Pub Date : 2017-12-31DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.123
Ernesto Sferrazza Papa
Entre les diferents tendències de la filosofia contemporània, l'anomenat "nou realisme" és probablement un dels més interessants. El "Nou Realisme" no és simplement un "retorn" a la realitat, un reconeixement banal i trivial de l'existència del món extern. Més aviat, és un moviment filosòfic polèmic (i per tant polític) contra el monopoli teòric, especialment en la filosofia continental, governada pel discurs filosòfic postmodern. Per tant, el Nou Realisme és una espècie d'antagonista filosòfic de la postmodernitat. No obstant això, no podem reduir el Nou Realisme a la simple crítica de la postmodernitat. De fet, el Nou Realisme és un moviment filosòfic multifacètic i estratificat. Hi ha molts Realismes Nous diferents. Aquests Nous Realismes inclouen diferents autors, línies i camins d'investigació, units per la crítica de la postmodernitat, però distingits de moltes maneres. L'objectiu d'aquesta contribució és doble. En primer lloc, es rastrejarà breument la història teòrica del Nou Realisme. En segon lloc, es posarà l'accent en les temàtiques més importants del nou realisme i, al mateix temps, en les diferents teories filosòfiques (Ferraris, Meillassoux, Gabriel, Boghossian, Harman, Gratton) desenvolupades sota la denominació de "Nou Realisme"
{"title":"Nou realisme(s). Breu investigació teòrica","authors":"Ernesto Sferrazza Papa","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.123","url":null,"abstract":"Entre les diferents tendències de la filosofia contemporània, l'anomenat \"nou realisme\" és probablement un dels més interessants. El \"Nou Realisme\" no és simplement un \"retorn\" a la realitat, un reconeixement banal i trivial de l'existència del món extern. Més aviat, és un moviment filosòfic polèmic (i per tant polític) contra el monopoli teòric, especialment en la filosofia continental, governada pel discurs filosòfic postmodern. Per tant, el Nou Realisme és una espècie d'antagonista filosòfic de la postmodernitat. No obstant això, no podem reduir el Nou Realisme a la simple crítica de la postmodernitat. De fet, el Nou Realisme és un moviment filosòfic multifacètic i estratificat. Hi ha molts Realismes Nous diferents. Aquests Nous Realismes inclouen diferents autors, línies i camins d'investigació, units per la crítica de la postmodernitat, però distingits de moltes maneres. L'objectiu d'aquesta contribució és doble. En primer lloc, es rastrejarà breument la història teòrica del Nou Realisme. En segon lloc, es posarà l'accent en les temàtiques més importants del nou realisme i, al mateix temps, en les diferents teories filosòfiques (Ferraris, Meillassoux, Gabriel, Boghossian, Harman, Gratton) desenvolupades sota la denominació de \"Nou Realisme\"","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76644833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-24DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.122
Antonio Lucci
En la presente contribución se pretende reconstruir una genealogía de los discursos que hasta ahora han establecido como objetivo el análisis y el desarrollo teórico del concepto posthumano. Se dará particular consideración a tres paradigmas que el autor ha caracterizado, a saber: el desarrollo del discurso póstumo a partir de su primera formulación teórica, el discurso narrativo de la ciencia ficción, el de la crítica feminista a la subjetividad entendida como un bloque "falogocéntrico" (Derrida) y el de la crítica anti-antropocéntrica llevada a cabo por estudios en animales. En la última parte de la contribución, se presentará una tesis original sobre una declinación póstuma específica que está en diálogo con el reciente debate sobre el tema antropocénico.
{"title":"Genealogías de posthumanos. Narrativas, teoría crítica, estudios en animales y (más allá de) la revolución neolítica","authors":"Antonio Lucci","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.122","url":null,"abstract":"En la presente contribución se pretende reconstruir una genealogía de los discursos que hasta ahora han establecido como objetivo el análisis y el desarrollo teórico del concepto posthumano. Se dará particular consideración a tres paradigmas que el autor ha caracterizado, a saber: el desarrollo del discurso póstumo a partir de su primera formulación teórica, el discurso narrativo de la ciencia ficción, el de la crítica feminista a la subjetividad entendida como un bloque \"falogocéntrico\" (Derrida) y el de la crítica anti-antropocéntrica llevada a cabo por estudios en animales. En la última parte de la contribución, se presentará una tesis original sobre una declinación póstuma específica que está en diálogo con el reciente debate sobre el tema antropocénico.","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90570125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-30DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.121
Carlos González Villa
Srđa Popović (1973) is one of the founders of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS), a Belgrade-based non-profit institution that defines itself as “an organization that advocates for the use of nonviolence resistance to promote human rights and democracy.” Since its foundation in 2003, CANVAS has worked with organisations from all five continents, training them in specific techniques and approaches for challenging authoritarian regimes. As its executive director, Popović has been portrayed both as a guru of non-violent resistance and an internationally recognised public intellectual, and as an agent serving the US foreign policy agenda.
