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America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order 《孤独的美国:新保守主义者与全球秩序
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2005-07-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-4302
D. D. Murphey
America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke Cambridge University Press, 2004 The scholarly background of these two authors shows in the encyclopedic knowledge they bring to bear on their subject. Stefan Halper is a Fellow at Cambridge University, and a Senior Fellow in the Centre for International Studies; Jonathan Clarke is a Foreign Affairs Scholar at the CATO Institute in Washington, D.C. The great merit of this book is that it provides a detailed account of neo-conservative themes, key documents, origins, personalities, and supporting media and organizations. Because Halper and Clarke are not neo-conservatives, but rather critics of it, a conscientious reader will want to supplement America Alone by a generous reading of neo-conservative writing per se. Halper and Clarke refer us to Irving Kristol, Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea (1995); Robert Kagan and William Kristol (ed.s), Present Dangers: Cnsis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy (2003), where contributions by several prominent authors make it "close to a neo-conservative canon"; David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (2003); and a good many other books as listed in their bibliography. The ideas have come to rest, too, in certain key neo-conservative policy statements. One of the most comprehensive of these is the 1997 "Statement of Principles by the Project for the New American Century." Because Halper and Clarke are critics rather than acolytes, their book is necessarily not merely about neo-conservatism. Since a criticism presupposes a position from which the criticism is made, the authors' own mindscape is evident in the book. They bring their own baggage, good or bad, to the table. We will discuss that after we see what they tell us about neo-conservatism. The neo-conservative movement as described in America Alone brings to mind the statement Shakespeare has Cassius make about Julius Caesar: "Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world like a Colossus; and we petty men walk under his huge legs...." The neoconservatives are remarkable for their "presence." They command attention and exude intellectuality. Halper and Clarke tell how the early neo-conservatives - the "first generation" - got their start in a "brief association" with "the Trotskyist left in the 1930s." Alcove 1 of the cafeteria at the City College of New York was the site where "America's future neo-conservative intellectuals such as Daniel Bell, Nathan Glazer, Irving Kristol, Melvin Lasky, Seymour Martin Lipset, Seymour Melman, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and Philip Selznick received enduring parts of their education." During that and the ensuing generation, this group and those who have found common cause with them have engaged in the most remarkable "networking" - a web of interlocking organizations, journals, media outlets, books, articles, open-letter signings, etc., that is powerfully reminiscent of
《孤独的美国:新保守主义者和全球秩序》斯蒂芬·哈尔珀和乔纳森·克拉克剑桥大学出版社,2004年。这两位作者的学术背景体现在他们对自己的主题所带来的百科全书式的知识上。斯蒂芬·哈尔珀,剑桥大学研究员,国际研究中心高级研究员;乔纳森·克拉克(Jonathan Clarke)是华盛顿特区卡托研究所(CATO Institute)的外交事务学者。本书最大的优点在于,它对新保守主义的主题、关键文件、起源、人物以及支持媒体和组织提供了详细的描述。因为哈尔珀和克拉克不是新保守主义者,而是新保守主义者的批评者,一个认真的读者会想要通过大量阅读新保守主义作品本身来补充《孤独的美国》。哈尔珀和克拉克向我们推荐了欧文·克里斯托尔的《新保守主义:一种思想的自传》(1995);罗伯特·卡根和威廉·克里斯托尔(主编),《当前的危险:美国外交和国防政策中的危机与机遇》(2003年),其中几位著名作者的贡献使其“接近新保守主义经典”;大卫·弗罗姆和理查德·珀尔,《邪恶的终结:如何赢得反恐战争》(2003);还有很多其他的书都列在参考书目里。在某些关键的新保守主义政策声明中,这些观点也得到了印证。其中最全面的是1997年的“新美国世纪计划原则声明”。因为哈尔珀和克拉克是批评者而不是追随者,他们的书必然不仅仅是关于新保守主义的。由于批评的前提是提出批评的立场,因此作者自己的心态在书中很明显。他们带着自己的包袱,不管是好是坏。我们将在看完他们对新保守主义的看法后讨论这个问题。《孤独的美国》中描述的新保守主义运动让人想起莎士比亚让卡修斯对凯撒大帝的评论:“哎,老兄,他像巨人一样跨越了狭窄的世界;我们这些小人物在他巨大的腿下行走....”新保守主义者因其“存在”而引人注目。它们引人注目,散发着智慧。哈尔珀和克拉克讲述了早期的新保守主义者——“第一代”——是如何在与“20世纪30年代的托洛茨基主义左翼”的“短暂联系”中起步的。纽约市立学院自助餐厅的一间小亭子是“美国未来的新保守主义知识分子,如丹尼尔·贝尔、内森·格雷泽、欧文·克里斯托尔、梅尔文·拉斯基、西摩·马丁·利普塞特、西摩·梅尔曼、丹尼尔·帕特里克·莫伊尼汉和菲利普·塞尔兹尼克等人接受持久教育的地方”。在这一时期和随后的一代人中,这个群体和那些与他们有共同事业的人参与了最引人注目的“网络”——一个由连锁组织、期刊、媒体渠道、书籍、文章、公开信签名等组成的网络,这让人想起了20世纪30年代左派内部发生的类似网络。“幌子组织”的策略被复制了,每个人都把自己的名声借给了无数的网点。其结果是使新保守主义的声音无处不在,并必然将其他声音推向边缘。在笔者一生的大部分时间里,“自由左派”主导着美国媒体,因此“媒体中的自由主义偏见”是左翼以外的人长期抱怨的问题。然而,近年来,情况发生了巨大变化。如今,新保守主义媒体“像巨人一样跨越世界”。以下是哈尔珀和克拉克提供的一些细节:《旗帜周刊》自1995年创刊以来一直由威廉·克里斯托尔(第一代新保守主义者欧文·克里斯托尔的儿子)担任主编,是“新保守主义的旗舰刊物”。《评论》的出版商美国犹太人委员会于1959年任命诺曼·波德霍雷茨为该杂志的主编。...
