Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2017.1382044
Jason D. Hawkes
Bridget Allchin, who has died at the age of 90, was a pioneer in the field of South Asian archaeology. During her career, she made some of the most important discoveries of South Asian prehistory, and laid the foundations for (now standard) interdisciplinary approaches to its study. She also played a pivotal role in promoting and facilitating South Asian studies across Europe. Born Bridget Gordon on 10 February 1927 in Oxford, the daughter of Major Stephen Gordon of the Indian Army Medical Service and Elsie (née Cox), Bridget spent her childhood in Scotland. During World War II, she helped her mother run the family farm, which at that time also involved looking after evacuees and even a German prisoner of war. It was here, inspired by the works of William Sollas, that she resolved to study prehistory at university. However, archaeology was not taught as a degree in Britain at the time. So she enrolled for a Bachelor’s degree at University College London that included Ancient History, and spent her Easter holidays excavating a prehistoric site in Oxford. Her studies were interrupted when her parents moved to South Africa, and Bridget was compelled to follow them. She planned to return to Britain as soon as possible to resume her studies, but soon found that she could read for a degree in African Studies, including Anthropology and Archaeology, at Cape Town University. Here, she studied under Astley Goodwin, who instilled in her the necessity of strictly scientific methods of fieldwork; and in her free time, learned to fly in a Piper Cub. In the summer of 1950, armed with her degree and all of her savings, Bridget returned to Britain on her own to study for a PhD. After being told by the London School of Economics that her ‘colonial degree’ was not considered adequate preparation for a research degree, she resolved to go to UCL instead. Demanding to meet the then director of the Institute of Archaeology, Vere Gordon Childe, without an appointment – and in what she herself described as a ‘somewhat belligerent mood’ – she managed to convince the Institute to admit her in less than ten minutes. She began her PhD that autumn, under the supervision of Frederick Zeuner, with every intention of working on later African prehistory and ethnoarchaeology. It was there, at a lecture, that Bridget met her future husband and lifelong colleague, Raymond Allchin. The couple were married in March 1951, and spent their honeymoon in the Dordogne visiting the Palaeolithic cave paintings in the Vallée de la Vézère. Raymond, who had just won a PhD scholarship to study the archaeology of the Deccan, was due to spend a year in South Asia, and so Bridget made arrangements to spend a year’s study leave with him. Raymond’s supervisor, Kenneth Codrington, was very supportive of this plan, not least because Bridget was the only one among them who had a driving licence. While preparing to go, Bridget found out that she was pregnant. Hiding the news from both of their families,
布里奇特·奥尔钦(Bridget Allchin)去世，享年90岁，她是南亚考古学领域的先驱。在她的职业生涯中，她对南亚史前史做出了一些最重要的发现，并为(现在标准的)跨学科研究方法奠定了基础。她还在促进和促进整个欧洲的南亚研究方面发挥了关键作用。布里奇特·戈登于1927年2月10日出生在牛津，是印度陆军医疗服务部门的斯蒂芬·戈登少校和埃尔西(nassie Cox)的女儿，布里奇特在苏格兰度过了她的童年。在第二次世界大战期间，她帮助母亲经营家庭农场，当时还照顾撤离者，甚至是一名德国战俘。正是在这里，受到威廉·索拉斯(William Sollas)作品的启发，她决心在大学里学习史前史。然而，在当时的英国，考古学并没有作为一个学位来教授。因此，她在伦敦大学学院(University College London)攻读了包括古代史在内的学士学位，并利用复活节假期在牛津挖掘一处史前遗址。当她的父母搬到南非时，她的学业中断了，布丽奇特被迫跟随他们。她计划尽快回到英国继续她的学业，但很快发现她可以在开普敦大学攻读非洲研究学位，包括人类学和考古学。在这里，她师从阿斯特利·古德温，他向她灌输了严格科学的野外工作方法的必要性;在空闲时间，她学会了驾驶一架Piper Cub。1950年夏天，带着学位和所有积蓄，布丽奇特独自回到英国攻读博士学位。在被伦敦经济学院告知她的“殖民学位”不足以获得研究学位后，她决定去伦敦大学学院。她要求在没有预约的情况下与考古研究所所长维尔·戈登·柴尔德见面——她自己形容自己“有些好战”——但她在不到10分钟的时间里就说服了考古研究所让她进去。那年秋天，她在弗雷德里克·齐纳(Frederick Zeuner)的指导下开始攻读博士学位，一心要研究后来的非洲史前史和民族考古学。在那里的一次演讲中，布丽奇特遇到了她未来的丈夫和终身同事雷蒙德·奥尔钦(Raymond Allchin)。这对夫妇于1951年3月结婚，并在多尔多涅(Dordogne)度蜜月，参观了vallsamade de la vsamzires的旧石器时代洞穴壁画。雷蒙德刚刚获得了研究德干考古的博士奖学金，他打算在南亚待一年，布丽奇特就安排了一年的学习假，陪他一起去。雷蒙德的上司肯尼斯·科德林顿非常支持这个计划，尤其是因为布丽奇特是他们当中唯一一个有驾驶执照的人。在准备出发的时候，布丽奇特发现自己怀孕了。布里奇特把这个消息瞒着他们的家人，检查了他们的行程，并以典型的实用主义安排在班加罗尔(现在的班加罗尔)生孩子。接下来的六个月里，他们在南亚各地旅行，当他们终于到达南印度时，布丽奇特已经怀孕八个月了。正是在这段时间里，布丽奇特爱上了南亚，从而建立了一种个人和职业关系，这种关系将持续她的余生。她对南亚考古的丰富性感到敬畏，对其艺术遗产的美丽感到惊讶，并对其土地和文化产生了热情。在这段时间里，布里奇特写了她的第一篇专业论文，是关于迈索尔大学收藏的旧石器时代的石器，然后带着一个两个月大的婴儿——她的女儿苏希拉——回到了这个领域。也正是在这段时间里，布丽奇特和雷蒙德开始了一段非凡的学术合作关系。他们在史前遗址皮克利哈尔(Piklihal)进行了开创性的发掘，发现那里著名的灰丘是与牛有关的新石器时代遗址。布丽奇特回到伦敦，生下第二个孩子威廉后，她获得了博士学位(后来在1966年出版了《石尖箭:热带旧世界的晚石器时代猎人》)。在这样做的过程中，布里奇特成为战后英国少数几个获得博士学位的人之一——这是《南亚研究》的壮举，2020年第36卷，第1期，118-120页，https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2017.1382044
