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Taking the “Girl” Out of Gender-Responsive Programming in the Juvenile Justice System 将“女孩”从青少年司法系统的性别敏感项目中剔除
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-032317-091922
Angela Irvine-Baker, Nikki Jones, A. Canfield
Since the early 2000s, state and local policy makers, practitioners, and advocates accelerated existing federal efforts to reform the youth justice system and dramatically reduce the number of youth detained in the juvenile justice system. States across the country achieved these drops through policy changes that created fiscal disincentives and legal roadblocks to state custody. Yet recent research shows that youth of color and LGBQ-GNCT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, questioning, gender-nonconforming, and transgender) youth continue to be overrepresented in many juvenile justice systems throughout the country. In this review, we interrogate these disparities more deeply in an effort to ( a) advocate for continued and increased efforts to reduce racial disparities in the juvenile justice system; ( b) break the silence around the experiences of LGBQ-GNCT youth in the system, which are overwhelmingly youth of color; and ( c) encourage a deeper appreciation of sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression and how they intersect with race when it comes to serving youth in the justice system.
自21世纪初以来,州和地方的政策制定者、从业人员和倡导者加快了现有的联邦改革青年司法系统的努力,并大幅减少了在少年司法系统中被拘留的青少年人数。全国各州通过政策变化实现了这些下降,这些政策变化造成了财政上的阻碍和对国家监管的法律障碍。然而,最近的研究表明,在全国许多少年司法系统中,有色人种和LGBQ-GNCT(女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、质疑者、性别不符合者和跨性别者)青少年的比例仍然过高。在这篇综述中,我们更深入地探讨了这些差异,以努力(a)倡导继续并加大努力,减少青少年司法系统中的种族差异;(b)打破对系统中LGBQ-GNCT青年的经历的沉默,这些年轻人绝大多数是有色人种;(c)鼓励更深入地了解性取向、性别认同和性别表达,以及在司法系统中为青少年服务时,它们与种族的关系。
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引用次数: 12
Neuroscience and the Criminal Justice System 神经科学与刑事司法系统
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024433
H. Greely, Nita A. Farahany
The criminal justice system acts directly on bodies, but fundamentally it cares about minds. As neuroscience progresses, it will increasingly be able to probe the objective, physical organ of the brain and reveal secrets from the subjective mind. This is already beginning to affect the criminal justice system, a trend that will only increase. This review article cannot begin even to sketch the full scope of the new field of law and neuroscience. The first workshop on the subject was held in 2003 ( Garland 2004 ), but the field already has its own casebook ( Jones et al. 2014 ) and the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Law and Neuroscience (2018) shows more than 1,700 publications in the area between 1984 and 2017. Greely (2009) divided the implications of law into five different categories: prediction, mind-reading, responsibility, treatment, and enhancement. This article examines only three points: the current use of neuroscience to understand and explain criminal behavior, the possibilities of relevant neuroscience-based prediction, and plausible future applications of neuroscience to the treatment of criminals. But first, we discuss the human brain and how it works.
刑事司法系统直接作用于身体,但从根本上讲,它关心的是思想。随着神经科学的发展,它将越来越能够探测大脑的客观物理器官,并揭示主观心理的秘密。这已经开始影响刑事司法系统,这种趋势只会增加。这篇综述文章甚至无法开始描绘法律和神经科学这一新领域的全部范围。关于这一主题的第一次研讨会于2003年举行(Garland 2004),但该领域已经有了自己的案例书(Jones等人,2014),麦克阿瑟基金会法律和神经科学研究网络(2018)显示了1984年至2017年间该领域的1700多篇出版物。Greely(2009)将法律的含义分为五类:预测、读心术、责任、治疗和增强。这篇文章只考察了三点:目前使用神经科学来理解和解释犯罪行为,基于神经科学的相关预测的可能性,以及神经科学在未来治疗罪犯方面的合理应用。但首先,我们讨论人脑及其工作原理。
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引用次数: 52
Indigenous Peoples, Criminology, and Criminal Justice 土著人民、犯罪学和刑事司法
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024630
C. Cunneen, Juan Tauri
This review provides a critical overview of Indigenous peoples’ interactions with criminal justice systems. It focuses on the experiences of Indigenous peoples residing in the four major Anglo-settler-colonial jurisdictions of Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States. The review is built around a number of key arguments, including that centuries of colonization have left Indigenous peoples across all four jurisdictions in a position of profound social, economic, and political marginalization; that the colonial project, especially the socioeconomic marginalization resulting from it, plays a significant role in the contemporary over-representation of Indigenous peoples in settler-colonial criminal justice systems; and that a key failure of both governments and the academy has been to disregard Indigenous peoples responses to social harm and to rely too heavily on Western theorizing, policy, and practice to solve the problem of Indigenous over-representation. Finally, we argue that little will change to reduce the negative nature of Indigenous–criminal justice interactions until the settler-colonial state and the discipline of criminology show a willingness to support Indigenous peoples’ desire for self-determination and for leadership in the response to the social harms that impact their communities.