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引用次数: 69
The Nationalization of Politics: The Formation of National Electorates and Party Systems in Western Europe 政治的民族化:西欧国家选民与政党制度的形成
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.42-4263
S. Mayhew
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引用次数: 21
Mestizo Democracy: The Politics of Crossing Borders 梅斯蒂索民主:跨越国界的政治
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.40-5483
Leslie J. Fairchild
Mestizo Democracy: The Politics of Crossing Borders John Francis Burke Texas A & M University Press, 2004 As everyone knows, the ethnic and racial composition of the American population is changing rapidly as a result of substantial legal immigration and larger illegal immigration. Indeed, it is not just the numbers of immigrants, and the fact that whereas the predominant source of migration was formerly Europe, immigration is now heavily skewed in favor of migrants from Latin America and non-European countries; it is also due to the higher birthrate amongst the non-European immigrants. These guarantee even greater changes in the future, with much higher birthrates among the non-White immigrants than among the American-born Europoid population. Furthermore, these new immigrants are not being absorbed into the prevailing culture of English-speaking America. They are increasingly retaining the use of their own languages, and are even served by newspapers, radio stations and television stations in Spanish and several other languages. A very real multiculturalism is taking root. What is interesting about this book is that the author not only shows how the immigrants and their descendants are modifying the American political scene, creating what he calls a "mestizo democracy," but that the result will be a multicultural democracy that will be prevented from becoming consolidated into a single new hybrid culture due to the permeability of American borders which will permit continued immigration of diverse peoples, maintaining the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural character of this new America. The author applauds this as an extension of Madison's idea of an "extended republic," claiming that the very permeability of American borders will safeguard the future of democracy in America because "the larger the society, the more capable it will be of self-government." One questions whether Madison was right, when one compares the success of democracy in small countries such as Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland, and contrasts that with the history of democracy in larger societies such as Russia and China. Nevertheless, Burke not just accepts but positively advocates increased immigration and greater multiculturalism, and urges that "we need to dare to re-envision the scheme of uniry-in-diversity at local, regional and national levels, and, in turn, to project transnational democratic initiatives." Pluralism, he says, should not be seen just as a deterrent to tyranny, as Madison saw it, but "must be recast in terms of the substantive pluralism in crossing borders." Instead of thinking of borders as frontiers, he says, we should think of them as "permeable mestizaje" which will lead to the evolution of "a dynamic yet democratic sense of community reflective of our multiple, not univocal, cultural identities." Indeed, he writes, "my emphasis on moving beyond territorial boundaries and 'thickly' defined cultural identities is why throughout this text I have looke
约翰·弗朗西斯·伯克德克萨斯州农工大学出版社,2004年众所周知,由于大量的合法移民和更大的非法移民,美国人口的民族和种族组成正在迅速变化。事实上,这不仅仅是移民数量的问题,也不仅仅是移民的主要来源以前是欧洲,现在移民严重偏向于来自拉丁美洲和非欧洲国家的移民;这也是由于非欧洲移民的出生率较高。这保证了未来会发生更大的变化,非白人移民的出生率将远远高于在美国出生的欧洲裔人口。此外,这些新移民并没有被以英语为母语的美国主流文化所吸收。他们越来越多地保留使用自己的语言,甚至有西班牙语和其他几种语言的报纸、广播电台和电视台为他们服务。真正的多元文化主义正在生根发芽。这本书的有趣之处在于,作者不仅展示了移民和他们的后代如何改变美国的政治舞台,创造了他所谓的“混血儿民主”,但结果将是一个多元文化的民主国家,由于美国边界的渗透性,它将被阻止成为一个单一的新的混合文化,这将允许不同的民族继续移民,保持这个新美国的多民族和多文化特征。作者称赞这是麦迪逊“扩展共和国”思想的延伸,声称美国边界的渗透性将保护美国民主的未来,因为“社会越大,自治的能力就越强”。当人们将冰岛、挪威、瑞典和芬兰等小国的民主成功与俄罗斯和中国等大社会的民主历史进行比较时,人们会质疑麦迪逊是否正确。尽管如此,伯克不仅接受,而且积极倡导增加移民和更大程度的多元文化主义,并敦促“我们需要敢于在地方、地区和国家层面重新设想多样性中的统一方案,并相应地提出跨国民主倡议。”他说,多元主义不应该像麦迪逊所看到的那样,仅仅被视为对暴政的威慑,而“必须在跨越国界的实质性多元主义方面进行重塑”。他说,我们不应该把边界看作是边界,而应该把它们看作是“可渗透的梅斯蒂扎伊”,这将导致“一种充满活力但民主的社区意识的演变,这种意识反映了我们多元的、而不是单一的文化身份”。事实上,他写道,“我强调超越地域界限和‘厚重’定义的文化身份,这就是为什么我在整篇文章中都对那些仅仅通过地理区域来努力增加不同群体进入政治论坛的代表方案持怀疑态度。”…
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引用次数: 9
