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Practitioner’s perspective on human rights education: Key resources 从业人员对人权教育的看法:关键资源
IF 1 2区 社会学 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2024.2383644
Karen Robinson
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引用次数: 0
Digital human rights storytelling and its palimpsests: (De-) constructed images of ethnic cleansing in Myanmar 数字人权故事及其拼贴画:缅甸种族清洗的(去)建构图像
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2024.2331759
Ken MacLean
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引用次数: 0
Ambiguous marital identity and conflict: A study of the half-widows in Jammu and Kashmir 模糊的婚姻身份与冲突:查谟和克什米尔半寡妇研究
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2024.2334795
Amit Singh, A. Mishra
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引用次数: 0
Stop blaming the farmer: Dispelling the myths of ‘misuse’ and ‘safe’ use of pesticides to protect health and human rights 停止指责农民:打破 "滥用 "和 "安全 "使用农药的神话,保护健康和人权
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2024.2334802
Leah Utyasheva, H. Rother, Leslie London, Michael Eddleston
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引用次数: 0
Dancing around gender expression and sex talk: LGBTQ+ asylum policy in the United States 围绕性别表达和性话题跳舞:美国的 LGBTQ+ 庇护政策
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2024.2331741
Cyril Ghosh
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引用次数: 0
Copy thy neighbor: Spatial interdependences in the democracy-repression nexus 复制你的邻居民主与压迫之间的空间相互依存关系
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2289371
Roman-Gabriel Olar
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引用次数: 0
From human rights to “righteous humans”: Brazilian foreign policy in the Bolsonaro era 从人权到 "正义的人类":博尔索纳罗时代的巴西外交政策
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2276420
Cristina Buarque de Hollanda, Danielle Costa da Silva, Pablo de Rezende Saturnino Braga, Carlos R. S. Milani
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引用次数: 0
Disruption and emergence: How to think about human rights futures 颠覆与涌现:如何思考人权的未来
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2269231
Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick
This article suggests that humanity may be approaching a critical juncture, since a confluence of macro-historical changes might—individually or collectively—fundamentally transform the field of human rights, and usher in a second human rights era. In particular, it suggests that the confluence of tectonic geopolitical changes, system-wide shifts in climate and energy, and fundamentally new developments in science and technology might lead to a rupture of the same scale as the cluster of events that heralded the onset of the current rights regime. This argument builds on a number of literatures, especially those focused on norms cycles, rights generations, and what is being called the “ontological turn.” Yet the implications extend beyond these conversations in terms of both conceptual scale (the emphasis here is on critical junctures between eras, rather than cycles or generations within eras) as well as temporal scale (the emphasis is on the medium-to-long-range future, rather than the near future). An effort to ground this speculation takes the form of testable hypotheses and practical recommendations.
这篇文章表明,人类可能正接近一个关键时刻,因为宏观历史变化的汇合可能个别或集体地从根本上改变人权领域,并迎来第二个人权时代。它特别指出,地缘政治的结构性变化、气候和能源的全系统变化以及科学和技术的根本性新发展的汇合可能导致与预示当前权利制度开始的一系列事件相同规模的破裂。这一论点建立在大量文献的基础上,尤其是那些关注规范循环、权利生成和所谓的“本体论转向”的文献。然而,在概念尺度(这里强调的是时代之间的关键时刻,而不是周期或时代内的几代人)和时间尺度(强调的是中长期未来,而不是不久的将来)方面,其含义超出了这些对话。为了使这种推测扎根,我们采取了可检验的假设和实际建议的形式。
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引用次数: 0
How to consolidate quickly: The cases of Algeria and Tunisia 如何快速巩固:阿尔及利亚和突尼斯的案例
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2264323
Sammy Badran, Brian Turnbull
