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Solving old problems or making new ones? Blockchain technology for the protection of refugees and migrants 解决老问题还是制造新问题?区块链技术保护难民和移民
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2100984
Daniel Connolly, Seunghyun Nam, Kirsty Goodman
Abstract Blockchain technology has applications that can revolutionize political and economic governance. Although most of the academic literature on blockchain has focused on Bitcoin, there is a need to look at the feasibility of new humanitarian applications. This study will proceed in two steps. First, it surveys current theoretical and practical work on how blockchain can be used to help protect the human rights of migrants and refugees, primarily through creation of digital identities. Then it conducts a critical examination of two major cases: the Building Blocks initiative by the World Food Programme in Jordan and the Rohingya Project. We find that blockchain can be useful in empowering vulnerable individuals, but the empowerment of organizations creates potential human rights risks, such as the infringement of privacy and discrimination. Therefore, adequate safeguards should be in place to ensure that blockchain initiatives meet their true purposes of protecting the most vulnerable groups.
区块链技术的应用可以彻底改变政治和经济治理。尽管大多数关于区块链的学术文献都集中在比特币上,但有必要研究一下新的人道主义应用的可行性。这项研究将分两步进行。首先,它调查了目前关于如何利用区块链来帮助保护移民和难民人权的理论和实践工作,主要是通过创建数字身份。然后,它对两个主要案例进行了批判性审查:世界粮食计划署(World Food Programme)在约旦的“构建模块”(Building Blocks)倡议和罗兴亚项目(Rohingya Project)。我们发现区块链在赋予弱势个人权力方面是有用的,但赋予组织权力会带来潜在的人权风险,例如侵犯隐私和歧视。因此,应采取适当的保障措施,以确保区块链倡议达到其保护最弱势群体的真正目的。
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引用次数: 0
Transgender rights are human rights: A cross-national comparison of transgender rights in 204 countries 跨性别者权利是人权:204个国家跨性别者权利的跨国比较
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2100985
Susan Dicklitch-Nelson, Indira Rahman
Abstract Although lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people are often treated as a homogenous group, they are not treated equally by states and societies. The F&M Global Barometer of Transgender Rights (GBTR) represents the first multiyear attempt to assess cross-nationally the extent to which countries are human rights protective or persecuting specifically toward transgender individuals. Examining 204 countries from 2011 to 2019, the GBTR, which measures state and societal level human rights protection or persecution, shows that the majority of countries in the world are far from protective of transgender people’s human rights.
虽然女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和变性人(LGBT)经常被视为同质群体,但他们并没有得到国家和社会的平等对待。F&M全球跨性别权利晴雨表(GBTR)是第一个多年来跨国评估国家对跨性别者的人权保护或迫害程度的尝试。GBTR是衡量国家和社会层面的人权保护或迫害的指标,它对2011年至2019年的204个国家进行了调查,结果显示,世界上大多数国家对跨性别者的人权保护远远不够。
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引用次数: 2
Human rights activism after the movement ends: Global lessons from Kenya’s unfinished “revolution” 运动结束后的人权行动:肯尼亚未完成“革命”的全球教训
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-02 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2097999
R. Press
Abstract Some 30 years after their dangerous human rights activism in Kenya that challenged an authoritarian regime and won multiparty democracy, more than half the leading survivors were still politically active. Three were governors, one was the Supreme Court Chief Justice, five were human rights activists; others were attorneys or otherwise politically engaged. This study provides fresh insights on the theory of cycles of social movements and offers global implications for movements in other countries. The decline of social movements “remains relatively understudied from an empirical standpoint.” The study builds on the cycle theories of Tarrow, considered the “leading theoretician of protest cycles.” It finds that (1) long after a protest movement has ended, some activists may continue individual activism in line with the goals of the movement or a subset of goals; (2) partial victories or regime concessions tend to weaken cohesiveness of a movement and make subsequent victories harder; (3) regime change, although more dangerous, in some ways is easier than regime reform. The findings are based on interviews conducted by the author, mostly in Nairobi, with the leading veteran activists and others between 2019 and 2021, plus archival reviews.