The Future of NATO Expansion: Four Case Studies 北约东扩的未来:四个案例研究
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2005-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.41-4287
I. McNish
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引用次数: 0
The European Union, Mercosul and the New World Order 欧洲联盟、南方共同市场和世界新秩序
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2004-10-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.41-4922
Jonathan Smart
The European Union, Mercosul and the New World Order Editors: Helio Jaguaribe & Alvaro de Vasconcelos Frank Cass, London, 2003 This volume is edited by two academics, one from Rio de Janeiro and the other from Lisbon. It comprises papers by six South American and five European scholars which focus on trends in the recent history of the European Union and Mercosul. The authors discuss the problems of regional integration, the way in which these two multinational organizations interrelate with other supra-national organizations and what this may portend for the future of the "World Order." In particular they discuss the problems of regional integration, and some touch upon the disparate experiences of these two organizations. The European Union and Mercosul both represent attempts at regional integration that work with raw material that is very different. In South America, Brazil is a giant compared with other member countries. Geographically, Brazil covers more than 8 million square kilometers, and has a population of 172 million (almost as large as the total population of Germany, France and Britain combined), thereby dwarfing the other member states of Mercusol in both territorial size and population. Sao Paulo, with a population of over 18 million, is the third largest city in the world. The next largest member state of Mercosul is Argentina, which has 2.7 million square kilometers, but only 37 million population. Historically, Portuguese-speaking Brazil has an ethnically very diverse population, with the bulk of the lower echelons being descended from African slaves and, to a less extent, American Indians, but with an upper economic strata of primarily white origin. By contrast, Spanish-speaking Argentina lays claim to a more European-oriented origin and culture. Brazil's economy (at $500 billion) is twice that of Argentina, although its GDP per head is much smaller. Both have problems with inflation. While there are only two languages spoken in the Mercosul countries (Spanish and Portuguese), the European Union is made up of countries speaking many different languages, but dominated by the relatively healthy economies of Germany, France and Britain. It hopes to eventually eliminate poverty in the more backward member countries. Slovakia, for example, has a smaller GDP than Malaysia, and has largely eliminated barriers to the movement of capital and people. In short, it is more advanced along the road to economic and political union than the Mercosul countries, which have presently no real plan to unite as a single entity - something that has strong advocates, for better or for worse, in the European Union. With 82 million inhabitants, Germany, although the largest of the European Union member countries, still has less than half the population of Brazil, but its economy is three and a half times that of Brazil, despite the fact that it has few natural resources and a land area of only 357 thousand square kilometers. From an overview of the abo
《欧盟、南方共同市场与世界新秩序》编辑:Helio Jaguaribe & Alvaro de Vasconcelos Frank Cass,伦敦,2003年本卷由两位学者编辑,一位来自里约热内卢,另一位来自里斯本。它包括6位南美和5位欧洲学者的论文,重点关注欧洲联盟和南方共同市场近期历史的趋势。作者讨论了区域一体化的问题,这两个跨国组织与其他超国家组织相互联系的方式,以及这可能预示着“世界秩序”的未来。他们特别讨论了区域一体化的问题,有些还谈到了这两个组织的不同经验。欧洲联盟和南方共同市场都代表着区域一体化的尝试,它们使用的是非常不同的原材料。在南美洲,与其他成员国相比,巴西是一个巨人。从地理上看,巴西的国土面积超过800万平方公里,人口为1.72亿(几乎相当于德国、法国和英国人口的总和),在领土面积和人口数量上都使Mercusol的其他成员国相形见绌。圣保罗人口超过1800万,是世界第三大城市。南方共同市场的第二大成员国是阿根廷,面积270万平方公里,但人口只有3700万。从历史上看,讲葡萄牙语的巴西拥有一个种族非常多样化的人口,下层社会的大部分是非洲奴隶的后裔,在较小程度上是美洲印第安人的后裔,但上层经济阶层主要是白人血统。相比之下,讲西班牙语的阿根廷则声称自己有着更欧洲化的起源和文化。巴西的经济规模(5000亿美元)是阿根廷的两倍,尽管其人均GDP要小得多。两国都存在通胀问题。虽然南方共同市场国家只有两种语言(西班牙语和葡萄牙语),但欧盟由讲许多不同语言的国家组成,但由德国、法国和英国等相对健康的经济主导。它希望最终在较落后的成员国消除贫困。例如,斯洛伐克的GDP低于马来西亚,并且在很大程度上消除了资本和人员流动的障碍。简而言之,在经济和政治联盟的道路上,它比南方共同市场国家更先进,后者目前还没有真正的计划联合成一个单一的实体——无论好坏,在欧盟内部都有强有力的倡导者。拥有8200万人口的德国,虽然是欧盟成员国中人口最多的国家,但人口还不到巴西的一半,尽管自然资源很少,国土面积只有35.7万平方公里,但其经济总量却是巴西的3.5倍。从上面的概述来看,我们本希望从本书的标题中,作者能够对这两个系统进行更具体的比较,但不幸的是,情况并非如此。一般来说,撰稿人的重点是南方共同市场国家,正是在对这些国家的讨论中,才能发现本出版物的优点。…
