Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.15-94
Gevorg Ter-Gabrielyan
{"title":"The “EPF University” Series of Eurasia Partnership Foundation","authors":"Gevorg Ter-Gabrielyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.15-94","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-94","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88994554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.15-7
A. Agadjanian
This paper draws upon the author’s own research and the two special issues in the two academic religious studies journals he himself edited. In addition, the paper gives an overview of many other publications that appeared in the recent years as an attempt to analyse the reactions of various religions to the Covid-19 pandemic and the respective shifts in religious practices the pandemic triggered or accelerated. The author singles out a few major themes that stood out prominently in the experiences of thereligious communities during the pandemic: theological interpretations of the health crisis; shifts in corporate rituals; an explosive growth of the virtual forms of worship; a reconfiguring of authority structures; preserving specific religious identity, etc
{"title":"Religions and the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Global Health Crisis as Shifts Catalyser in Religious Imagination and Practices","authors":"A. Agadjanian","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.15-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper draws upon the author’s own research and the two special issues in the two academic religious studies journals he himself edited. In addition, the paper gives an overview of many other publications that appeared in the recent years as an attempt to analyse the reactions of various religions to the Covid-19 pandemic and the respective shifts in religious practices the pandemic triggered or accelerated. The author singles out a few major themes that stood out prominently in the experiences of thereligious communities during the pandemic: theological interpretations of the health crisis; shifts in corporate rituals; an explosive growth of the virtual forms of worship; a reconfiguring of authority structures; preserving specific religious identity, etc","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79562385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.15-31
Davit Hovhannisyan, Shushan Kyureghyan
The article aims to present the phenomenon of "mercenarism" in the context of historical developments and to show how the essence of mercenarism and its perception has been changing since its emergence. The article specifically mentions that mercenary activities started in ancient times and have reached our days with certain transformations. For centuries, it served to solve specific problems and was considered not only a natural but often an honorable activity. The article discusses the specifics of mercenarism in different periods of history, changes in recruitment methods and the legality of mercenaries’ and employers’ actions. The research also examines the scope of international laws condemning the phenomenon of mercenarism and the need for their revision.
{"title":"The Transformation of Mercenarism From its Origin to the Present","authors":"Davit Hovhannisyan, Shushan Kyureghyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.15-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-31","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to present the phenomenon of \"mercenarism\" in the context of historical developments and to show how the essence of mercenarism and its perception has been changing since its emergence. The article specifically mentions that mercenary activities started in ancient times and have reached our days with certain transformations. For centuries, it served to solve specific problems and was considered not only a natural but often an honorable activity. The article discusses the specifics of mercenarism in different periods of history, changes in recruitment methods and the legality of mercenaries’ and employers’ actions. The research also examines the scope of international laws condemning the phenomenon of mercenarism and the need for their revision.","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81615763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-27DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.15-22
G. Derluguian
Bronze Age is traditionally viewed as historical period in the third and second millennia BCE. My key contention is that it is more meaningfully considered in geographic terms, as interconnected space of trade and cultural exchanges encompassing Afro-Eurasia but not Tropical Africa, let alone Australia and the Americas. The Bronze-age world-system extended from Scandinavia and British Isles to Egypt and Mesopotamia, from the Indus valley civilization and ancient Arabia to the Urals and western Siberia, possibly, also China and South-East Asia. Geologically, copper and tin as two metal components of bronze are randomly distributed on the planet which necessitated long-distance trade. In turn, the world trade in metals created whole cascades of logistical needs and opportunities. The consequences included the emergence of social complexity: chiefly powers, diplomacy, merchants, specialist coppersmiths and weapons-makers, professional warriors. New means of transportation emerged such as sailed ship and domesticated pack animals (donkey, camel, horse). The exchange in secondary products (wine, cloth, elaborate pottery) led to a revolution in conspicuous consumption. These theses are intended to generate a discussion about the earliest world-system, its morphology and flows. This may also extend to the comparative analysis of later world-systems known to us Antiquity, the Medieval ‘Silk Roads’, and modern capitalism.