摘要在肯尼亚危险的人权行动主义挑战独裁政权并赢得多党民主大约30年后,超过一半的主要幸存者仍然在政治上活跃。三位是州长,一位是最高法院首席法官,五位是人权活动家;其他人是律师或以其他方式参与政治活动。这项研究为社会运动周期理论提供了新的见解,并为其他国家的运动提供了全球启示。社会运动的衰落“从实证的角度来看仍然相对不足。”该研究建立在被认为是“抗议周期的主要理论家”的塔罗的周期理论之上。它发现:(1)在抗议运动结束很久之后,一些活动家可能会根据运动的目标或目标的子集继续个人行动主义;(2) 局部胜利或政权让步往往会削弱一场运动的凝聚力,并使随后的胜利更加困难;(3) 政权更迭虽然更危险,但在某些方面比政权改革更容易。这些发现是基于作者在2019年至2021年间对主要资深活动家和其他人进行的采访,以及档案审查。
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引用次数: 0
International human rights teachers in Myanmar universities: The individual constraints of structure on intermediaries 缅甸大学国际人权教师:中介结构的个体约束
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2098000
Jonathan F D Liljeblad
Abstract The literature on the transnational promotion of human rights looks to the role of intermediaries who facilitate connections between global and local discourses. Local discourses, however, may host actors and dynamics with diverse perspectives not entirely receptive to international norms, and so call for attention as to how they impact the work of intermediaries. Myanmar university human rights teachers serve an intermediary role, receiving international human rights training from international aid programs and promoting such training within their professional work environments. The actors and dynamics of their work environments constitute local discourses affecting the conduct of university teachers, and thereby influence their efforts to promote international human rights norms. The analysis draws on empirical fieldwork involving the experiences of Myanmar university human rights teachers, using their concerns to demonstrate the ways their professional environments constrain their teaching of human rights. From such findings, the analysis raises implications for theories of intermediaries and international aid policies to promote human rights norms.
关于跨国促进人权的文献着眼于中间人的作用,他们促进了全球和地方话语之间的联系。然而,地方话语可能拥有不同观点的行动者和动态,不完全接受国际规范,因此需要注意它们如何影响中介机构的工作。缅甸大学的人权教师发挥着中介作用,接受国际援助项目提供的国际人权培训,并在其专业工作环境中推广这种培训。他们工作环境的行为者和动态构成影响大学教师行为的地方话语,从而影响他们促进国际人权准则的努力。该分析借鉴了涉及缅甸大学人权教师经验的实证实地调查,利用他们的关切来证明他们的专业环境如何制约他们的人权教学。根据这些发现,分析提出了中介理论和国际援助政策的启示,以促进人权规范。
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引用次数: 1
Economic sanctions, repression capacity, and human rights 经济制裁、镇压能力和人权
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2096404
S. Kang, Sangmin Lee, Taehee Whang
Abstract What is the relationship between economic sanctions and the human rights conditions of target countries? We suggest a two-stage mechanism to explain how sanctions deteriorate the human rights condition in the target country. In the repressive capacity stage, sanctions increase the capacity the target government can use for political repression. We introduce the concepts of political corruption, judicial dependence, and the government's media censorship as political repression tools of target governments. In the violation stage, the increased capacity to repress leads to worsening the target’s human rights condition. We also find that, while human rights sanctions are not likely to increase political repression in the target country, non-human rights sanctions are more likely to increase the political repression therein. Furthermore, such increased capacity for repression, specifically political corruption and judiciary dependence, in the target country adversely affected the human rights condition.
经济制裁与被制裁国家人权状况之间的关系是什么?我们建议采用两阶段机制来解释制裁如何使目标国家的人权状况恶化。在镇压能力阶段,制裁增加了目标政府进行政治镇压的能力。我们引入了政治腐败、司法依赖和政府媒体审查作为目标政府政治镇压工具的概念。在侵犯阶段,压制能力的增强导致被侵犯对象人权状况的恶化。我们还发现,虽然人权制裁不太可能增加目标国家的政治镇压,但非人权制裁更有可能增加目标国家的政治镇压。此外,目标国家镇压能力的增强,特别是政治腐败和司法依赖,对人权状况产生了不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Journaling as a rights-based intervention during pandemic times: An interview with the creators of the Pandemic Journaling Project 在大流行时期,日记是一种基于权利的干预措施:采访大流行日记项目的创建者
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2091923
Heather M. Wurtz
Abstract The Pandemic Journaling Project (PJP) is a combined virtual journaling platform and research study that chronicles the experiences of ordinary people during the COVID-19 pandemic. In this interview, PJP cofounders, Sarah S. Willen and Katherine A. Mason, speak with PJP Postdoctoral Fellow Heather Wurtz about the role of human rights in how PJP was conceived, designed, and implemented. They describe how PJP contributes to a broader effort to advance social justice through the collection and preservation of archival accounts of historically underrepresented communities. Willen and Mason also share some insights into what they are beginning to learn about human rights from the contributions of PJP participants. They conclude with a brief discussion of how they plan to disseminate findings across academic and public arenas, as well as some of the next steps for PJP in terms of future research and social engagement.