{"title":"Revolution as a product. Interview with Srđa Popović","authors":"Carlos González Villa","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.121","url":null,"abstract":"Srđa Popović (1973) is one of the founders of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS), a Belgrade-based non-profit institution that defines itself as “an organization that advocates for the use of nonviolence resistance to promote human rights and democracy.” Since its foundation in 2003, CANVAS has worked with organisations from all five continents, training them in specific techniques and approaches for challenging authoritarian regimes. As its executive director, Popović has been portrayed both as a guru of non-violent resistance and an internationally recognised public intellectual, and as an agent serving the US foreign policy agenda. ","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89735701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-03DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.120
J. Palacios
Ensayo comparativo sobre la visión de las guerras yugoslavas de dos de las generaciones que no fueron directamente responsables de su desencadenamiento: la de los jóvenes que se acercaban a los treinta años y la de los que en 1991 eran niños. Dos novelas publicadas con quince años de diferencia, U potpalublju, de Arsenijević, y Jugoslavija moja dežela, de Vojnović. Dos autores de generaciones diferentes (Arsenijević es casi veinte años mayor). Dos (tres) pasaportes distintos (Vojnović es esloveno, Arsenijević, serbio y croata). Dos maneras de entender la herencia yugoslava.
{"title":"Entretierras. Dos novelas sobre las guerras de la ex Yugoslavia","authors":"J. Palacios","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.120","url":null,"abstract":"Ensayo comparativo sobre la visión de las guerras yugoslavas de dos de las generaciones que no fueron directamente responsables de su desencadenamiento: la de los jóvenes que se acercaban a los treinta años y la de los que en 1991 eran niños. Dos novelas publicadas con quince años de diferencia, U potpalublju, de Arsenijević, y Jugoslavija moja dežela, de Vojnović. Dos autores de generaciones diferentes (Arsenijević es casi veinte años mayor). Dos (tres) pasaportes distintos (Vojnović es esloveno, Arsenijević, serbio y croata). Dos maneras de entender la herencia yugoslava.","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79193757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-01DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.119
Carlos González Villa
Reseña del libro de Srećko Horvat e Igor Štiks (eds.), Welcome to the Desert of Post-Socialism: Radical Politics After Yugoslavia, Londres: Verso, 2015
{"title":"Bienvenidos al desierto. El Sureste de Europa tras el socialismo","authors":"Carlos González Villa","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.119","url":null,"abstract":"Reseña del libro de Srećko Horvat e Igor Štiks (eds.), Welcome to the Desert of Post-Socialism: Radical Politics After Yugoslavia, Londres: Verso, 2015","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81736518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-27DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.118
Branko Bembič
The article presents the changing balance of class forces in the Slovenian transition from self-managed socialism to capitalism. We begin by examining the consolidation of the initial class compromise that set the major course of this process and its institutional solidification in the areas of privatisation, macroeconomic policy, welfare state, and industrial relations. This will be followed by an account of the erosion of the conditions for compromise in the subsequent periods and the weakening of working class organisations. Finally, we propose an explanation in terms of the operaist [workerism] conceptual pair of technical composition of labour force and the political composition of working class
{"title":"From victory to victory to the final retreat. Changing balance of class forces in the Slovenian transition","authors":"Branko Bembič","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.118","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the changing balance of class forces in the Slovenian transition from self-managed socialism to capitalism. We begin by examining the consolidation of the initial class compromise that set the major course of this process and its institutional solidification in the areas of privatisation, macroeconomic policy, welfare state, and industrial relations. This will be followed by an account of the erosion of the conditions for compromise in the subsequent periods and the weakening of working class organisations. Finally, we propose an explanation in terms of the operaist [workerism] conceptual pair of technical composition of labour force and the political composition of working class","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87607389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-23DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.116
Carlos González Villa
Two episodes have impacted on the formation of the Slovenian ruling class over the last five years: the protests of 2012-2013 and the refugee crisis of 2015-2016. In both cases, the responses taken by the elites involved changes to their own composition and nuances in their ideological formulation. Central to this dynamic were the role of right-wing actors in the system, the partial integration of new actors, the assimilation of some of their claims, and the introduction of new questions into projected friend-enemy relations that frame the political life of the country. In no case did these variations lead to substantial changes in the formulation of the basic ideas of the post-socialist regime, including Slovenia's role in the process of European integration, its hierarchical position in relation to its southern neighbours, the deregulation of the economy, and the introduction of increasing restrictions within democratic procedures. These continuities went through several electoral processes and the birth and weakening of major political parties. The Gramscian notion of passive revolution offers a framework that explains the reproduction mechanisms of the Slovenian ruling class during that period.
