions, everyday realities, and social expectations behind their active participation in oil palm production. Third, it highlights the reoccurrence of unfree labor relations and conditions as a result of employment transition among working children within the agricultural sector and from agricultural to the fishing sector. Here we argue that, although not all children’s participation in oil palm production constitutes child labor, the presence of unfree and unacceptable labor relations and conditions suggests strong indicators of child labor. This study, however, cautions that the blanket use of child labor may not only ignore local dynamics and societal expectations but also hinder effective policy intervention and business actions.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"351 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46965288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-14DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2115288
M. Watts, Kate Brannum
Abstract Natural disasters are devastating in many ways; the impact is worse when government response is insufficient. Guatemala’s government has a history of corruption and of contributing to socially constructed vulnerability; government policies have made parts of the population more insecure and vulnerable to disasters. Our study examines individual perceptions of how volunteers, first responders, and members of nongovernmental organizations responded to the deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego (Volcano of Fire) in Guatemala in 2018, and how this experience influenced their views of the government as well as their own role in civil society. To gain an understanding of civil society reaction, we conducted field research in Guatemala in 2019 and 2020; in addition, we analyzed Facebook posts from a nongovernmental organization formed in the wake of the disaster over the course of two and a half years. Our research suggests that, in the absence of government efficacy, civil society will take a greater role in responding to disasters, despite incurring personal risk by doing so. In addition, it gives voice to the experience of many who witnessed the immediate aftermath of the disaster, adding their insights to the narrative of the tragedy.
自然灾害在许多方面都具有破坏性;当政府反应不足时，影响会更糟。危地马拉政府有腐败的历史，并助长了社会建构的脆弱性;政府的政策使部分人口更不安全，更容易受到灾害的影响。我们的研究考察了志愿者、急救人员和非政府组织成员对2018年危地马拉Volcán de Fuego(火火山)致命喷发的反应，以及这一经历如何影响他们对政府的看法以及他们自己在民间社会中的作用。为了了解民间社会的反应，我们于2019年和2020年在危地马拉进行了实地研究;此外，我们还分析了一个在灾难发生后成立的非政府组织在两年半时间里在Facebook上发布的帖子。我们的研究表明，在缺乏政府效力的情况下，公民社会将在应对灾害方面发挥更大的作用，尽管这样做会招致个人风险。此外，它还讲述了许多目睹灾难发生后的人的经历，为这场悲剧的叙述增添了他们的见解。
{"title":"Bomberos, maestros y psicólogos: Guatemalan civil society response to the Volcano of Fire disaster","authors":"M. Watts, Kate Brannum","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2115288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2115288","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Natural disasters are devastating in many ways; the impact is worse when government response is insufficient. Guatemala’s government has a history of corruption and of contributing to socially constructed vulnerability; government policies have made parts of the population more insecure and vulnerable to disasters. Our study examines individual perceptions of how volunteers, first responders, and members of nongovernmental organizations responded to the deadly eruption of Volcán de Fuego (Volcano of Fire) in Guatemala in 2018, and how this experience influenced their views of the government as well as their own role in civil society. To gain an understanding of civil society reaction, we conducted field research in Guatemala in 2019 and 2020; in addition, we analyzed Facebook posts from a nongovernmental organization formed in the wake of the disaster over the course of two and a half years. Our research suggests that, in the absence of government efficacy, civil society will take a greater role in responding to disasters, despite incurring personal risk by doing so. In addition, it gives voice to the experience of many who witnessed the immediate aftermath of the disaster, adding their insights to the narrative of the tragedy.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"252 - 267"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44520062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-25DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2111657
Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm, D. Wright, Héctor Centeno Martín, Ana Belén Nieto Librero
Abstract Human rights compliance research neglects recommendations from national human rights institutions and other domestic bodies. In particular, the implementation of recommendations issued by temporary truth commissions remains underexplored. We use data from Skaar et al. (2022a) to address this gap. Specifically, we apply multilevel ordered logistic regression to data on the implementation of recommendations made by 11 Latin American truth commissions to measure state compliance. We find that compliance is lower when truth commissions issue many recommendations. Backward-looking recommendations are more infrequently implemented. Conversely, legal reform recommendations are more likely to be implemented. Finally, variables commonly associated with truth commission success, such as the nature of the transition and civil society strength, are not significant. Thus, we advance understanding of human rights compliance and offer prescriptions for how truth commissions should craft their recommendations and, ultimately, maximize their impact.
