Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2289371
Roman-Gabriel Olar
{"title":"Copy thy neighbor: Spatial interdependences in the democracy-repression nexus","authors":"Roman-Gabriel Olar","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2023.2289371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2023.2289371","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"6 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138955543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-12DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2276420
Cristina Buarque de Hollanda, Danielle Costa da Silva, Pablo de Rezende Saturnino Braga, Carlos R. S. Milani
{"title":"From human rights to “righteous humans”: Brazilian foreign policy in the Bolsonaro era","authors":"Cristina Buarque de Hollanda, Danielle Costa da Silva, Pablo de Rezende Saturnino Braga, Carlos R. S. Milani","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2023.2276420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2023.2276420","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"32 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139007310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2269231
Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick
This article suggests that humanity may be approaching a critical juncture, since a confluence of macro-historical changes might—individually or collectively—fundamentally transform the field of human rights, and usher in a second human rights era. In particular, it suggests that the confluence of tectonic geopolitical changes, system-wide shifts in climate and energy, and fundamentally new developments in science and technology might lead to a rupture of the same scale as the cluster of events that heralded the onset of the current rights regime. This argument builds on a number of literatures, especially those focused on norms cycles, rights generations, and what is being called the “ontological turn.” Yet the implications extend beyond these conversations in terms of both conceptual scale (the emphasis here is on critical junctures between eras, rather than cycles or generations within eras) as well as temporal scale (the emphasis is on the medium-to-long-range future, rather than the near future). An effort to ground this speculation takes the form of testable hypotheses and practical recommendations.
{"title":"Disruption and emergence: How to think about human rights futures","authors":"Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2023.2269231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2023.2269231","url":null,"abstract":"This article suggests that humanity may be approaching a critical juncture, since a confluence of macro-historical changes might—individually or collectively—fundamentally transform the field of human rights, and usher in a second human rights era. In particular, it suggests that the confluence of tectonic geopolitical changes, system-wide shifts in climate and energy, and fundamentally new developments in science and technology might lead to a rupture of the same scale as the cluster of events that heralded the onset of the current rights regime. This argument builds on a number of literatures, especially those focused on norms cycles, rights generations, and what is being called the “ontological turn.” Yet the implications extend beyond these conversations in terms of both conceptual scale (the emphasis here is on critical junctures between eras, rather than cycles or generations within eras) as well as temporal scale (the emphasis is on the medium-to-long-range future, rather than the near future). An effort to ground this speculation takes the form of testable hypotheses and practical recommendations.","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":" 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135286557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-07DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2264323
Sammy Badran, Brian Turnbull
AbstractSeveral governments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have used pandemic measures to silence opposition voices and curb human rights. This article delvers deeper into this dynamic in Algeria and Tunisia by systematically analyzing regime use of preexisting authoritarian legal frameworks to target perceived regime opponents. Notably, unlike other regimes in the MENA, COVID-19 pandemic-specific laws (such as curfew violations) were not heavily relied on to arrest and prosecute prominent opponents. Instead, foundational laws that restrict free speech and assembly with intentionally vague language, which often date back decades, were reused. Several of these laws were enhanced during the pandemic to grant the executive more leeway in their use and expanded fines and prison sentences. Interestingly, despite the very public use of these laws, regimes in both countries have maintained relatively high public approval ratings. This is remarkable, given that past autocrats were overthrown for similar abuses. This demonstrates that pandemics grant aspiring authoritarian regimes greater leeway in the use of general legal mechanisms to restrict free speech and assembly. These kinds of crises can help maintain approval ratings despite extensive oppressive action by the state. This was especially true for Tunisia, where it appears that the pandemic created a rally-’round-the-flag effect that allowed the executive to consolidate his power in a dramatic democratic backslide. Notes1 Data were pulled from Arab Barometer Waves 5 (2019), 6a and 6b (2020), 6c (2021), and 7 (2022). For ease of interpretation, four part responses were aggregated into two general Satisfied/Dissatisfied, Good/Bad, More trust/Less trust from their original (Completely satisfied/Satisfied/Dissatisfied/Completely dissatisfied, Very good/Good/Bad/Very bad, A great deal of trust/Quite a lot of trust/Not a lot of trust/No trust at all). Responses under Overall Satisfaction with Government Performance in Waves 6 and 7 were combined with responses under Satisfaction with the Current Government's Performance: Providing Security and Order in Wave 5. Both were rated Very good/Good/Bad/Very bad. Available at: https://www.arabbarometer.org/.