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Safavid and Mughal Urban Bridges: Visual and Embodied Experience of Nature 萨法维王朝和莫卧儿王朝的城市桥梁:自然的视觉和体现体验
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1605573
S. Hosseini
Among the praiseworthy features of Isfahan, European travellers who visited the city throughout the seventeenth century admired the Khājū and Allāhvirdīkhān Bridges, particularly the galleries that lined their main passage and offered passers-by opportunities to rest and enjoy the breeze and expansive views of the river. Similarly, the Nūrābād Bridge and Jaunpur’s Shāhī Bridge in Mughal India, with their chhatrīs located on either side, provided comparable experiences for those traversing their length. Focusing on these four bridges, built between 1568 and 1659, this paper examines the novel architectural layout of these public structures within the framework of manzar, and argues for understanding the secondary spaces of these bridges as a thematic extension of the renowned Safavid and Mughal waterfront pavilions that were purposefully designed to engage with the surrounding landscape. As elements that were previously limited to royal and elite establishments, these viewing platforms empowered a particular mode of visual and embodied engagement with the landscape, which favoured immersion in natural settings and considered nature as a reflection of God and a text to decode – practices with roots in Turco-nomadic sensibilities towards nature, and the growth and popularity of mystic knowledge and esoteric practices in the post-Mongol eastern Islamic lands.
在伊斯法罕值得称道的特色中,17世纪到访这座城市的欧洲游客对Khājū和Allāhvirdīkhān的桥梁赞叹不已,尤其是那些排列在主干道上的廊道,它们为路人提供了休息的机会,让他们享受微风和广阔的河流景观。同样,印度莫卧儿王朝的Nūrābād桥和Jaunpur的Shāhī桥,它们的chhatrīs位于两侧,为穿越它们的人提供了类似的体验。本文以这四座建于1568年至1659年之间的桥梁为重点,研究了这些公共结构在曼扎尔框架内的新颖建筑布局,并主张将这些桥梁的次要空间理解为著名的萨法维和莫卧儿海滨亭子的主题延伸,这些亭子是有目的地设计的,与周围的景观相结合。作为以前仅限于皇室和精英机构的元素,这些观景台赋予了一种特殊的视觉模式,并体现了与景观的接触,这种模式有利于沉浸在自然环境中,并将自然视为上帝的反映和文本解码-植根于突厥游牧民族对自然的敏感性的实践,以及神秘知识和深奥实践的增长和普及后蒙古东部伊斯兰土地。
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引用次数: 0
Royal Assemblies and Imperial Libraries: Polygonal Pavilions and Their Functions in Mughal and Safavid Architecture 皇家集会和皇家图书馆:莫卧儿和萨法维建筑中的多边形亭子及其功能
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1605564
F. Emami
This article examines the architectural form and potential functions of two royal buildings: the Sher Mandal and the Guldasta pavilion. An octagonal tower located in the Purana Qilʿa in Delhi, the Sher Mandal was in all likelihood the library (kitāb-khāna) built by the Mughal emperor Humayun (r. 1530–56). Erected during the reign of the Safavid ruler Shah ʿAbbas I (r. 1587–1629), the now-vanished Guldasta pavilion was located south of the palace complex in Isfahan and can be studied through drawings and photographs. A close examination of the formal structure of the two buildings reveals that they belong to a distinct type of polygonal pavilion that first emerged in the late fifteenth century in the works of architecture sponsored by the Timurid dynasty (c. 1370–1405). Moreover, this comparative study opens up new venues for investigating the physical setting of the royal kitāb-khāna in Mughal and Safavid contexts.
本文考察了两个皇家建筑的建筑形式和潜在功能:谢尔曼达尔和古尔达斯塔馆。Sher Mandal是一座八角形的塔楼,位于德里的Purana Qil ā a,很可能是莫卧儿王朝(1530 - 1556年)建造的图书馆(kitāb-khāna)。建于萨法维王朝统治者沙·阿巴斯一世(1587-1629年)统治时期,现已消失的Guldasta亭位于伊斯法罕宫殿建筑群的南部,可以通过绘画和照片来研究。仔细观察这两座建筑的形式结构,可以发现它们属于一种独特的多边形亭子,这种亭子最早出现在15世纪末帖木儿王朝(约1370-1405年)的建筑作品中。此外,这项比较研究为研究皇室在莫卧儿和萨法维背景下的物理环境kitāb-khāna开辟了新的场所。
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引用次数: 0
From Function to Form: Chini-khana in Safavid and Mughal Architecture 从功能到形式:萨法维王朝和莫卧儿王朝建筑中的中国-卡纳
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1626589
Mehreen Chida-Razvi
Undertaking a comparative examination of a particular decorative form in the architecture of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Persianate world, this paper briefly introduces the appearance of Chini-khana in the Timurid era before examining its subsequent use in Safavid and Mughal structures. Originally created by Timurid patrons as a specific building or room to display precious Chinese porcelains, how the Chini-khana underwent parallel evolutions in Safavid and Mughal architecture is examined. While the same, or similar, architectural forms and decorative devices were at times used in different areas of the Persianate World, their evolution of form and function sometimes altered; this was the case for chini-khana. While both the Safavids and Mughals derived their awareness of it from the first Timurid Chini-khanas, each then adopted and/or adapted the original idea for their own purposes. In the architecture of both is present the continuation of an architectural device from a shared cultural history, but with differences in form, function and aesthetic desires.