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引用次数: 9
The Majesty of the Law: Reflections of a Supreme Court Justice 法律的威严:一位最高法院法官的思考
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2003-07-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.41-2471
D. D. Murphey
The Majesty of the Law: Reflections of a Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor Random House, 2003 This hook by Justice O'Connor will no doubt be enjoyed by many readers as a readable and not very heavy discussion of the United States Supreme Court, highlights of its history and personalities, and personal details about O'Connor's own experiences on the Court as the first woman appointed to it. At this level, the book must be credited as "recommended reading." It contains a number of worthwhile and instructive elements, such as a history of habeas corpus, of Magna Carta, of the jury system, of the "reporter system" early in the Court's history through which its decisions were published, of the women's movement in the United States, and of the role of the privy council in the colonies before the American Revolution. O'Connor makes a number of valuable suggestions, say, for improving the jury system, such as that jurors should be allowed to take notes and that it shouldn't automatically disqualify a juror to have heard something about the case. She recommends that jurors should he instructed generally about the law applying the case before they hear the testimony, so that they will have a conceptual framework into which to fit the testimony as they hear it. As a lawyer, I have thought for many years that the courts' failure to give jurors such a road map reflected an odd anti-conceptualism, as though ideas don't count. So I am pleased to see her recommendation. There is a deeper reading of The Majesty of the Law, however, that makes the book "recommended reading" for a very different reason. Here, the instruction from the book comes from what it tells us about O'Connor's mental landscape and the role she sees for herself as a justice. Those are things very much worth knowing about and pondering carefully. She was appointed by President Reagan, and therefore started out presumptively as one of the conservative justices on the Court. An important fact about the Reagan presidency, however, is that he did a number of things that reflected his being "a man of his time" and that weren't on the mark from the ideological standpoint of his most fervent supporters. One of these was his desire "to be the first to appoint a woman to the Court," even though O'Connor lacked exemplary credentials (having been a trial judge and then a judge on a lower state appellate court). The fact that stands out most prominently from the book for those who read it more contemplatively is that O'Connor is thoroughly imbued with the worldview that today permeates the educated elite in the United States. Her outlook is a comfortable one, suiting her to a pleasant life on the Court. She is "politically correct" in her support for an egalitarian make-over of American society even if that runs counter to overwhelming public sentiment; she talks much of "democracy" and "democratic process," but it is the democracy of the egalitarian model and not of law and government's being resp
《法律的庄严:最高法院大法官桑德拉·戴·奥康纳的思考》兰登书屋,2003年出版。奥康纳大法官的这本书无疑会受到许多读者的喜爱,因为它是一本易读的书,对美国最高法院进行了不太沉重的讨论,重点介绍了最高法院的历史和人物,以及奥康纳作为第一位女性大法官在最高法院的个人经历。在这个级别,这本书必须被列为“推荐阅读”。它包含了许多有价值的和有益的元素,如人身保护令的历史、大宪章、陪审团制度、法院历史早期公布判决的“记者制度”的历史、美国妇女运动的历史、以及美国独立战争前枢密院在殖民地的作用。奥康纳提出了许多有价值的建议,比如,改进陪审团制度,比如陪审员应该被允许做笔记,陪审员不应该因为听取了案件的一些情况而自动取消资格。她建议,陪审员在听取证词之前,应该大致了解适用于该案件的法律,这样他们在听取证词时就会有一个概念框架来适应证词。作为一名律师,多年来我一直认为,法院未能给陪审员提供这样的路线图,反映了一种奇怪的反概念主义,似乎想法不重要。所以我很高兴看到她的推荐。然而,《法律的威严》有更深入的解读,这使得这本书成为“推荐读物”的原因截然不同。在这里,这本书的指导来自于它告诉我们的奥康纳的精神景观,以及她认为自己是一名法官的角色。这些都是非常值得了解和仔细思考的事情。她是由里根总统任命的,因此一开始就被认为是最高法院的保守派法官之一。然而,关于里根总统任期的一个重要事实是,他做了很多事情,这些事情反映了他是“那个时代的人”,而从他最狂热的支持者的意识形态角度来看,这些事情并不正确。其中之一是他希望“成为第一个任命女性大法官的人”,尽管奥康纳缺乏堪称典范的资历(曾担任过初审法官和下级州上诉法院的法官)。对于那些更喜欢沉思的人来说,这本书最突出的一点是,奥康纳完全浸透了当今美国受过教育的精英们的世界观。她的外表很舒适,适合在法院过愉快的生活。她支持对美国社会进行平等主义改造,这是“政治正确的”,即使这与压倒性的公众情绪背道而驰;她谈了很多“民主”和“民主进程”,但这是平等主义模式的民主,而不是法律和政府对现有公众意愿的回应;她在最高法院历史上的英雄是那些带领最高法院摆脱旧的古典自由主义结构的法官;她认为美国人现在比过去拥有更多的自由;她热衷于按照当代美国社会平等主义的形象,使美国成为“塑造世界”的领导者。令人惊讶的是,奥康纳从来没有花一点时间思考将这种世界观纳入美国基础文件的具体宪法基础是什么。…
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引用次数: 22
Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator 约瑟夫·麦卡锡:重新审视美国最讨厌的参议员的生活和遗产
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2003-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.37-5853
D. D. Murphey
Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator Arthur Herman Free Press, 2000 The consensus in the United States for almost half a century has been that Wisconsin Senator Joseph R. McCarthy was a loose cannon and extremist, who in his crusade against "Communists in government" used despicable methods to vilify innocent people. To summarize the accepted view of him in such strong terms is in no sense an exaggeration. The noun "McCarthyism" often appears in the writings even of American conservatives when they want to characterize something as grossly unfair or unfounded. At no time has this been a true picture of the man or his career. The caricature was as obviously false in the 1950s as it is to an objective observer today. A "reexamination of McCarthy's life and legacy," as Arthur Herman is attempting in this book, is made necessary only by the fact that the Left won in the battle with McCarthy, leaving its perspective occupying the field of public opinion. That even conservatives accept that perspective is itself an indication of the extent to which American society has absorbed the ideological coloration of the Left. What would an "objective" reexamination of McCarthy's career require? Before we can answer that, we must make some fundamental decisions about what objectivity demands. Is objective opinion the same thing as respectable opinion, as most people will implicitly insist? Does it, require staying within the myths - the immense mental constructs according to which people understand social reality - that set the parameters of our thinking? To a thoughtful,person, objectivity requires this conformity to the myths only if those large mental constructs are correct. If the myths are fashioned out of a selective perception that ignores much that is essential to understanding, a true (as distinguished from a merely apparent) objectivity will require taking full account of the realities that have been ignored. This is indeed the situation so far as McCarthy and the antiCommunism he championed are concerned. Here are some of the realities that are ignored by the conventional wisdom and that an objective view will have to take into account: 1. That if Nazism was morally and intellectually despicable, Communism was no less so. The consortium of French intellectuals who recently wrote The Black Book of Communism estimate from 85 to 100 million victims killed worldwide during its 72 year reign of terror. 2. That an appreciation of this fact requires a fundamental reorientation of our thinking. It means moving radically away from the nearly universally-accepted double standard that interprets countless events through a prism that condemns everything Nazi while either minimizing the role of Communist ideology or crediting Communism forbearingly as a misguided idealism. If we were to set aside that double standard, the events of much of the past century would look considerably different to us than they do. 3. That the
近半个世纪以来,美国的共识一直是,威斯康星州参议员约瑟夫·r·麦卡锡是一个松散的大炮和极端主义者,他在反对“政府中的共产党人”的运动中使用卑鄙的方法诋毁无辜的人。用如此强烈的措辞来概括人们对他的普遍看法,一点也不夸张。名词“麦卡锡主义”甚至经常出现在美国保守派的著作中,当他们想要描述一些非常不公平或毫无根据的东西时。这从来都不是这个人或他的事业的真实写照。这幅漫画在20世纪50年代显然是错误的,在今天的客观观察者看来也是如此。阿瑟·赫尔曼在本书中试图“重新审视麦卡锡的生平和遗产”,这是必要的,只是因为左翼在与麦卡锡的斗争中取得了胜利,使其观点占据了公众舆论领域。即使是保守派也接受这种观点,这本身就表明,美国社会在多大程度上吸收了左派的意识形态色彩。“客观”地重新审视麦卡锡的职业生涯需要什么?在回答这个问题之前,我们必须对客观性的要求做出一些基本决定。像大多数人含蓄地坚持的那样,客观的意见和可敬的意见是一回事吗?它是否需要停留在神话中——人们根据它来理解社会现实的巨大的心理结构——它为我们的思维设定了参数?对于一个深思熟虑的人来说,只有当那些大的心理结构是正确的时候,客观性才要求与神话相符。如果神话是由选择性的感知塑造而成的,忽略了许多对理解至关重要的东西,那么真正的(区别于表面的)客观性就需要充分考虑被忽视的现实。就麦卡锡和他所拥护的反共主义而言,情况确实如此。以下是一些被传统智慧所忽视的事实,客观的观点必须加以考虑:如果说纳粹主义在道德上和智力上都是卑鄙的,那么共产主义也同样如此。最近撰写《共产主义黑皮书》的法国知识分子联合会估计,在72年的恐怖统治期间,全世界有8500万至1亿人被杀害。2. 对这一事实的认识需要我们从根本上重新定位我们的思维。它意味着从根本上摆脱几乎被普遍接受的双重标准,即通过棱镜来解释无数事件,谴责一切纳粹主义,同时最小化共产主义意识形态的作用,或将共产主义视为一种被误导的理想主义。如果我们抛开这种双重标准,那么在我们看来,上个世纪大部分时间发生的事件就会大不相同。3.从1917年到1947年,美国和欧洲占主导地位的知识分子亚文化深深地迷恋于“苏联实验”。不管这个知识分子是否正式成为共产党党员(“正式党员”),情况都是如此。在20世纪二三十年代阅读《新共和》(The New Republic),你会发现无数人在五一节期间前往莫斯科“朝圣”。尽管反共分子不敢说出来,但占主导地位的知识分子亚文化却深受牵连。对一些人来说,这种迷恋一直持续到1947年以后;对另一些人来说,它让位于双重标准所反映的宽容。当然,我们知道有一些人对共产主义产生了强烈的反感,并成为反共反对派的主要领导。4. 在美国和欧洲,精英和专业阶层几乎没有意识到前三个现实,而这些精英和专业阶层一直把持着“受人尊敬的观点”。...