{"title":"Bridget Allchin","authors":"Jason D. Hawkes","doi":"10.1080/02666030.2017.1382044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2017.1382044","url":null,"abstract":"Bridget Allchin, who has died at the age of 90, was a pioneer in the field of South Asian archaeology. During her career, she made some of the most important discoveries of South Asian prehistory, and laid the foundations for (now standard) interdisciplinary approaches to its study. She also played a pivotal role in promoting and facilitating South Asian studies across Europe. Born Bridget Gordon on 10 February 1927 in Oxford, the daughter of Major Stephen Gordon of the Indian Army Medical Service and Elsie (née Cox), Bridget spent her childhood in Scotland. During World War II, she helped her mother run the family farm, which at that time also involved looking after evacuees and even a German prisoner of war. It was here, inspired by the works of William Sollas, that she resolved to study prehistory at university. However, archaeology was not taught as a degree in Britain at the time. So she enrolled for a Bachelor’s degree at University College London that included Ancient History, and spent her Easter holidays excavating a prehistoric site in Oxford. Her studies were interrupted when her parents moved to South Africa, and Bridget was compelled to follow them. She planned to return to Britain as soon as possible to resume her studies, but soon found that she could read for a degree in African Studies, including Anthropology and Archaeology, at Cape Town University. Here, she studied under Astley Goodwin, who instilled in her the necessity of strictly scientific methods of fieldwork; and in her free time, learned to fly in a Piper Cub. In the summer of 1950, armed with her degree and all of her savings, Bridget returned to Britain on her own to study for a PhD. After being told by the London School of Economics that her ‘colonial degree’ was not considered adequate preparation for a research degree, she resolved to go to UCL instead. Demanding to meet the then director of the Institute of Archaeology, Vere Gordon Childe, without an appointment – and in what she herself described as a ‘somewhat belligerent mood’ – she managed to convince the Institute to admit her in less than ten minutes. She began her PhD that autumn, under the supervision of Frederick Zeuner, with every intention of working on later African prehistory and ethnoarchaeology. It was there, at a lecture, that Bridget met her future husband and lifelong colleague, Raymond Allchin. The couple were married in March 1951, and spent their honeymoon in the Dordogne visiting the Palaeolithic cave paintings in the Vallée de la Vézère. Raymond, who had just won a PhD scholarship to study the archaeology of the Deccan, was due to spend a year in South Asia, and so Bridget made arrangements to spend a year’s study leave with him. Raymond’s supervisor, Kenneth Codrington, was very supportive of this plan, not least because Bridget was the only one among them who had a driving licence. While preparing to go, Bridget found out that she was pregnant. Hiding the news from both of their families, ","PeriodicalId":52006,"journal":{"name":"South Asian Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"118 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85627032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2020.1741246
Deborah Sutton