{"title":"Examining compliance with domestic human rights bodies: The case of truth commission recommendations","authors":"Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm, D. Wright, Héctor Centeno Martín, Ana Belén Nieto Librero","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2111657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2111657","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Human rights compliance research neglects recommendations from national human rights institutions and other domestic bodies. In particular, the implementation of recommendations issued by temporary truth commissions remains underexplored. We use data from Skaar et al. (2022a) to address this gap. Specifically, we apply multilevel ordered logistic regression to data on the implementation of recommendations made by 11 Latin American truth commissions to measure state compliance. We find that compliance is lower when truth commissions issue many recommendations. Backward-looking recommendations are more infrequently implemented. Conversely, legal reform recommendations are more likely to be implemented. Finally, variables commonly associated with truth commission success, such as the nature of the transition and civil society strength, are not significant. Thus, we advance understanding of human rights compliance and offer prescriptions for how truth commissions should craft their recommendations and, ultimately, maximize their impact.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"406 - 424"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45426984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-17DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2104116
Bridget O. Alichie
Abstract The Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA) is a Nigerian law that prohibits sexual relationships or marriages between persons of the same sex. Its enactment in 2013 is perceived as having exacerbated online homophobia against lesbian, gays, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) communities on social media networks in Nigeria. This study investigates SSMPA’s contribution to homophobic online violence. Using online interviews with eight LGBTQ + participants and three members of a Nigerian nonprofit organization leadership for sexual minorities, I examine the perceptions, experiences, and communicative strategies of LGBTQ + persons toward online homophobia. Mark Orbe’s co-cultural theory on institutionalized “othering” of minorities across dominant heteronormative societies is used to foreground the lived experiences of Nigerian LGBTQ + persons online. Findings suggest, that although social media networks seemingly provide safe spaces for many vulnerable users, online homophobia has intensified for sexual minorities in Nigeria following the SSMPA legislation.
{"title":"Communication at the margins: Online homophobia from the perspectives of LGBTQ + social media users","authors":"Bridget O. Alichie","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2104116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2104116","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA) is a Nigerian law that prohibits sexual relationships or marriages between persons of the same sex. Its enactment in 2013 is perceived as having exacerbated online homophobia against lesbian, gays, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) communities on social media networks in Nigeria. This study investigates SSMPA’s contribution to homophobic online violence. Using online interviews with eight LGBTQ + participants and three members of a Nigerian nonprofit organization leadership for sexual minorities, I examine the perceptions, experiences, and communicative strategies of LGBTQ + persons toward online homophobia. Mark Orbe’s co-cultural theory on institutionalized “othering” of minorities across dominant heteronormative societies is used to foreground the lived experiences of Nigerian LGBTQ + persons online. Findings suggest, that although social media networks seemingly provide safe spaces for many vulnerable users, online homophobia has intensified for sexual minorities in Nigeria following the SSMPA legislation.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"269 - 283"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42810010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-11DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2096405
Angélica Cocomá Ricaurte
Abstract This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.
{"title":"Who is a legitimate actor under international human rights law? A story about women’s mobilization against enforced disappearances","authors":"Angélica Cocomá Ricaurte","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2096405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2096405","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article inquires about who is deemed a legitimate actor by international human rights law. It offers an analysis of the role of the Latin American Federation of Associations of Relatives of Disappeared Detainees (FEDEFAM) as a women-led leading organization in creating the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances (CED) in 2007. The article shows that the wives and daughters of the disappeared played a determinant role in their struggle against enforced disappearances, undermining the view of the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), which did not recognize their struggle in its early reports. The article also critiques how international human rights law uses colonial and patriarchal power to produce and exclude subjects. Finally, it concludes by offering an analysis of the affective dimensions of FEDEFAM’s struggle as an opportunity to rethink human rights grassroots women-led mobilizations as a place for resistance against dominant narratives in international human rights law.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"198 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41628429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2100985
Susan Dicklitch-Nelson, Indira Rahman
Abstract Although lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people are often treated as a homogenous group, they are not treated equally by states and societies. The F&M Global Barometer of Transgender Rights (GBTR) represents the first multiyear attempt to assess cross-nationally the extent to which countries are human rights protective or persecuting specifically toward transgender individuals. Examining 204 countries from 2011 to 2019, the GBTR, which measures state and societal level human rights protection or persecution, shows that the majority of countries in the world are far from protective of transgender people’s human rights.