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引用次数: 15
Vietnam, the Necessary War: A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict 越南,必要的战争:重新解读美国最灾难性的军事冲突
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2003-04-01 DOI: 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim170230040
D. D. Murphey
Vietnam, The Necessary War. A Reinterpretation of America's Most Disastrous Military Conflict Michael Lind Simon & Schuster, 1999 Michael Lind has written a fascinating and instructive book. It is most specifically about the Vietnam War, but Lind takes care to place the war, as he should, in the context of world strategy during the Cold War. It is a strength (but also a weakness, for reasons I will explain) of the book that Lind has "followed his mind where it leads," seeking to touch on all facets of the still-continuing debate over the war. He would almost certainly not agree, but it is at that "macro" level that this reviewer sees the weakest parts of his book: (a) his discussion of the long-standing debate between "minimal realists" and "maximal realists" about international affairs, and (b) his tying into the thinking advanced by several social theorists that American attitudes and policies about military and world affairs has largely reflected the differing orientations of a long-existing ethnic regionalism in the United States. The weakness comes from the reductionism that is inherent in the positions of both types of "realists" and of the "regionalists." Each focuses on a certain thing, albeit valuable in itself, while ignoring much else that is pertinent. This follows the antiseptic pattern of a fair portion of modern social theory, which formulates abstract cubby-holes that substitute, then, for a direct examination of the world in its complexity. Lind describes himself as a "centrist" with regard to the Vietnam War. But no label captures his thinking adequately, since his is too independent a mind to be neatly encapsulated. As one might expect a "centrist" would, he repeats certain shibboleths from today's conventional wisdom in the United States, which is left-liberal. He argues, for example, that the "China hands" whose advice led to the surrender of China to Mao in the late 1940s weren't Communist agents, as Senator Joseph McCarthy saw them, but just "gullible dupes." This suggests, naively in light of the intellectual history of the 1920s and 1930s, that there was a distinction that was really meaningful between those members of the American intelligentsia who were active Communists and the many who for so many years simply carried on an impassioned love affair with "the Soviet experiment." One of the odder manifestations of Lind's centrism is his opinion that the state-induced famines in the Soviet Union in 1932-33 and in China during the Great Leap Forward from 1958-62 were simply the "unintended consequences" of "socialist economic policies." It is hard to believe that the starvation of several million people goes unnoticed by those who by deliberate policy put and then hold those millions in that position. Lind's mental independence leads him, however, to a great many valuable insights that are by no means simple reflections of the leftliberal worldview. These insights are so numerous that a brief discussion of some of them doe
越南,必要的战争。重新解读美国最具灾难性的军事冲突迈克尔·林德,西蒙与舒斯特出版社,1999年迈克尔·林德写了一本引人入胜且具有教育意义的书。它主要是关于越南战争的,但林德小心翼翼地把这场战争放在冷战时期世界战略的背景下,这是他应该做的。这是本书的一个优点(但也有缺点,原因我将解释),林德“追随他的思想”,试图触及仍在继续的关于战争的辩论的各个方面。他几乎肯定不会同意,但正是在这个“宏观”层面上,这位评论家看到了他的书中最薄弱的部分:(a)他讨论了关于国际事务的“最小现实主义者”和“最大现实主义者”之间长期存在的争论,(b)他结合了一些社会理论家提出的思想,即美国对军事和世界事务的态度和政策在很大程度上反映了美国长期存在的种族地区主义的不同取向。这种弱点来自于“现实主义者”和“地区主义者”两类立场中固有的还原论。每个人都专注于某一件事,尽管它本身很有价值,而忽略了其他很多相关的事情。这遵循了相当一部分现代社会理论的防腐模式,这些理论制定了抽象的小隔间,从而代替了对世界复杂性的直接检查。林德称自己在越南战争问题上是“中间派”。但没有任何标签能充分捕捉他的思想,因为他的思想过于独立,无法被整齐地概括。正如人们所期望的“中间派”一样,他重复了当今美国传统智慧中的某些陈词滥调,这是左翼自由主义。例如,他认为,在20世纪40年代末,那些建议导致中国向毛投降的“中国通”并非像参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡(Joseph McCarthy)所认为的那样是共产党特工,而只是“容易上当受骗的傻瓜”。这表明,根据20世纪20年代和30年代的思想史,美国知识分子中活跃的共产主义者和许多多年来只是对“苏联实验”充满激情的人之间存在着一种真正有意义的区别。林德中间路线的一个更奇怪的表现是,他认为苏联1932- 1933年和中国1958- 1962年大跃进期间国家引发的饥荒仅仅是“社会主义经济政策”的“意外后果”。很难相信,那些通过刻意的政策让数百万人处于这种境地的人,对数百万人的饥饿视而不见。然而,林德思想上的独立使他得出了许多有价值的见解,这些见解绝不是左派自由主义世界观的简单反映。这些见解是如此之多,以至于对其中一些的简短讨论并不能完全体现本书的公正:视图通常是表示1972年尼克松总统与毛的和解是一个杰出的外交智慧在尼克松总统才被盖过了他后期的耻辱。然而,林德有足够的勇气看穿了这一点,并宣布这种和解“在道德上存在问题”。林德知道,毛已经证明了自己是有史以来最伟大的屠夫之一。林德还指出,这种和解并没有结出果实,毛没有阻止红色中国对共产党在越南反对美国的“代理人战争”的大量支持。与许多人不同,林德对苏联共产主义的本质有着现实的理解(除了我们上面提到的他对国家引发的饥荒的含糊其辞)。他不接受共产主义是一种高尚的实验,被“斯大林的强盗主义或毛的自大狂”扭曲了;相反,他认为,正如最近的史学所显示的那样,正是列宁的学说造成了恐怖。…