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSammy BadranSammy Badran's research focuses on Middle East and North African (MENA) politics. He has published articles in the British Journal of Middle East Studies, Journal of North African Studies, and the Journal of International Women’s Studies. Badran’s book, Killing Contention Demobilization in Morocco during the Arab Spring (2022), investigates the impact of the 2011 constitutional reforms, parliamentary elections, and ideological cleavages on protest levels in Morocco. He an assistant professor of international studies at the American University of Sharjah, UAE.Brian TurnbullBrian Turnbull is an assistant professor of instruction in the Department of Sociology with interdisciplinary interests in s
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Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2264321
Marc Schade-Poulsen
AbstractThis article explores human rights activism in an authoritarian context of the Global South in the 1970s through the case of Tunisia, a decade considered by scholarship as the starting point for international human rights norm diffusion, including in the Arab region. It describes how two Tunisian solidarity groups and the Tunisian Human Rights League—considered the first independent human rights organization in the Arab World—used the concept. These organizations are considered catalyzers of the spread of human rights culture in Tunisia. The article argues that the use of human rights and references to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights did not entail that international human rights norms were a core concern. Other justice principles and ideologies prevailed in the 1970s. The article further showcases the complexity of human rights processes in the Global South. Understanding the 1970s necessitates exploring the groups that made use of the concept, the political spaces in which they operated, and the idea environments in which human rights became a part. AcknowledgmentsI would like to express my gratitude to the Carlsberg Foundation for financial support of field work in Tunisia, and to Roskilde University, and its research group on Global Political Sociology, for hosting my research. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Stéphanie Lagoutte and two anonymous readers for their constructive comments and, not the least, to friends and colleagues in Tunisia who consented to share their experience as political and human rights activists with me.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 When translating the names of organizations into English, I use French acronyms, as these are the best known in the Tunisian context. Names of persons are written with French transliterations used in Tunisia.2 Comité tunisien d’information et de défense des victimes de la répression.3 The main references about this period are Bougerra (Citation2019), Chammari (Citation1975), and Temimi (Citation2008).4 Next to written information about the CISDHT and the prisoners, I build my information on interviews with Hechmi Ben Frej, Aziz Krichen, Khemais Chammari, Alya Chammari, Noureddine Hmila, Hichem Skik and Francoise Valensi, and a conversation with Hsan Ouardani, all former political prisoners or active in solidarity work. My informants do not recall having had the Tehran Conference in mind when including human rights in the name of the CISDHT. In France, establishing ad hoc committees referring to human rights was common. Seven such committees for example were created between 1954 and 1956 in relation to the Algerian war (Berchadsky, Citation1994, p. 20).5 I borrow the term from the works of Tilly (Citation2006) and Tarrow (Citation2011).6 The Tunisian state’s view on the trial was published in Parti Socialiste Destourien (PSD; Citation1968) and Government of Tunisia (Citation1968).7 AI professionalized its presence at the United
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Pub Date : 2023-10-04DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2259423
Katie Morris