{"title":"Transgender rights are human rights: A cross-national comparison of transgender rights in 204 countries","authors":"Susan Dicklitch-Nelson, Indira Rahman","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2100985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2100985","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people are often treated as a homogenous group, they are not treated equally by states and societies. The F&M Global Barometer of Transgender Rights (GBTR) represents the first multiyear attempt to assess cross-nationally the extent to which countries are human rights protective or persecuting specifically toward transgender individuals. Examining 204 countries from 2011 to 2019, the GBTR, which measures state and societal level human rights protection or persecution, shows that the majority of countries in the world are far from protective of transgender people’s human rights.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"21 1","pages":"525 - 541"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44268269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-08DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2100984
Daniel Connolly, Seunghyun Nam, Kirsty Goodman
Abstract Blockchain technology has applications that can revolutionize political and economic governance. Although most of the academic literature on blockchain has focused on Bitcoin, there is a need to look at the feasibility of new humanitarian applications. This study will proceed in two steps. First, it surveys current theoretical and practical work on how blockchain can be used to help protect the human rights of migrants and refugees, primarily through creation of digital identities. Then it conducts a critical examination of two major cases: the Building Blocks initiative by the World Food Programme in Jordan and the Rohingya Project. We find that blockchain can be useful in empowering vulnerable individuals, but the empowerment of organizations creates potential human rights risks, such as the infringement of privacy and discrimination. Therefore, adequate safeguards should be in place to ensure that blockchain initiatives meet their true purposes of protecting the most vulnerable groups.
{"title":"Solving old problems or making new ones? Blockchain technology for the protection of refugees and migrants","authors":"Daniel Connolly, Seunghyun Nam, Kirsty Goodman","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2100984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2100984","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Blockchain technology has applications that can revolutionize political and economic governance. Although most of the academic literature on blockchain has focused on Bitcoin, there is a need to look at the feasibility of new humanitarian applications. This study will proceed in two steps. First, it surveys current theoretical and practical work on how blockchain can be used to help protect the human rights of migrants and refugees, primarily through creation of digital identities. Then it conducts a critical examination of two major cases: the Building Blocks initiative by the World Food Programme in Jordan and the Rohingya Project. We find that blockchain can be useful in empowering vulnerable individuals, but the empowerment of organizations creates potential human rights risks, such as the infringement of privacy and discrimination. Therefore, adequate safeguards should be in place to ensure that blockchain initiatives meet their true purposes of protecting the most vulnerable groups.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"109 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46226547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2097999
R. Press
Abstract Some 30 years after their dangerous human rights activism in Kenya that challenged an authoritarian regime and won multiparty democracy, more than half the leading survivors were still politically active. Three were governors, one was the Supreme Court Chief Justice, five were human rights activists; others were attorneys or otherwise politically engaged. This study provides fresh insights on the theory of cycles of social movements and offers global implications for movements in other countries. The decline of social movements “remains relatively understudied from an empirical standpoint.” The study builds on the cycle theories of Tarrow, considered the “leading theoretician of protest cycles.” It finds that (1) long after a protest movement has ended, some activists may continue individual activism in line with the goals of the movement or a subset of goals; (2) partial victories or regime concessions tend to weaken cohesiveness of a movement and make subsequent victories harder; (3) regime change, although more dangerous, in some ways is easier than regime reform. The findings are based on interviews conducted by the author, mostly in Nairobi, with the leading veteran activists and others between 2019 and 2021, plus archival reviews.