AbstractSeveral governments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have used pandemic measures to silence opposition voices and curb human rights. This article delvers deeper into this dynamic in Algeria and Tunisia by systematically analyzing regime use of preexisting authoritarian legal frameworks to target perceived regime opponents. Notably, unlike other regimes in the MENA, COVID-19 pandemic-specific laws (such as curfew violations) were not heavily relied on to arrest and prosecute prominent opponents. Instead, foundational laws that restrict free speech and assembly with intentionally vague language, which often date back decades, were reused. Several of these laws were enhanced during the pandemic to grant the executive more leeway in their use and expanded fines and prison sentences. Interestingly, despite the very public use of these laws, regimes in both countries have maintained relatively high public approval ratings. This is remarkable, given that past autocrats were overthrown for similar abuses. This demonstrates that pandemics grant aspiring authoritarian regimes greater leeway in the use of general legal mechanisms to restrict free speech and assembly. These kinds of crises can help maintain approval ratings despite extensive oppressive action by the state. This was especially true for Tunisia, where it appears that the pandemic created a rally-’round-the-flag effect that allowed the executive to consolidate his power in a dramatic democratic backslide. Notes1 Data were pulled from Arab Barometer Waves 5 (2019), 6a and 6b (2020), 6c (2021), and 7 (2022). For ease of interpretation, four part responses were aggregated into two general Satisfied/Dissatisfied, Good/Bad, More trust/Less trust from their original (Completely satisfied/Satisfied/Dissatisfied/Completely dissatisfied, Very good/Good/Bad/Very bad, A great deal of trust/Quite a lot of trust/Not a lot of trust/No trust at all). Responses under Overall Satisfaction with Government Performance in Waves 6 and 7 were combined with responses under Satisfaction with the Current Government's Performance: Providing Security and Order in Wave 5. Both were rated Very good/Good/Bad/Very bad. Available at: https://www.arabbarometer.org/.Additional informationNotes on contributorsSammy BadranSammy Badran's research focuses on Middle East and North African (MENA) politics. He has published articles in the British Journal of Middle East Studies, Journal of North African Studies, and the Journal of International Women’s Studies. Badran’s book, Killing Contention Demobilization in Morocco during the Arab Spring (2022), investigates the impact of the 2011 constitutional reforms, parliamentary elections, and ideological cleavages on protest levels in Morocco. He an assistant professor of international studies at the American University of Sharjah, UAE.Brian TurnbullBrian Turnbull is an assistant professor of instruction in the Department of Sociology with interdisciplinary interests in s
摘要中东和北非地区的一些政府利用流行病措施压制反对声音,限制人权。本文通过系统地分析阿尔及利亚和突尼斯政权利用先前存在的专制法律框架来打击被认为是政权对手的做法,深入探讨了这一动态。值得注意的是,与中东和北非地区的其他政权不同,针对COVID-19大流行的法律(如违反宵禁的法律)在逮捕和起诉著名反对者方面没有受到严重依赖。相反,那些限制言论自由和集会自由、故意使用模糊语言的基本法律(这些法律往往可以追溯到几十年前)被重新使用。其中一些法律在大流行期间得到加强,使行政部门在使用这些法律方面有更大的余地,并扩大了罚款和刑期。有趣的是,尽管这些法律非常公开地使用,但这两个国家的政权都保持了相对较高的公众支持率。这是值得注意的,因为过去的独裁者都因类似的滥用职权而被推翻。这表明,大流行病使有抱负的威权政权在利用一般法律机制限制言论和集会自由方面有更大的回旋余地。尽管国家采取了广泛的压迫行动,但这类危机有助于维持支持率。对于突尼斯来说尤其如此,在那里,疫情似乎创造了一种“团结一致”的效应,使行政部门能够在戏剧性的民主倒退中巩固自己的权力。注1数据取自Arab Barometer Waves 5(2019)、6a和6b(2020)、6c(2021)和7(2022)。为了便于解释,四部分的回答被汇总为两个一般满意/不满意,好/坏,更信任/更不信任(完全满意/满意/不满意/完全不满意,非常好/好/差/非常差,非常信任/相当信任/不太信任/根本不信任)。第6和第7波“对政府整体表现满意”的回答与第5波“对现政府表现满意:提供安全与秩序”的回答合并。两者都被评为非常好/好/差/非常差。可用网址:https://www.arabbarometer.org/.Additional information撰稿人说明萨米·巴德兰萨米·巴德兰的研究重点是中东和北非政治。他曾在《英国中东研究杂志》、《北非研究杂志》和《国际妇女研究杂志》上发表文章。巴德兰的著作《阿拉伯之春期间摩洛哥的杀戮冲突复员》(2022)调查了2011年宪法改革、议会选举和意识形态分裂对摩洛哥抗议水平的影响。他是阿联酋沙迦美国大学国际研究专业的助理教授。布莱恩·特恩布尔是社会学系的助教,对社会变革、政治社会学和定性方法论有跨学科的兴趣。基于他的研究,他正在撰写一本名为《逃避性别配额:印度的保留和代理》的书,书中使用这些采访叙述来评估男性排挤和实质上代表女性的现象,这些女性被选为性别保留席位,并限制了配额为女性建立实质性代表的能力。他的作品发表在《政治与性别》和《定性研究》上。