In 2007, Freeman pioneered the phrase “food oppression” to capture the state’s perpetuation of socioeconomic and racial disparities in nutrient consumption and diet-related diseases in the United States. Amid an increasing awareness of the impact of intersecting identities in all facets of life, particularly in light of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement, this article argues that food oppression is an equally applicable, and necessary, characterization of the unequal enjoyment of the right to food in the United Kingdom. Patterns of food insecurity—chiefly, the overrepresentation of Black households among food bank users—are tied back to the austerity measures enacted by the Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition Government in response to the 2007/2008 financial crisis. These findings illuminate the race- and class-based barriers to access to adequate food in the United Kingdom that predate the pandemic as a manifestation of racial capitalism yet have increased in prominence. The article concludes that the adoption of a rights-based approach to household food security by the state is necessary to formulate policies that target the commodification of food and ensure a nutritious diet is available to all without discrimination.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-04DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2259420
Paroma Wagle
AbstractThis article responds to the need, highlighted in the academic literature, for in-depth investigations into the role of contextual factors in shaping the struggles for water justice, deploying a strategy that relies on the normative appeal or legitimacy of the human right to water—called the HRW strategy. It demonstrates how specific contextual factors were crucial in influencing the course and outcome of a judicial intervention based on the HRW strategy deployed in the struggle for securing formal water connections to two million slum-dwellers in Mumbai. Although the court upheld the HRW of slum-dwellers and ordered the release of the water connections, the municipal administration promulgated a policy that effectively continued the denial of water access for most of these slum-dwellers. More specifically, the article discusses the strong influence of contextual factors on the initial decision to adopt the HRW strategy and judicial intervention, the success of the legal tactic deployed, and the favorable court order. The article relies mainly on the detailed analysis of formal policy and judicial documents and the data from multiround, semistructured, and extended interviews with 11 respondents who were activists, experts, municipal officials, or media persons. AcknowledgmentsI wish to acknowledge the ethics approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of California, Irvine, for interviews and fieldwork carried out in 2019.Notes1 I decided to use the terms “slum,” “slum-dwellings,” and “slum-dwellers” instead of my preference for fair and considerate terms such as “informal settlements” and “informal settlers” because of the widespread use of the former set of terms in the formal policy and legal documents and the everyday language in the city.2 The detailed break-up of these 64 respondents from the following five categories was (1) municipal officials including engineers (n = 12); (2) activists from water, housing, and other sectors (n = 16); (e) elected representatives and other participants in electoral politics (n = 14); (4) experts, academics, and researchers (n = 18); and (5) media (n = 4).3 Interviews with a senior water activist and water sector activist. In accordance with the Institutional Review Board guidelines of the University of California, Irvine, the anonymity of the interview subjects is maintained in this publication by using monikers designed to ensure their anonymity while identifying them.4 Interviews with senior urban sociologist and planning academic (both were involved in providing research support to PHS).5 Interviews with a senior water activist and water researcher-activist.6 Interviews with water researcher-activist and senior urban sociologist.7 Interview with a water researcher-activist.8 Interview with a water researcher-activist.9 Interviews with two water researcher-activists.10 Interview with a public policy academic.11 Interview with a water researcher-activist.12 These unprotec
{"title":"Contextuality of the strategy of human right to water: Struggle for water access to slum-dwellers in Mumbai, India","authors":"Paroma Wagle","doi":"10.1080/14754835.2023.2259420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2023.2259420","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article responds to the need, highlighted in the academic literature, for in-depth investigations into the role of contextual factors in shaping the struggles for water justice, deploying a strategy that relies on the normative appeal or legitimacy of the human right to water—called the HRW strategy. It demonstrates how specific contextual factors were crucial in influencing the course and outcome of a judicial intervention based on the HRW strategy deployed in the struggle for securing formal water connections to two million slum-dwellers in Mumbai. Although the court upheld the HRW of slum-dwellers and ordered the release of the water connections, the municipal administration promulgated a policy that effectively continued the denial of water access for most of these slum-dwellers. More specifically, the article discusses the strong influence of contextual factors on the initial decision to adopt the HRW strategy and judicial intervention, the success of the legal tactic deployed, and the favorable court order. The article relies mainly on the detailed analysis of formal policy and judicial documents and the data from multiround, semistructured, and extended interviews with 11 respondents who were activists, experts, municipal officials, or media persons. AcknowledgmentsI wish to acknowledge the ethics approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of California, Irvine, for interviews and fieldwork carried out in 2019.Notes1 I decided to use the terms “slum,” “slum-dwellings,” and “slum-dwellers” instead of my preference for fair and considerate terms such as “informal settlements” and “informal settlers” because of the widespread use of the former set of terms in the formal policy and legal documents and the everyday language in the city.2 The detailed break-up of these 64 respondents from the following five categories was (1) municipal officials including engineers (n = 12); (2) activists from water, housing, and other sectors (n = 16); (e) elected representatives and other participants in electoral politics (n = 14); (4) experts, academics, and researchers (n = 18); and (5) media (n = 4).3 Interviews with a senior water activist and water sector activist. In accordance with the Institutional Review Board guidelines of the University of California, Irvine, the anonymity of the interview subjects is maintained in this publication by using monikers designed to ensure their anonymity while identifying them.4 Interviews with senior urban sociologist and planning academic (both were involved in providing research support to PHS).5 Interviews with a senior water activist and water researcher-activist.6 Interviews with water researcher-activist and senior urban sociologist.7 Interview with a water researcher-activist.8 Interview with a water researcher-activist.9 Interviews with two water researcher-activists.10 Interview with a public policy academic.11 Interview with a water researcher-activist.12 These unprotec","PeriodicalId":51734,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Human Rights","volume":"2021 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135591162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2249931
Shadi Mokhtari
The article develops and applies a typology of marginalized non-Western populations’ experiences of and engagements with human rights, drawing from Egyptian and broader Middle Eastern experiences of human rights over the last three decades. The experiences laid out are of human rights as (1) mockery of morality encompassing practice flying in the face of human rights’ emancipatory promise, (2) manifesting morality encompassing practice embodying human rights’ emancipatory promise, and (3) moral maze, the morally fractured space in between where human rights politics increasingly play out. Through the typology and its application, I argue that popular dispositions toward, and meanings accorded to human rights in marginalized contexts are varied, complex, and stem not just from popular evaluations of the human right framework’s content (the values, moral claims, or rhetorical promise), but also from these populations’ experiences of, judgements on, and emotional reactions to the morality of the practice of human rights unfolding around them. The research presented demonstrates that contrary to assumptions underlying both mainstream and critical scholarship, the content of human rights can be highly resonant to marginalized non-Western populations, yet they may choose to keep a distance from the framework because in its practice, is not persuasive to them.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2239273
Frédéric Mégret
Abstract More than 20 years after the 9/11 attacks and the ensuing “war on terror,” there is still very little comprehension of what its transitional justice implications might be. This article interrogates the transitional justice silence over the legacies of the war on terror as a way of problematizing both the war on terror and dominant liberal transitional justice paradigms. It charts how both paradigms have often failed to intersect, how some existing initiatives might nonetheless be understood as arising at their intersection, and the sort of questions that would need to be answered to frame a broad and ambitious transitional justice agenda to deal with the legacies of both terrorism and the response to it.
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Pub Date : 2023-08-08DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2135370
Gina R Rosich, E. Caraballo
Abstract Use of a human rights (HR) framework in direct social work practice is gaining traction in social work education. A gap remains, however, regarding its application within field education. This study seeks to fill the gap in knowledge regarding field educators’ understanding of and training in use of a human rights lens. Using a qualitative-dominant, mixed-method, quasi-experimental design, the study explores the extent to which the introduction of a human rights-based approach to social work impacts both the attitudinal positioning of field educators (preceptors) in a small clinically based MSW program toward HR based clinical practice, and the integration of this approach to their pedagogical practice with MSW-level field students. Participants were administered the Human Rights Lens in Social Work (HRLSW) scale as both a pre- and posttest, provided a training on human rights concepts, and participated in a focus group discussion. Although there was only a small improvement in scores, participants reported qualitative evidence that the training started a shift in their thinking. Participants also indicated that more training would be well received.
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