{"title":"Human rights activism after the movement ends: Global lessons from Kenya’s unfinished “revolution”","authors":"R. Press","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2097999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2097999","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Some 30 years after their dangerous human rights activism in Kenya that challenged an authoritarian regime and won multiparty democracy, more than half the leading survivors were still politically active. Three were governors, one was the Supreme Court Chief Justice, five were human rights activists; others were attorneys or otherwise politically engaged. This study provides fresh insights on the theory of cycles of social movements and offers global implications for movements in other countries. The decline of social movements “remains relatively understudied from an empirical standpoint.” The study builds on the cycle theories of Tarrow, considered the “leading theoretician of protest cycles.” It finds that (1) long after a protest movement has ended, some activists may continue individual activism in line with the goals of the movement or a subset of goals; (2) partial victories or regime concessions tend to weaken cohesiveness of a movement and make subsequent victories harder; (3) regime change, although more dangerous, in some ways is easier than regime reform. The findings are based on interviews conducted by the author, mostly in Nairobi, with the leading veteran activists and others between 2019 and 2021, plus archival reviews.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"234 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48466037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-28DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2098000
Jonathan F D Liljeblad
Abstract The literature on the transnational promotion of human rights looks to the role of intermediaries who facilitate connections between global and local discourses. Local discourses, however, may host actors and dynamics with diverse perspectives not entirely receptive to international norms, and so call for attention as to how they impact the work of intermediaries. Myanmar university human rights teachers serve an intermediary role, receiving international human rights training from international aid programs and promoting such training within their professional work environments. The actors and dynamics of their work environments constitute local discourses affecting the conduct of university teachers, and thereby influence their efforts to promote international human rights norms. The analysis draws on empirical fieldwork involving the experiences of Myanmar university human rights teachers, using their concerns to demonstrate the ways their professional environments constrain their teaching of human rights. From such findings, the analysis raises implications for theories of intermediaries and international aid policies to promote human rights norms.
{"title":"International human rights teachers in Myanmar universities: The individual constraints of structure on intermediaries","authors":"Jonathan F D Liljeblad","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2098000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2098000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The literature on the transnational promotion of human rights looks to the role of intermediaries who facilitate connections between global and local discourses. Local discourses, however, may host actors and dynamics with diverse perspectives not entirely receptive to international norms, and so call for attention as to how they impact the work of intermediaries. Myanmar university human rights teachers serve an intermediary role, receiving international human rights training from international aid programs and promoting such training within their professional work environments. The actors and dynamics of their work environments constitute local discourses affecting the conduct of university teachers, and thereby influence their efforts to promote international human rights norms. The analysis draws on empirical fieldwork involving the experiences of Myanmar university human rights teachers, using their concerns to demonstrate the ways their professional environments constrain their teaching of human rights. From such findings, the analysis raises implications for theories of intermediaries and international aid policies to promote human rights norms.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"214 - 233"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47815496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2096404
S. Kang, Sangmin Lee, Taehee Whang
Abstract What is the relationship between economic sanctions and the human rights conditions of target countries? We suggest a two-stage mechanism to explain how sanctions deteriorate the human rights condition in the target country. In the repressive capacity stage, sanctions increase the capacity the target government can use for political repression. We introduce the concepts of political corruption, judicial dependence, and the government's media censorship as political repression tools of target governments. In the violation stage, the increased capacity to repress leads to worsening the target’s human rights condition. We also find that, while human rights sanctions are not likely to increase political repression in the target country, non-human rights sanctions are more likely to increase the political repression therein. Furthermore, such increased capacity for repression, specifically political corruption and judiciary dependence, in the target country adversely affected the human rights condition.
{"title":"Economic sanctions, repression capacity, and human rights","authors":"S. Kang, Sangmin Lee, Taehee Whang","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2022.2096404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2022.2096404","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract What is the relationship between economic sanctions and the human rights conditions of target countries? We suggest a two-stage mechanism to explain how sanctions deteriorate the human rights condition in the target country. In the repressive capacity stage, sanctions increase the capacity the target government can use for political repression. We introduce the concepts of political corruption, judicial dependence, and the government's media censorship as political repression tools of target governments. In the violation stage, the increased capacity to repress leads to worsening the target’s human rights condition. We also find that, while human rights sanctions are not likely to increase political repression in the target country, non-human rights sanctions are more likely to increase the political repression therein. Furthermore, such increased capacity for repression, specifically political corruption and judiciary dependence, in the target country adversely affected the human rights condition.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"22 1","pages":"174 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42199731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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