大流行日志项目(PJP)是一个结合虚拟日志平台和研究的项目,记录了新冠肺炎大流行期间普通人的经历。在这次采访中,PJP联合创始人Sarah S. Willen和Katherine A. Mason与PJP博士后研究员Heather Wurtz谈论人权在PJP如何构思、设计和实施中的作用。他们描述了PJP如何通过收集和保存历史上代表性不足的社区的档案账户,为促进社会正义做出更广泛的贡献。Willen和Mason还分享了他们从PJP参与者的贡献中开始了解人权的一些见解。最后,他们简要讨论了他们计划如何在学术和公共领域传播研究结果,以及PJP在未来研究和社会参与方面的一些下一步措施。
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引用次数: 2
Can nonviolent resistance survive COVID-19? 非暴力抵抗能否战胜COVID-19?
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2077085
E. Chenoweth
Abstract When the COVID-19 pandemic arrived on the scene, the near-universal imposition of lockdowns and public health restrictions prompted many human rights advocates to sound the alarm regarding freedoms of assembly, expression, privacy, and movement. Even though they have not yet appeared to reduce the occurrence of protests in many countries, such restrictions may nevertheless diminish the ability of mass movements to effectively organize and win key concessions. In this article, I present new descriptive data on the outcomes of people-power movements, which suggest that, despite their heightened popularity, maximalist nonviolent campaigns are seeing their lowest success rates in more than a century. I describe how the diffusion of restrictions on peaceful assembly and expression accompanies a broader toolkit of authoritarian strategies that have become standardized over the past 15 years in response to people-power movements. I then turn to three tensions that present dilemmas for movements emerging from the pandemic and its associated lockdowns. I conclude by laying out key research questions that emerge from these trends and dilemmas that require sustained attention from scholars and practitioners of nonviolent resistance.
当COVID-19大流行到来时,几乎普遍实施的封锁和公共卫生限制促使许多人权倡导者对集会、言论、隐私和行动自由发出警告。尽管这些限制似乎尚未减少许多国家抗议活动的发生,但这些限制可能削弱群众运动有效组织和赢得关键让步的能力。在这篇文章中,我提出了关于人民力量运动结果的新的描述性数据,这些数据表明,尽管他们越来越受欢迎,但最大限度的非暴力运动在一个多世纪以来的成功率最低。我描述了对和平集会和言论限制的扩散是如何伴随着更广泛的专制战略工具包的,这些策略在过去15年中已成为标准化的,以应对人民力量运动。然后,我要谈谈三大紧张局势,它们给大流行及其相关封锁带来的运动带来了困境。最后,我列出了从这些趋势和困境中出现的关键研究问题,这些问题需要非暴力抵抗的学者和实践者的持续关注。
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引用次数: 11
Pandemic patriarchy: The impact of a global health crisis on women’s rights 流行病父权制:全球健康危机对妇女权利的影响
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2071105
Alison Brysk
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has brought a surge in patriarchal repression for women worldwide, with marked increases in gender violence, gendered job loss and deterioration in labor conditions, regression in health care access and reproductive rights, and backlash against feminist consciousness. Beyond intensifying chronic rights gaps and the preexisting conditions of patriarchy, the global health crisis has increased the gendered impact of interdependence across the social-civil-security rights domains, the public-private divide, and intersecting identities of gender, race, and class. The cumulation of these shifts constitutes a new phase of pandemic patriarchy that sets new parameters for the fulfillment of women’s rights in the international rights regime. The uneven rights regime response to the panoply of rights challenges under conditions of pandemic patriarchy shows that an adequate global response must move beyond the recognition of women’s rights as human rights to incorporate feminism as an ethic of care, struggle for systematic gender equity, and feminist reconstruction of global governance.