本次审查对土著人民与刑事司法系统的互动进行了批判性的概述。它侧重于居住在澳大利亚、新西兰、加拿大和美国这四个主要的英国定居者殖民管辖区的土著人民的经历。该审查围绕着一些关键论点展开,包括几个世纪的殖民化使所有四个司法管辖区的土著人民处于严重的社会、经济和政治边缘化地位;殖民项目,特别是由此产生的社会经济边缘化,在当代定居者殖民刑事司法系统中土著人民代表性过高的问题上发挥了重要作用;政府和学院的一个主要失败是忽视了土著人民对社会伤害的反应,过于依赖西方的理论、政策和实践来解决土著人代表性过高的问题。最后,我们认为,在定居者殖民国家和犯罪学学科表现出支持土著人民自决和领导能力的愿望,以应对影响其社区的社会危害之前,几乎不会改变土著-刑事司法互动的负面性质。
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引用次数: 54
Looking Through Broken Windows: The Impact of Neighborhood Disorder on Aggression and Fear of Crime Is an Artifact of Research Design 透过破窗看:邻里混乱对攻击和犯罪恐惧的影响是研究设计的产物
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024638
D. O’Brien, Chelsea Farrell, Brandon C. Welsh
Broken windows theory (BWT) has heavily influenced social science and policy over the past 30 years. It posits that disorder in neighborhoods leads to elevated crime by inviting additional criminal activity and by discouraging the positive social behavior that prevents crime. Scholars have debated the veracity of BWT, and here we conduct a meta-analysis of 96 studies to examine the effects of disorder on residents’ ( a) general proclivities for aggressive behavior and ( b) perceptions of and attitudes toward their neighborhood (e.g., fear of crime), with particular attention to aspects of research design that might confound causal inference. We found no consistent evidence that disorder induces greater aggression or more negative attitudes toward the neighborhood. Studies that found such effects disproportionately utilized weaker research designs that omit key correlates or confound perceptions of disorder with other neighborhood attitudes. We explore implications for theory, research, and policy.
在过去的30年里,破窗理论对社会科学和政策产生了重大影响。它认为,社区的混乱会引发更多的犯罪活动,并阻碍预防犯罪的积极社会行为,从而导致犯罪率上升。学者们对BWT的准确性进行了争论,在这里,我们对96项研究进行了荟萃分析,以检验混乱对居民(a)攻击行为的一般倾向和(b)对邻里的看法和态度(例如,对犯罪的恐惧)的影响,并特别注意研究设计中可能混淆因果推理的方面。我们没有发现一致的证据表明,混乱会导致更大的攻击性或对邻里更消极的态度。发现这种影响的研究不成比例地使用了较弱的研究设计,忽略了关键的相关性,或者将对混乱的看法与其他社区态度混淆起来。我们探讨理论、研究和政策的影响。
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引用次数: 42
The Rise and Restraint of the Preventive State 预防性国家的兴起与制约
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024526
Lucia Zedner, A. Ashworth
Security has always been a core function of the modern state. Yet the rise of the Preventive State captures an intensification of that role as threats to security and demands for public protection increase, prompting states to prioritize new practices of preventive criminalization, policing, and punishment. The rise of the Preventive State may promise greater security, but the costs of ever more coercive preventive laws and measures are burdensome and pose a threat to civil liberties. This review considers the drivers, multiple manifestations, and direct and collateral consequences of preventive endeavors that assess and manage risk, target hazards, and restrain or detain those deemed dangerous. It also explores their ramifications for criminology and criminal justice. It concludes by considering the potential of criminology to join cross-disciplinary efforts to articulate a new jurisprudence of security and to elaborate principles of preventive justice with which to restrain the excesses of the Preventive State.