This article explores the relationship between choreography of India’s monuments and imperial hierarchies of race. It does so by situating one man’s professional biography within the structures of authority and privilege to which he owed his position. Gordon Sanderson was appointed Superintendent of Muhammadan and British Monuments in Northern India in 1910 and was charged with overseeing the exploration and conservation of archaeological monuments in the new imperial city at Delhi. The classification of India’s architectures offers a uniquely revealing insight into imperial ideologies of race and place. During his brief career, Sanderson demonstrated an intense dislike for the principles and practises of imperial architecture . Sanderson believed in a profound connection between landscape and architecture, a theory for which he found an antithesis in the imperial Public Works Department. Ultimately, and paradoxically, his work was deployed by the Government of India as a repudiation of the credibility of Indian design and architecture.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1595668
M. Siddiqi
Mushirul Hasan died in December 2018 after a prolonged bout of partial recovery from a traffic accident four years ago. He was admirably looked after by his wife, Zoya Hasan, in this long, trying p...
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1470740
S. Bawa
terize most of popular Hindu worship. Finally, in the conclusion, Ramos brings the discussion of pilgrimage, politics, and nationalism up to the present by examining the rhetoric of right-wing politicians in the twenty-first century. Perhaps most importantly, she highlights Narendra Modi’s remarkable creation of a new spiritual tourist destination at Gabbar Hill in Gujarat, where replicas of all fifty-one shakti pithas have been constructed at a single site. As such, the pithas continue to play a key role in the imaging of the nation, in the politics of Hindutva, and in the literal attempt to re-integrate the body of ‘Mother India.’ Overall, Ramos’ book is a compelling read and an important contribution to our larger understanding of the complex intersections between religion, politics, sacred space, pilgrimage, and national identity. She brings together an outstanding collection of visual images with a number of key historical sources in order to shed important light on the rise of nationalist consciousness during this key period. Perhaps the one weakness with this book is simply that it is so short and so narrowly focused. At 126 pages, the book is tightly written and precisely argued, but there are many places where the reader will simply want more – more historical evidence (for example, in the chapter on Kamakhya) and more case studies beyond these three sites in the northeast (how, for example, did the other forty-eight major pithas play into this nationalist narrative? Do they support or challenge her analysis of these three sites in Bengal and Assam? And what of the pithas that lie outside the boundaries of the modern Indian nation, such as those in Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh)? But despite this weakness, Pilgrimage and Politics in Colonial Bengal is an important book that should be of genuine interest to anyone interested in the study of pilgrimage, sacred space, religious nationalism, and modern Indian history.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1674487
W. Carruthers
This article demonstrates how the politics of non-alignment and multilateralism intersected with the making of scientific knowledge about the past after the Second World War. The article shows how post-war political (re-) arrangements helped to realign not only the geographies of that knowledge, but also the people who could claim expertise in making it. The article concentrates on events during UNESCO’s International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia, which took place during the 1960s and 1970s in Egypt and Sudan in response to the flooding caused by the construction of the Aswan High Dam. Discussing the Egyptian excavations carried out during the work by the Archaeological Survey of India, the article shows how the campaign offered the chance to realign – if not entirely non-align – the ways in which knowledge of the past was made, circulated, and justified. Carrying out archaeological work in another non-aligned nation-state not only represented a favourable international intervention for India, but also allowed the country to rearrange colonial logics of archaeological knowledge production to its advantage and to claim expertise in their use. The Archaeological Survey of India then attempted to perform this expertise elsewhere and thereby bolster the post-partition narrative of a ‘greater India’.