2019冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行导致全球父权制对女性的压迫激增,性别暴力、性别失业和劳动条件恶化、医疗保健和生殖权利倒退、女权主义意识遭到抵制等现象明显增多。除了加剧长期存在的权利差距和父权制先前存在的状况外,全球卫生危机还增加了社会-公民-安全权利领域相互依存的性别影响、公私鸿沟以及性别、种族和阶级的交叉身份。这些变化的累积构成了大流行父权制的一个新阶段,为在国际权利制度中实现妇女权利设定了新的参数。在父权制普遍存在的情况下,权利制度对各种权利挑战的反应不平衡表明,适当的全球反应必须超越承认妇女权利是人权,而将女权主义作为一种关怀伦理、争取系统的性别平等的斗争和女权主义对全球治理的重建。
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引用次数: 11
Hindsight is 2020: Lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic for future human rights research 后见之明是2020:2019冠状病毒病大流行给未来人权研究的教训
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2071106
Amanda Murdie
Abstract The global COVID-19 pandemic affected much of the world’s human rights for 2020 and 2021 and will continue to have human rights ramifications for years to come. While many things have fundamentally changed due to the pandemic, COVID-19 has also shined a spotlight on certain realities about the existing international human rights regime that may have been missed before. This concluding article to the special issue focuses on four realities that have become evident during the COVID-19 pandemic and discusses the implications of these realities on the next generation of human rights research. Understanding the future of global human rights, including the right to health, requires the holistic and long-term approach suggested by Chiozza and King, incorporating lessons learned from the current pandemic in ways that will help us predict and solve future human rights challenges.
2019冠状病毒病(COVID-19)全球大流行在2020年和2021年影响了全球大部分人权,并将在未来几年继续对人权产生影响。虽然疫情使许多事情发生了根本性的变化,但COVID-19也使人们关注到现有国际人权制度的某些现实,这些现实可能是以前被忽视的。本期特刊的最后一篇文章侧重于在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间显而易见的四个现实,并讨论了这些现实对下一代人权研究的影响。要了解包括健康权在内的全球人权的未来,就需要采取Chiozza和King建议的全面和长期的办法,以有助于我们预测和解决未来人权挑战的方式吸取当前大流行病的教训。
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引用次数: 6
Global perceptions of South Korea's COVID-19 policy responses: Topic modeling with tweets 全球对韩国新冠肺炎政策应对的看法:推特主题建模
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2080497
Jeong-Woo Koo
Abstract This article focuses on South Korea as a case, analyzes a collection of 87,487 tweets referencing both COVID-19 and South Korea during the period of the pandemic, and examines global users’ understandings and/or assessments of South Korean responses to the health crisis. This article uses Pseudo-document-based Topic Model (PTM) as an advanced machine learning technique for classifying short texts into viable topics or themes. In the PTM results, human rights-related topics received much less attention than other topics on government responses, health measures, vaccines, and economic issues. Furthermore, discussions on surveillance, restrictions on assembly, and stigmatization of religious groups tended to emerge rather briefly and soon subsided. Rights protection in the South Korean context appeared at odds with the larger target of protecting public health and the safety of society. The analyses demonstrate a tradeoff between implementing public health imperatives and respecting human rights in South Korea.
本文以韩国为例,分析了大流行期间87487条涉及COVID-19和韩国的推文,并考察了全球用户对韩国应对卫生危机的理解和/或评估。本文使用基于伪文档的主题模型(Pseudo-document-based Topic Model, PTM)作为一种高级机器学习技术,用于将短文本分类为可行的主题或主题。在PTM结果中,与人权有关的主题受到的关注远远少于与政府反应、卫生措施、疫苗和经济问题有关的其他主题。此外,关于监视、限制集会和侮辱宗教团体的讨论往往出现得相当短暂,很快就平息了。韩国背景下的权利保护似乎与保护公共健康和社会安全的更大目标不一致。这些分析表明,在韩国实施公共卫生要求与尊重人权之间存在权衡。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Journal of Human Rights
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