安全一直是现代国家的核心职能。然而,随着对安全的威胁和对公共保护的需求增加,预防性国家的崛起体现了这种作用的强化,促使各州优先考虑预防性刑事定罪、治安和惩罚的新做法。预防性国家的崛起可能会带来更大的安全,但越来越强制性的预防性法律和措施的代价是沉重的,并对公民自由构成威胁。本审查考虑了评估和管理风险、针对危险以及约束或拘留被视为危险的人的预防措施的驱动因素、多种表现以及直接和间接后果。它还探讨了它们对犯罪学和刑事司法的影响。最后,它考虑到犯罪学有可能加入跨学科的努力,阐明新的安全判例,并制定预防性司法原则,以遏制预防性国家的过度行为。
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引用次数: 19
Keeping Score: Predictive Analytics in Policing 保持分数:警务中的预测分析
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024534
Dylan J. Fitzpatrick, W. Gorr, Daniel B. Neill
Predictive analytics in policing is a data-driven approach to ( a) characterizing crime patterns across time and space and ( b) leveraging this knowledge for the prevention of crime and disorder. This article outlines the current state of the field, providing a review of forecasting tools that have been successfully applied by police to the task of crime prediction. We then discuss options for structured design and evaluation of a predictive policing program so that the benefits of proactive intervention efforts are maximized given fixed resource constraints. We highlight examples of predictive policing programs that have been implemented and evaluated by police agencies in the field. Finally, we discuss ethical issues related to predictive analytics in policing and suggest approaches for minimizing potential harm to vulnerable communities while providing an equitable distribution of the benefits of crime prevention across populations within police jurisdiction.
警务预测分析是一种数据驱动的方法,可以(a)描述跨时间和空间的犯罪模式,(b)利用这些知识预防犯罪和混乱。本文概述了该领域的现状,提供了预测工具的审查,这些工具已成功地应用于警察的犯罪预测任务。然后,我们讨论了预测警务计划的结构化设计和评估选项,以便在给定固定资源约束的情况下,将主动干预努力的好处最大化。我们重点介绍了在现场由警察机构实施和评估的预测性警务计划的例子。最后,我们讨论了与警务预测分析相关的道德问题,并提出了减少对弱势社区潜在危害的方法,同时在警察管辖范围内公平分配预防犯罪的好处。
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引用次数: 19
Government Policies for Counteracting Violent Extremism 政府打击暴力极端主义的政策
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024542
G. LaFree, Joshua D. Freilich
It took the 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City and, more importantly, the four coordinated attacks of September 11, 2001, to produce substantial interest among criminologists in the empirical study of violent political extremism. In the past two decades, this situation has changed dramatically with research on political extremism now routinely appearing in major criminology outlets, theses and dissertations, and meetings of professional associations. In this review, we track these changes specifically as they relate to government policies on countering violent extremism. What we find is a burgeoning literature. In the past twenty years, we have moved rapidly toward developing a criminology of political extremism. But not surprisingly, given how recent the sustained interest in this area has been, we find research areas where data are weak or nonexistent, rigorous methods are lacking, and results are disconnected from theoretical frameworks. We have divided our review of government responses to violent political extremism along a continuum ranging from the most repressive to the most conciliatory. In general, the trajectory of research on governmental policies to counteract terrorism resembles the early years of criminology itself, characterized by an incredible amount of energy and imagination but at the same time struggling to produce strong empirical data, cutting-edge methods, and sophisticated theoretical explanations.
1995年俄克拉荷马市默拉联邦大厦爆炸案,更重要的是,2001年9月11日的四次协同袭击,才引起了犯罪学家对暴力政治极端主义实证研究的极大兴趣。在过去的二十年里,这种情况发生了巨大变化,对政治极端主义的研究现在经常出现在主要的犯罪学媒体、论文和学位论文以及专业协会的会议上。在这篇综述中,我们特别跟踪了这些变化,因为它们与政府打击暴力极端主义的政策有关。我们发现的是一种新兴的文学。在过去的二十年里,我们迅速发展了政治极端主义的犯罪学。但毫不奇怪,考虑到最近人们对这一领域的持续兴趣,我们发现研究领域的数据薄弱或不存在,缺乏严格的方法,结果与理论框架脱节。我们对政府对暴力政治极端主义的反应进行了审查,从最具镇压性到最具和解性,这是一个连续的过程。总的来说,关于政府反恐政策的研究轨迹与犯罪学早期相似,其特点是具有惊人的能量和想象力,但同时又难以产生强有力的实证数据、尖端方法和复杂的理论解释。
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引用次数: 20
Public Opinion and Criminal Justice Policy: Theory and Research 舆论与刑事司法政策:理论与研究
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024826
Justin T. Pickett
This article reviews evidence for the effects of public opinion on court decision-making, capital punishment policy and use, correctional expenditures, and incarceration rates. It also assesses evidence about the factors explaining changes over time in public support for punitive crime policies. Most of this evidence originates from outside of our discipline. I identify two reasons that criminologists have not made more progress toward understanding the opinion-policy relationship. One is an unfamiliarity with important theoretical and empirical developments in political science pertaining to public policy mood, parallel opinion change, majoritarian congruence, and dynamic representation. Another is our overreliance on cross-sectional studies and preoccupation with comparing support levels elicited with different questions (global versus specific) and under different conditions (uninformed versus informed). I show how the resultant findings have contributed to misunderstandings about the nature of public opinion and created a false summit in our analysis of the opinion-policy relationship.