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引用次数: 0
Meanings of the human rights concept: Tunisian activism in the 1970s 人权概念的意义:20世纪70年代的突尼斯行动主义
2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-24 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2023.2264321
Marc Schade-Poulsen
AbstractThis article explores human rights activism in an authoritarian context of the Global South in the 1970s through the case of Tunisia, a decade considered by scholarship as the starting point for international human rights norm diffusion, including in the Arab region. It describes how two Tunisian solidarity groups and the Tunisian Human Rights League—considered the first independent human rights organization in the Arab World—used the concept. These organizations are considered catalyzers of the spread of human rights culture in Tunisia. The article argues that the use of human rights and references to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights did not entail that international human rights norms were a core concern. Other justice principles and ideologies prevailed in the 1970s. The article further showcases the complexity of human rights processes in the Global South. Understanding the 1970s necessitates exploring the groups that made use of the concept, the political spaces in which they operated, and the idea environments in which human rights became a part. AcknowledgmentsI would like to express my gratitude to the Carlsberg Foundation for financial support of field work in Tunisia, and to Roskilde University, and its research group on Global Political Sociology, for hosting my research. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Stéphanie Lagoutte and two anonymous readers for their constructive comments and, not the least, to friends and colleagues in Tunisia who consented to share their experience as political and human rights activists with me.Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 When translating the names of organizations into English, I use French acronyms, as these are the best known in the Tunisian context. Names of persons are written with French transliterations used in Tunisia.2 Comité tunisien d’information et de défense des victimes de la répression.3 The main references about this period are Bougerra (Citation2019), Chammari (Citation1975), and Temimi (Citation2008).4 Next to written information about the CISDHT and the prisoners, I build my information on interviews with Hechmi Ben Frej, Aziz Krichen, Khemais Chammari, Alya Chammari, Noureddine Hmila, Hichem Skik and Francoise Valensi, and a conversation with Hsan Ouardani, all former political prisoners or active in solidarity work. My informants do not recall having had the Tehran Conference in mind when including human rights in the name of the CISDHT. In France, establishing ad hoc committees referring to human rights was common. Seven such committees for example were created between 1954 and 1956 in relation to the Algerian war (Berchadsky, Citation1994, p. 20).5 I borrow the term from the works of Tilly (Citation2006) and Tarrow (Citation2011).6 The Tunisian state’s view on the trial was published in Parti Socialiste Destourien (PSD; Citation1968) and Government of Tunisia (Citation1968).7 AI professionalized its presence at the United
第三,影响力较小的一派坚持中国官方的“三个世界”政策,优先支持第三世界政权反对美苏帝国主义,无论其性质如何。这条政治路线使得与突尼斯政治机器结盟成为可以接受的参见Baīān al-taāsīssiya li-l- ḥizb al- - - - - amāl al- shash - u - - aiya 1986(突尼斯共产党工人党成立宣言),Arfaoui (Citation2016).20该组织直到1989年才被突尼斯当局合法注册Khémaïs Chammari和Mohamed Charfi。本研究得到嘉士伯方特公司的支持。作者简介marc Schade-Poulsen,丹麦罗斯基勒大学客座研究员,拥有社会人类学博士学位,主要研究北非和人权问题。他是欧洲-地中海保护人权捍卫者基金会的董事会成员。在返回学术界之前,他曾担任欧洲-地中海权利:欧洲-地中海人权网络执行主任二十年。他也是《阿尔及利亚的音乐和男人:Raï的社会意义》一书的作者,德克萨斯大学出版社,1999年。
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Journal of Human Rights
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