本文对16世纪和17世纪波斯建筑中的一种特殊装饰形式进行了比较研究,简要介绍了Chini-khana在帖木儿时代的外观,然后研究了其在萨法维王朝和莫卧儿王朝建筑中的后续使用。最初由帖木儿的赞助人创建,作为展示珍贵中国瓷器的特定建筑或房间,Chini-khana是如何在萨法维和莫卧儿建筑中经历平行演变的。虽然波斯世界的不同地区有时使用相同或相似的建筑形式和装饰装置,但它们的形式和功能的演变有时会发生变化;这就是chini-khana的情况。虽然萨法维人和莫卧儿人都从第一个帖木儿的Chini-khanas那里获得了他们的意识,但每个人都为了自己的目的采用和/或改编了最初的想法。在两者的建筑中,都呈现出来自共同文化历史的建筑装置的延续,但在形式,功能和审美欲望方面存在差异。
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引用次数: 1
Resituating Mughal Architecture in the Persianate World: New Investigations and Analyses 波斯世界中再现莫卧儿建筑:新的调查与分析
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1628690
Mehreen Chida-Razvi
This Editorial Essay introduces the importance and need for the research collected in this Special Issue. Beginning with a definition of ‘Persianate’, the space that the Mughals occupied within this geo-cultural sphere is discussed. As an integral part of not only the existing early modern-era Persianate world, but as inheritors of its cultural memory, the Mughals had an invested stake in projecting this aspect of their heritage. Architecture was one of the means through which they did this. Moving away from the normative classification of the Mughals as being a ‘South Asian’ entity, the exploration of new avenues of research in Mughal-Persianate architectural connections in Resituating Mughal Architecture in the Persianate World: New Investigations and Analyses is introduced. It is seen that the studies in this volume include research on relationships between Persian philosophy and Mughal built spaces; between the architecture and architectural decoration of the Mughals and the Safavids; and on the role poetry can play in evoking cultural memory through architectural representations. Focusing on specific topics that exemplify the shared cultural heritage of the Mughals within the Persianate world, this volume highlights that avenues for studying this topic are ongoing, still necessary and extremely viable.
这篇社论文章介绍了在这个特刊收集的研究的重要性和必要性。从“波斯”的定义开始,讨论了莫卧儿在这一地缘文化领域所占据的空间。作为现存的早期现代波斯世界不可分割的一部分,而且作为其文化记忆的继承者,莫卧儿人在展示其遗产的这方面有着投资利益。建筑是他们实现这一目标的手段之一。从莫卧儿作为一个“南亚”实体的规范分类出发,在波斯世界重新定位莫卧儿建筑中探索莫卧儿-波斯建筑联系的新研究途径:新的调查和分析。可以看出,本卷的研究包括对波斯哲学与莫卧儿王朝建筑空间之间关系的研究;莫卧儿王朝和萨法维王朝的建筑和建筑装饰;以及诗歌在通过建筑表现唤起文化记忆中所扮演的角色。本卷着重于具体的主题,体现了波斯世界内莫卧儿王朝的共同文化遗产,强调了研究这一主题的途径是正在进行的,仍然是必要的和极其可行的。
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引用次数: 0
A City Besieged and a Love Lamented: Representations of Delhi’s Qila-i Mualla (‘Exalted Fortress’) in the Eighteenth Century 一座被围困的城市和一段被悲叹的爱情:18世纪德里“崇高堡垒”的再现
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1605575
Saleema Waraich
After the devastation of Delhi in the eighteenth century, a new genre of Urdu poetry (shahrashob, ‘the disturbed city’) emerged, lamenting the fallen city and simultaneously marking the displacement of Persian as the language of court poetry. This paper considers two visual laments from this period, focusing on artistic representations that merge structures modelled after the Qila-i Mualla (the Red Fort of Delhi) with narratives of suffering and longing drawn from classical Persian poetry. These responses to Delhi’s endangered existence also register the symbolic importance of a history of sovereign Mughal power associated with the Qila and the now imperiled Persianate cosmopolitan culture from which it developed.