本文回顾了公众舆论对法院决策、死刑政策和使用、惩教支出和监禁率影响的证据。它还评估了有关解释公众对惩罚性犯罪政策的支持随时间变化的因素的证据。这些证据大多来自我们学科之外。我指出了犯罪学家在理解舆论与政策关系方面没有取得更多进展的两个原因。一个是不熟悉政治科学中与公共政策情绪、平行意见变化、多数一致和动态代表有关的重要理论和经验发展。另一个原因是我们过度依赖横断面研究,专注于比较不同问题(全局与具体)和不同条件下(不知情与知情)得出的支持水平。我展示了由此产生的研究结果如何导致了对民意本质的误解,并在我们对民意-政策关系的分析中制造了一个错误的顶峰。
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引用次数: 105
Methodological Challenges and Opportunities in Testing for Racial Discrimination in Policing 警察种族歧视测试的方法挑战与机遇
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024731
Roland Neil, Christopher Winship
A large body of empirical research exists that attempts to determine whether or not police discriminate on the basis of race. We investigate whether the methods used typically produce valid inferences. We find that they often most likely do not and that results may diverge from reality in either direction, indicating discrimination when it is not present or alternatively indicating a lack of discrimination when it is in fact present. The reason for this is that tests make assumptions about police behavior that are often implausible. Because of this, the simplest forms of benchmark and outcome tests should not be used, although the problem is more general. We discuss several possible ways to improve inferences about the absence or presence of discrimination, such as employing matching or weighting techniques and using novel, computationally intensive methods.
存在大量的实证研究,试图确定警察是否基于种族歧视。我们调查是否使用的方法通常产生有效的推论。我们发现,他们通常很可能不会这样做,结果可能在任何一个方向上偏离现实,当歧视不存在时表明歧视,或者当歧视实际上存在时表明缺乏歧视。这样做的原因是,测试对警察行为的假设往往是不可信的。因此,不应使用最简单形式的基准和结果测试,尽管问题更为普遍。我们讨论了几种可能的方法来改进关于不存在或存在歧视的推断,例如采用匹配或加权技术以及使用新颖的计算密集型方法。
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引用次数: 38
Assessing the Power of Prostitution Policies to Shift Markets, Attitudes, and Ideologies 评估卖淫政策改变市场、态度和意识形态的力量
IF 6.9 1区 社会学 Q1 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-14 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-CRIMINOL-011518-024623
May-Len Skilbrei
Since the late 1990s, many countries have been debating what prostitution policies to apply, and, particularly in Europe, several have changed the overall approach to the phenomenon and the people involved. Prostitution is more than ever before firmly placed on policy agendas as a topic related to gender equality and globalization. Furthermore, it is seen in context with issues relating to organized crime, health, and gentrification. In both policy debates and the academic discourse, particular ways of regulating prostitution are treated as models and a central discussion is which model among these works best. In this article, I argue that this search for a best practice of prostitution policy that can be transferred to and work similarly in a new jurisdiction builds on a lack of understanding of the importance of context and implementation. How policies work depends on, among other factors, aims, implementation structures, and characteristics of local prostitution markets. But I present a broad spectrum of research to clarify what should be taken into consideration when assessing policies’ abilities to achieve diverse goals. I argue that a fundamental problem in both prostitution policy debates and scholarship is that the arguments over prostitution policies have become too detached from the many and differing contexts in which these policies operate and I propose a way forward for research.
自20世纪90年代末以来,许多国家一直在争论应该适用什么样的卖淫政策,特别是在欧洲,一些国家已经改变了对这一现象和相关人员的总体态度。卖淫作为一个与性别平等和全球化有关的议题,比以往任何时候都更加坚定地被列入政策议程。此外,它是在与有组织犯罪、健康和绅士化有关的问题的背景下看待的。在政策辩论和学术讨论中,规范卖淫的特定方式都被视为模式,核心讨论是这些模式中哪一种最有效。在这篇文章中,我认为,这种寻找卖淫政策最佳实践的做法,可以转移到新的司法管辖区并在新的司法辖区内类似地发挥作用,是建立在对背景和实施的重要性缺乏理解的基础上的。政策的运作方式取决于目标、实施结构和当地卖淫市场的特点等因素。但我提出了一系列广泛的研究,以澄清在评估政策实现不同目标的能力时应该考虑什么。我认为,卖淫政策辩论和学术界的一个根本问题是,关于卖淫政策的争论与这些政策运作的许多不同背景过于脱节,我提出了一条研究的前进道路。
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引用次数: 10
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Annual Review of Criminology
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