{"title":"Passive Revolution in Contemporary Slovenia. From the 2012 Protests to the Migrant Crisis","authors":"Carlos González Villa","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.116","url":null,"abstract":"Two episodes have impacted on the formation of the Slovenian ruling class over the last five years: the protests of 2012-2013 and the refugee crisis of 2015-2016. In both cases, the responses taken by the elites involved changes to their own composition and nuances in their ideological formulation. Central to this dynamic were the role of right-wing actors in the system, the partial integration of new actors, the assimilation of some of their claims, and the introduction of new questions into projected friend-enemy relations that frame the political life of the country. In no case did these variations lead to substantial changes in the formulation of the basic ideas of the post-socialist regime, including Slovenia's role in the process of European integration, its hierarchical position in relation to its southern neighbours, the deregulation of the economy, and the introduction of increasing restrictions within democratic procedures. These continuities went through several electoral processes and the birth and weakening of major political parties. The Gramscian notion of passive revolution offers a framework that explains the reproduction mechanisms of the Slovenian ruling class during that period.","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"os-23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87207372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-20DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.115
Miguel Rodríguez Andreu
El derrocamiento de Slobodan Milošević representó un hito democrático para la sociedad serbia. Detrás de la revolución se encuentra el movimiento Otpor!, una organización formada por estudiantes que logró empujar a la oposición a crear un frente común contra el ex presidente serbio. Este artículo, recurriendo a la metodología cualitativa y cuantitativa, intenta explicar que la movilización social no es una expresión de madurez democrática, ni tampoco Otpor! es un reflejo de una sociedad comprometida civilmente. El éxito de Otpor! como aglutinador de la diversidad política es producto de un cúmulo de circunstancias, que determinan la estructura de oportunidad política: el aislamiento del gobierno, un mal cálculo político de Milošević, y un pacto entre las líneas conservadoras del régimen y la oposición. La perspectiva histórica permite desvalorar la influencia de Otpor!, tanto por las controversias generadas por la intervención de EE.UU., como por su irrelevancia como referente político en la consecución de una sociedad civil serbia tras el fin del régimen de Milošević.
{"title":"Otpor! El derrocamiento de Milošević y el controvertido legado de la movilización social","authors":"Miguel Rodríguez Andreu","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.115","url":null,"abstract":"El derrocamiento de Slobodan Milošević representó un hito democrático para la sociedad serbia. Detrás de la revolución se encuentra el movimiento Otpor!, una organización formada por estudiantes que logró empujar a la oposición a crear un frente común contra el ex presidente serbio. Este artículo, recurriendo a la metodología cualitativa y cuantitativa, intenta explicar que la movilización social no es una expresión de madurez democrática, ni tampoco Otpor! es un reflejo de una sociedad comprometida civilmente. El éxito de Otpor! como aglutinador de la diversidad política es producto de un cúmulo de circunstancias, que determinan la estructura de oportunidad política: el aislamiento del gobierno, un mal cálculo político de Milošević, y un pacto entre las líneas conservadoras del régimen y la oposición. La perspectiva histórica permite desvalorar la influencia de Otpor!, tanto por las controversias generadas por la intervención de EE.UU., como por su irrelevancia como referente político en la consecución de una sociedad civil serbia tras el fin del régimen de Milošević.","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89486829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-07-19DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.114
I. Stefanovski
The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens’ mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the “Citizens for Macedonia” (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as “the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism.” On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that “a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening.” The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia.
{"title":"What do we want and how do we do it? Movement Claims and Repertoires in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia","authors":"I. Stefanovski","doi":"10.5565/rev/tdevorado.114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.114","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to cover the claims-making process and the repertoires of action in two recent anti-governmental social movements: the citizens’ mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) from the beginning of 2014 and the “Citizens for Macedonia” (CfM) movement in Macedonia from mid-2015. Lasse Lindekilde reflects on movement claims describing them as “the conscious articulation of political demands in the public sphere, thus leaving aside more private or hidden forms of political claims-making such as voting and lobbyism.” On the other hand, Della Porta highlights that “a repertoire of contention comprises what people know they can do when they want to oppose a public decision they consider unjust or threatening.” The goal of this analysis is to shed light on the main reasons lying behind the two mobilizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as to unveil the main mechanisms through which the central grievances of the government challengers were channeled towards the targeted governments. Regarding the methodological approach, I apply a political claim analysis (PCA), focusing dominantly on the claims coming from the side of the social movement actors. The PCA is defined as a quantitative method which treats political claims as units of analysis, taking newspapers as sources for the publically visible part of the claims-making process. In accordance with the methodological approach, the primary data collection tool envisages daily newspapers from the two countries: Dnevni Avaz, from B&H, and Sloboden Pechat and Dnevnik, from Macedonia. ","PeriodicalId":52894,"journal":{"name":"Tiempo Devorado","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73606299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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