在18世纪德里遭受破坏之后,一种新的乌尔都语诗歌(shahrashob,“被扰乱的城市”)出现了,哀悼这座沦陷的城市,同时标志着波斯语作为宫廷诗歌语言的取代。本文考虑了这一时期的两种视觉哀叹,重点关注了将模仿德里红堡(Qila-i Mualla)的结构与古典波斯诗歌中痛苦和渴望的叙述融合在一起的艺术表现。这些对德里濒临灭绝的回应,也表明了莫卧儿王朝主权历史的象征意义,这段历史与奇拉(Qila)和现在处于危险中的波斯世界主义文化有关。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Akhlaq-i Nasiri on the Forms and Spaces of Akbar’s Fatehpur Sikri Akhlaq-i Nasiri对阿克巴《法塔赫布尔·西克里》形式和空间的影响
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1605574
Santhi Kavuri-Bauer
In this article, I examine the structures and spatial dynamics of Fatehpur Sikri to show how the overall design of the Mughal capital city was informed by Islamic philosophy and ethical texts known as akhlaq. Both discourses used the concept of the city to theorize how the ideals of justice could be materialized. After creating an interpretative framework based on these texts, I focus on four spaces of interaction at Fatehpur Sikri, the Jami Masjid, Diwan-i Aam, Ibadat Khana, and markets, to show how the phenomenology of Peripatetic Islamic philosophy, later translated for Mongol kings by Nasir al-Din Tusi (1201–74), influenced the meaning of the city. Through this investigation, I argue that Fatehpur Sikri was a means of bringing the ethical concepts of Persianate philosophy to life in sixteenth-century Mughal India and introducing a new set of social and religious norms to the people.
在这篇文章中,我研究了Fatehpur Sikri的结构和空间动态,以展示莫卧儿首都的整体设计是如何受到伊斯兰哲学和伦理文本akhlaq的影响的。两篇论述都使用了城市的概念来理论化正义的理想是如何实现的。在基于这些文本创建了一个解释框架之后,我将重点放在Fatehpur Sikri、Jami Masjid、Diwan-i Aam、Ibadat Khana和市场的四个互动空间上,以展示后来由Nasir al-Din Tusi(1201-74)为蒙古国王翻译的伊斯兰哲学的现象学如何影响城市的意义。通过这一调查,我认为Fatehpur Sikri是将波斯哲学的伦理概念带入16世纪莫卧儿王朝印度的一种手段,并向人们介绍了一套新的社会和宗教规范。
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引用次数: 0
Charles Masson and the Buddhist Sites of Afghanistan: Explorations, Excavations, Collections 1832–1835 查尔斯·马森和阿富汗的佛教遗址:1832-1835年的探索、发掘和收藏
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1524200
K. Behrendt
1. Prabhu Mohapatra, “‘Restoring the Family’: Wife Murders and the Making of a Sexual Contract for Indian Immigrant Labour in the British Caribbean Colonies, 1860-1920”, Studies in History, Vol. 11, No.2 (New Delhi: Sage,1995) p.p. 227-260. The very making of the legal conceptions of a ‘family’ is seen here at the turn of the century, by the author, to be coeval with the decline of the indenture system and the consequent replacement of the same with the family labour of the ex-indentured labour. The very making of this legal concept of the ‘family’ is seen here, at the cost of the women workers who were made to transform into the reproducer of the labour from a wage earning worker. It highlights specifically the price paid by the women in the change in the form of labour from ‘indenture’ to ‘free wage work’. Other works for example, Brij V. Lal, Chalo Jahaji: on a journey through indenture in Fiji, (Canberra: Australian National University E Press, 2012), also highlight especially the experience of women workers in plantations being blamed for the ‘failure’ of the system of indenture even as its very structure compounded the conditions of murders, mortality and suicides in the plantations. While the latter deals with the period of indenture and the former tracks the changes from one system to another, Gaiutra Bahadur historicizes the experience of the coolie woman through the structures of violence that survived the history of indenture and free wage work to the present. However, by placing the coolie woman at the center of the narrative of indenture, she has outlined the possibility of many histories that such a narrative can beget, when it tries to push against the historical coordinates that make itself, thereby providing narratives of women who succeed in challenging the violence as well.