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引用次数: 6
At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America 在无名之人手中:美国黑人的私刑
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2002-07-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.39-6633
D. D. Murphey
At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America Philip Dray Random House, 2002 There is no subject that lends itself more to anti-American (and, most recently, anti-white) alienation than lynching. The scenes, after all, were often of the utmost cruelty. No decent individual, sensitive to human suffering, undertakes to defend that cruelty. It is unfortunate, however, if that means that no one is willing to speak in defense of the mainstream of American society during the century following 1865, placing this very cruel subject in context and perspective. Such a failure leaves the field to those who like to paint the picture of white Americans of that period as one of viciousness, rapacity, unbridled racism, and hypocrisy; and who like to picture blacks as victims who received the brunt of that cruelty. This latter view has long-since become the conventional wisdom among the opinion-makers in the United States. And elsewhere, as well: this reviewer wrote a legal studies monograph in 19951 analyzing the history of lynching and placing it in perspective from a scholarly point of view - and it has been barred from Canada as "hate literature" (an act that is arguably as intellectually disgraceful to Canada as Stalin's insistence on Lysenkoism was to the Soviet Union). Herbert Marcuse's prescription, in his discussion of "repressive tolerance," that all views from the left should be permitted and all from the right prohibited has become reality. Philip Dray's new book on lynching fits into that conventional wisdom. Unless one is predisposed to question the Left's image of white Americans, a reader will be inclined to accept its narrative at face value. Dray has written a readable chronology of lynching, with emphasis especially on the South, and his study is the product of considerable research into the subjects he considers important. This said, it remains important to note the ways his book lacks perspective. (What follows is a discussion of just some of those ways, since a complete examination of them would go far beyond the scope of a book review): 1. His entire theme ("the lynching of black America") repeats the now-customary premise that lynching was primarily an expression of racism. "Lynching," he says, "was a form of caste oppression... the white world's cruelty"; and, elsewhere, "victims were chosen for their race." What is odd is that he cites quite a lot of counter-evidence, but never reflects about it. He tells about the San Francisco Vigilante Committees of 1851 and 1856; about the hanging of the white gamblers in Vicksburg; about the lynching of eleven whites in New Orleans in 1891 after the Police Superintendent was shot from ambush; that half the thirty lynch victims in Illinois after 1882 were white; that thirty-five whites were lynched in North Dakota in the mid-1880s for cattle rustling; and much more. Lynching was not limited by race or by region of the country. Robert Zangrando's The NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 1
《无名之人之手:美国黑人的私刑》菲利普·德雷兰登书屋,2002年出版。没有什么话题比私刑更能引起反美(以及最近的反白人)的异化了。毕竟,这些场面往往是极其残酷的。任何对人类苦难敏感的正派人士都不会为这种残忍行为辩护。然而,如果这意味着没有人愿意在1865年之后的一个世纪里为美国社会的主流辩护,把这个非常残酷的话题放在背景和视角中,那就太不幸了。这样的失败给那些喜欢把那个时期的美国白人描绘成邪恶、贪婪、肆无忌惮的种族主义和虚伪的人留下了机会;他们喜欢把黑人描绘成遭受残酷打击的受害者。后一种观点早已成为美国舆论制造者的传统智慧。在其他地方也是如此:这个评论家在19951年写了一本法律研究专著,分析私刑的历史,并从学术的角度对其进行了分析——它被加拿大视为“仇恨文学”(可以说,这种行为对加拿大来说是智力上的耻辱,就像斯大林对李森科主义的坚持对苏联一样)。赫伯特·马尔库塞(Herbert Marcuse)在他关于“压制性宽容”(repression tolerance)的讨论中提出的建议,即所有左翼观点都应该被允许,所有右翼观点都应该被禁止,这已经成为现实。菲利普·德雷(Philip Dray)关于私刑的新书符合这种传统智慧。除非有人倾向于质疑左派对美国白人的形象,否则读者将倾向于接受其叙述的表面价值。Dray写了一本可读的私刑年表,特别强调了南方,他的研究是对他认为重要的主题进行大量研究的产物。话虽如此,值得注意的是,他的书缺乏视角。(下面是对其中一些方式的讨论,因为对它们的全面考察远远超出了书评的范围。)他的整个主题(“对美国黑人的私刑”)重复了现在的惯例前提,即私刑主要是种族主义的一种表达。“私刑,”他说,“是种姓压迫的一种形式……白色世界的残酷”;在其他地方,“受害者是根据他们的种族选择的。”奇怪的是,他引用了相当多的反证据,但从不对此进行反思。他讲述了1851年和1856年的旧金山治安维持委员会;维克斯堡白人赌徒的绞刑;1891年新奥尔良警察局长在伏击中被枪杀后,11名白人被私刑处死;1882年以后伊利诺斯州30名私刑受害者中有一半是白人;19世纪80年代中期,北达科他州有35名白人因偷牛被处以私刑;还有更多。私刑不受种族或地区的限制。罗伯特·桑格兰多的《全国有色人种协进会反对私刑运动,19091950》引用了塔斯基吉研究所汇编的数据:在1882年至1968年的87年间,共有1297名白人和3445名黑人被私刑处死。如果种族主义是主要推动者,那么近1300名白人需要一些解释。作为种族原因的另一种主要解释是当地社区对犯罪数量的反应。当然,我们知道在“蛮荒的西部”发生的偷牛和其他罪行。今天大多数人不知道的是南方黑人犯罪的严重程度。詹姆斯·埃尔伯特·卡特勒(James Elbert Cutler)在他关于私刑的书中,赞同地引用了一段话:在那些年里,“黑人最坏的本能表现出来了;黑人犯罪的比例上升到惊人的程度;许多人犯下了最令人发指、最令人厌恶的暴力罪行。”另一位作者说:“1921- 1922年,亚特兰大、伯明翰、孟菲斯和新奥尔良的凶杀率是每10万黑人中有103人。…