这篇文章展示了不结盟政治和多边主义是如何与第二次世界大战后关于过去的科学知识的形成相交叉的。这篇文章展示了战后的政治(重新)安排是如何帮助重新排列知识的地理位置的，同时也重新排列了那些声称拥有制造知识的专业知识的人。这篇文章聚焦于联合国教科文组织国际拯救努比亚古迹运动期间的事件，该运动于1960年代和1970年代在埃及和苏丹开展，以应对阿斯旺大坝建设引发的洪水。文章讨论了印度考古调查(Archaeological Survey of India)在工作期间所进行的埃及发掘工作，指出这项运动如何提供机会，重新调整(如果不是完全不一致的话)过去知识的制造、传播和证明方式。在另一个不结盟的民族国家开展考古工作不仅代表了对印度有利的国际干预，而且还允许该国重新安排考古知识生产的殖民逻辑，使其对其有利，并声称在其使用方面具有专业知识。印度考古调查然后试图在其他地方执行这一专业知识，从而支持后分裂的“大印度”叙述。
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2017.1282011
M. Siddiqi
new textual data. Relics and reliquaries have also been the focus of numerous recent publications, including a 2016 Cambridge University dissertation by Wannaporn Rienjang, who has also contributed to this volume; also deserving note is a chronological study of inscriptions on reliquaries by Stefan Baums. This publication offers, for the first time, access to Masson’s finds in the form of beautiful photographs and clearly vetted documentation. A body of evidence with far-reaching implications that now is accessible to the broader scholarly community.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2018.1455949
H. Urban
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Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1601382
A. King
This paper was prompted by the discovery of three dozen portrait drawings by an anonymous Indian artist in Old Delhi’s Chandni Chowk market. Some portraits, drawn in black pen and ink on paper and dating from around 1830, are framed by a caption, written in Devanagari script, apparently describing prominent figures in the Mughal court, following the British conquest of Delhi (1803). The first section focuses on the translated script of the captions around the portraits and provides some historical context to identify the subjects portrayed. It focuses on who they are. It also situates the portraits in relation to ‘Company School’ painting, i.e. work by eighteenth-/early nineteenth-century Indian artists adjusting their styles to paint subjects appealing to British (and European) taste. Attention shifts to portraits of British officials, possibly including Sir David Ochterlony, first Resident at the Mughal Court, 1803–06, and again, 1818–22, and Charles Metcalfe, 1811–18. The paper draws attention to the ways in which the artist distinguishes between Asian and European subjects, simultaneously coming to terms with the challenges of representing unfamiliar European ethnicities. The drawings themselves – historically interesting and occasionally amusing – are unique in relation to what is generally understood as ‘Indian painting’.
{"title":"Questionable Company: Representing Ethnicity at the Mughal Court","authors":"A. King","doi":"10.1080/02666030.2019.1601382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2019.1601382","url":null,"abstract":"This paper was prompted by the discovery of three dozen portrait drawings by an anonymous Indian artist in Old Delhi’s Chandni Chowk market. Some portraits, drawn in black pen and ink on paper and dating from around 1830, are framed by a caption, written in Devanagari script, apparently describing prominent figures in the Mughal court, following the British conquest of Delhi (1803). The first section focuses on the translated script of the captions around the portraits and provides some historical context to identify the subjects portrayed. It focuses on who they are. It also situates the portraits in relation to ‘Company School’ painting, i.e. work by eighteenth-/early nineteenth-century Indian artists adjusting their styles to paint subjects appealing to British (and European) taste. Attention shifts to portraits of British officials, possibly including Sir David Ochterlony, first Resident at the Mughal Court, 1803–06, and again, 1818–22, and Charles Metcalfe, 1811–18. The paper draws attention to the ways in which the artist distinguishes between Asian and European subjects, simultaneously coming to terms with the challenges of representing unfamiliar European ethnicities. The drawings themselves – historically interesting and occasionally amusing – are unique in relation to what is generally understood as ‘Indian painting’.","PeriodicalId":52006,"journal":{"name":"South Asian Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"32 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82132870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/02666030.2019.1641969
Leah Elizabeth Comeau
In this article, I investigate the significance of contemporary Tamil temple signs that have been laid, hung, and sometimes painted over earlier stone inscriptions. I am particularly interested in the following questions: What is the purpose of these old and new signs? And how does their existence contribute to the devotional program of a temple? While signs appear everywhere within a temple complex and come in a wide variety of materials, I argue that their impact is not found at the level of an individual signboard. Instead, the significance of southeast Indian temple signs is found in the fullness of the walls and their non-linear refrains to events, values, communities, and scenes for the worship of the deity. To make this argument, I draw from affect theory, material studies, and especially concepts of accumulation and saturation.
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