1. Prabhu Mohapatra,““恢复家庭”:1860-1920年英国加勒比殖民地印度移民劳工的妻子谋杀和性契约的制定”,《历史研究》第11卷第2期(新德里:Sage,1995年)第227-260页。在世纪之交,“家庭”这一法律概念的形成,在作者看来,是与契约制度的衰落同时发生的,随之而来的是契约劳工的家庭劳动取代了契约劳工。从这里可以看到,“家庭”这个法律概念的形成是以女工为代价的,她们被迫从挣工资的工人转变为劳动的再生产者。它特别强调了妇女在劳动形式从“契约”到“免费工资工作”的变化中所付出的代价。其他作品,例如Brij V. Lal, Chalo Jahaji:在斐济的契约之旅(堪培拉:澳大利亚国立大学E出版社,2012),也特别强调了种植园中女性工人的经历,她们被指责为契约制度的“失败”,即使其结构本身加剧了种植园中谋杀、死亡和自杀的情况。而后者处理的是契约时期,前者跟踪从一个系统到另一个系统的变化,Gaiutra Bahadur通过在契约和免费工资工作的历史中幸存下来的暴力结构将苦力妇女的经历历史化。然而,通过将苦力女性置于契约叙事的中心,她勾勒出了这种叙事可以产生的许多历史的可能性,当它试图推翻自己形成的历史坐标时,从而提供了成功挑战暴力的女性的叙事。
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引用次数: 2
A Memoir of Pre-Partition Punjab: Ruchi Ram Sahni, 1863–1948 旁遮普分治前回忆录:鲁奇·拉姆·萨尼,1863-1948
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-27 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1498571
A. Malhotra
ISSN: 0266-6030 (Print) 2153-2699 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsas20 A Memoir of Pre-Partition Punjab: Ruchi Ram Sahni, 1863–1948 Anshu Malhotra To cite this article: Anshu Malhotra (2018): A Memoir of Pre-Partition Punjab: Ruchi Ram Sahni, 1863–1948, South Asian Studies, DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1498571 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2018.1498571
ISSN: 0266-6030(印刷)2153-2699(在线)期刊主页:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsas20前分治旁遮普回忆录:Ruchi Ram Sahni, 1863-1948 Anshu Malhotra引用这篇文章:Anshu Malhotra(2018):前分治旁遮普回忆录:Ruchi Ram Sahni, 1863-1948,南亚研究,DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1498571链接到本文:https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2018.1498571
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引用次数: 4
Folding and Faulting: The Formation of ‘Himalayan Art’ 褶皱与断裂:“喜马拉雅艺术”的形成
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1525864
Nachiket Chanchani
This essay considers how Himalayan art is defined today, how it got to be demarcated in this manner, and how it has been investigated in the past. My postulations are trifold. First, Himalayan art as a discrete domain of scholarly inquiry emerged in Western Europe and India in the nineteenth century and crystallized as a subfield in these regions over the long twentieth century. Second, the subfield’s early development was connected to competing outside interests to map and remould the region’s economic, political, and cultural landscape. Third, the burgeoning of Himalayan art as a scholarly subfield today may be linked to the efforts of many stakeholders with varied interests. Interdisciplinary teams of specialists who are assiduously documenting, interpreting, and conserving historical landscapes in the mountain range are one influential subset of stakeholders. Auctioneers – who are just as eager in sustaining the interest of potential buyers in finely crafted portable artefacts as they are in wanting to avoid wading into the troubled waters of unsettled political boundaries and the illicit trade in artefacts – are another powerful subset of stakeholders.
这篇文章考虑了喜马拉雅艺术今天是如何被定义的,它是如何以这种方式被划分的,以及它在过去是如何被调查的。我的假设是三重的。首先,喜马拉雅艺术作为一个独立的学术研究领域在19世纪出现在西欧和印度,并在漫长的20世纪在这些地区成为一个分支领域。其次,该子领域的早期发展与外部利益的竞争有关,以绘制和重塑该地区的经济、政治和文化景观。第三,今天喜马拉雅艺术作为一个学术分支领域的蓬勃发展可能与许多不同兴趣的利益相关者的努力有关。跨学科的专家团队孜孜不倦地记录、解释和保护山脉的历史景观,是利益相关者的一个有影响力的子集。拍卖商是另一个强大的利益相关者群体,他们既渴望保持潜在买家对精细制作的便携式文物的兴趣,也希望避免涉入未解决的政治边界和非法文物贸易等浑水。
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引用次数: 0
The Empire of Apostles: Religion, Accommodatio,and the Imagination of Empire in Early Modern Brazil and India 《使徒帝国:近代早期巴西和印度的宗教、迁就与帝国想象》
IF 2.5 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1548822
R. Pinto
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引用次数: 2
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South Asian Studies
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