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引用次数: 116
A Free Market for Human Organs 人体器官的自由市场
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2002-07-01 DOI: 10.1201/b11262-7
M. Clay, W. Block
The authors draw attention to the shortage of human organs which, as surgical methods improve, can frequently be used to save the lives of the living after their owners are deprived of their use by death. They propose the legalization of the sale of body parts as a legitimate free market activity, and argue that in such conditions the price of human body parts would fall to a sufficiently low level to discourage the theft of human organs which the present laws are intended to prevent. Key Words: Human organs, Organ donation, Medicare, Medicaid, free markets, legalization. Every year thousands of men, women and children1 needlessly suffer and die because of a law, a simple legislative enactment that could easily be changed2. One may think that something like this could only happen in a third world country. Or believe that a responsible government would change the law that in effect if not by intention kills innocent people every day. Unfortunately, this is now happening in the United States. It is currently illegal to buy or sell human organs. While roughly 80,000 people need organ transplants every year, only about 20,000 people receive them annually3. These 20,000 body parts come from people who donate their organs as a gift to humanity. They receive no remuneration for their acts of generosity. Because people do not have an economic incentive to donate their organs many people take them to the grave where they will be of no use to anyone. The number of donated organs falls far short of meeting the demand. Consequently people die tragically and needlessly waiting for transplants. Diagram #1 illustrates this situation. If a market clearing price were but allowed, supply and demand would intersect at point B, under which circumstance there would be no shortage of transplantable organs. However, at the governmentally mandated price of zero, demand at point D is in excess of A; hence, the shortage is brought about by unwise state policy. This shortage has created numerous other problems. Doctors and medical professionals must chose who receives an organ and who will die waiting for one. They often base this decision on age, sex, health status, and a calculation of post operational life expectancy. For example a 60-year-old male, who would be expected to live five years after the operation, will be placed lower on the transplant list than a 10year-old girl, who can be expected to live a full and normal life if she receives this operation. At first glance this seems like a very equitable way of distributing the donated organs. But let us take a closer look. This practice requires fallible human beings to place more value on one life than another. The 60-year-old man did nothing of his own volition to be placed lower on the list. The 10-year-old girl did nothing to deserve the priority placement. This is hardly equitable. Rather, the current system enables medical bureaucrats to play god. Anyone who would take this role upon himself by that very fact e
提交人提请注意人体器官的短缺,随着外科手术方法的改进,这些器官往往可以在其主人因死亡而无法使用它们后用来挽救活着的人的生命。他们建议将人体器官的销售合法化,作为一种合法的自由市场活动,并认为在这种情况下,人体器官的价格将降至足够低的水平,以阻止目前法律旨在防止的人体器官盗窃。关键词:人体器官,器官捐献,医疗保险,医疗补助,自由市场,合法化每年都有成千上万的男人、女人和孩子因为一条法律——一条很容易被修改的简单立法——而不必要地受苦和死亡。有人可能会认为这样的事情只会发生在第三世界国家。或者相信一个负责任的政府会改变每天都在杀害无辜人民的法律。不幸的是,这正在美国发生。目前买卖人体器官是非法的。虽然每年大约有8万人需要器官移植,但只有大约2万人接受了移植。这两万个身体部位来自那些将自己的器官捐赠给人类的人。他们的慷慨行为没有得到报酬。因为人们没有经济上的动机去捐献他们的器官,许多人把他们带进坟墓,在那里他们对任何人都没有用处。捐献器官的数量远远不能满足需求。结果,人们在等待移植的过程中悲惨而不必要地死去。图1说明了这种情况。如果允许市场出清价格,供给和需求将在B点相交,在这种情况下,移植器官不会短缺。然而,在政府规定的价格为零时,D点的需求超过A点;因此,短缺是不明智的国家政策造成的。这种短缺还造成了许多其他问题。医生和医疗专业人员必须选择谁接受器官移植,谁将因等待器官移植而死亡。他们通常根据年龄、性别、健康状况和对手术后预期寿命的计算作出这一决定。例如,一名60岁的男性,在手术后预计能活5年,在移植名单上的排名将低于一名10岁的女孩,而后者如果接受手术,预计能过上完整而正常的生活。乍一看,这似乎是一种非常公平的分配捐赠器官的方式。但让我们仔细看看。这种做法需要易犯错误的人更重视一个生命而不是另一个生命。这位60岁的老人并没有自愿被排在名单的后面。这个10岁的女孩没有做任何值得优先安置的事情。这很难说是公平的。更确切地说,当前的体制让医疗官僚扮演上帝的角色。任何想要承担这一角色的人都不适合这样做。器官短缺也催生了器官移植黑市。曾经有过从活人身上偷取身体部位的案例。因为买卖器官是非法的,它们的价格被人为地抬高了。这反过来又鼓励一些人为了经济利益而肢解他人,而另一些人则进入黑市。人们愿意付出这些高昂的代价来挽救自己或亲人的生命。在目前的制度下,人们可以在申请或更新驾驶执照或州身份证时,在当地机动车辆部门注册成为捐赠者。这个过程只涉及一个问题:“你愿意成为器官捐赠者吗?”在捐赠者的驾驶执照或州身份证的背面会有这样的标记。然而,当捐赠者死亡时,医疗专业人员仍然必须征求近亲的同意。…
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引用次数: 15
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