{"title":"The Bronze Age as the First World-System: Theses for aResearch Agenda","authors":"G. Derluguian","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.15-22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-22","url":null,"abstract":"Bronze Age is traditionally viewed as historical period in the third and second millennia BCE. My key contention is that it is more meaningfully considered in geographic terms, as interconnected space of trade and cultural exchanges encompassing Afro-Eurasia but not Tropical Africa, let alone Australia and the Americas. The Bronze-age world-system extended from Scandinavia and British Isles to Egypt and Mesopotamia, from the Indus valley civilization and ancient Arabia to the Urals and western Siberia, possibly, also China and South-East Asia. Geologically, copper and tin as two metal components of bronze are randomly distributed on the planet which necessitated long-distance trade. In turn, the world trade in metals created whole cascades of logistical needs and opportunities. The consequences included the emergence of social complexity: chiefly powers, diplomacy, merchants, specialist coppersmiths and weapons-makers, professional warriors. New means of transportation emerged such as sailed ship and domesticated pack animals (donkey, camel, horse). The exchange in secondary products (wine, cloth, elaborate pottery) led to a revolution in conspicuous consumption. These theses are intended to generate a discussion about the earliest world-system, its morphology and flows. This may also extend to the comparative analysis of later world-systems known to us Antiquity, the Medieval ‘Silk Roads’, and modern capitalism.","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86074924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-145
Василий Анатольевич Кузнецов
N/A
N/A
{"title":"Роль России и Турции в формировании сирийско-ливийской конфликтной оси восточного средиземноморья","authors":"Василий Анатольевич Кузнецов","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-145","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>N/A</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81695174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-129
Anush Brutian
History helps us to create a wider picture of the reality in which the South Caucasus exists now. That is why we are going to discover the influence of the Russian Imperial and Soviet eras on the states in the region and identify the causality of foreign policy relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states. The main question is why neither Russia nor any of the individual South Caucasian states succeeded in developing an effective strategy towards each other despite their shared borders in the Russia-Azerbaijan and Russia-Georgia cases and being a proclaimed strategic partner in the case of Armenia? How did the Soviet period influence the current state of relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states? Those are the issues analyzed in this paper. International relations in the South Caucasus are convoluted because of their rich and complicated past, among other things. Over the centuries, interstate relations inside the region developed in unpredictable directions. Georgia was a real partner for Russia in the conquest of the Caucasus in the 19th century. Yet, since 1991, relations between Russia and Georgia have been tense at best. The proclaimed secular states of Azerbaijan, though mainly Shia, and Turkey, which is mostly Sunni, are now solid allies, whereas Armenia enjoys a relationship of trust with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Turkey, Iran, and Russia are still the main external players in the region though they have, to some extent, even become “domesticated”. Except for a brief period of turmoil during the Bolshevik Revolution and the ensuing Russian Civil War, the entire Caucasus remained within the Russian sphere of influence until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Even now Russia continues to play a significant role in economy, energy and security policy in the South Caucasus.
{"title":"Russian Foreign Policy Dynamics in the South Caucasus. Continuity and Existing Problems","authors":"Anush Brutian","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-129","url":null,"abstract":"History helps us to create a wider picture of the reality in which the South Caucasus exists now. That is why we are going to discover the influence of the Russian Imperial and Soviet eras on the states in the region and identify the causality of foreign policy relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states. The main question is why neither Russia nor any of the individual South Caucasian states succeeded in developing an effective strategy towards each other despite their shared borders in the Russia-Azerbaijan and Russia-Georgia cases and being a proclaimed strategic partner in the case of Armenia? How did the Soviet period influence the current state of relations between Russia and the South Caucasian states? Those are the issues analyzed in this paper. International relations in the South Caucasus are convoluted because of their rich and complicated past, among other things. Over the centuries, interstate relations inside the region developed in unpredictable directions. Georgia was a real partner for Russia in the conquest of the Caucasus in the 19th century. Yet, since 1991, relations between Russia and Georgia have been tense at best. The proclaimed secular states of Azerbaijan, though mainly Shia, and Turkey, which is mostly Sunni, are now solid allies, whereas Armenia enjoys a relationship of trust with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Turkey, Iran, and Russia are still the main external players in the region though they have, to some extent, even become “domesticated”. Except for a brief period of turmoil during the Bolshevik Revolution and the ensuing Russian Civil War, the entire Caucasus remained within the Russian sphere of influence until the collapse of the Soviet Union. Even now Russia continues to play a significant role in economy, energy and security policy in the South Caucasus.","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83556481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-119
Hayk Kocharyan
N/A
N/A
{"title":"Global Projects’ Competition in the Mediterranean Sea","authors":"Hayk Kocharyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-119","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>N/A</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80165627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-17
Benyamin Poghosyan
The current phase in international relations can be best characterized by one word – transition. The Post-Cold War order is rapidly disappearing, creating strategic ambiguity for all actors. The U.S. hegemony is over or close to over despite the fact that militarily Washington will be safely far out of reach for several decades to come. However, the growing national debt, the looming crisis in the Social Security and Medicare systems, uncontrolled migration, growing populism and partisan fighting does not bode well for the future of U.S. dominance. At the same time, no nation, be it China, Russia, India or Brazil, has the necessary resources or will to compete for the new world hegemony. The absence of a world hegemon means that no state has the power to enforce the implementation of key international rules and norms. Regardless how one perceives the international principles – as balanced or biased – the rule-based order at least provides a minimal level of stability since the actors involved on the international stage have a clear understanding what may and may not be done. However, since the late 2000s the situation has changed. We are increasingly facing an international security architecture where key actors may easily break the norms and rules, and this will eventually bring us to a situation upon which no rules can be based. The election of President Trump sent shock waves through the United States’ political establishment and surprised international relations pundits worldwide. Despite the apparent growth of the right-wing populist movements in different parts of the world, the culmination of which was presumably the BREXIT referendum held in June 2016, few if any could imagine that a real estate developer and reality TV star had any chance of defeating one of the most respected representatives of the US political establishment. The November 2016 elections had widespread implications on both American domestic and foreign policies. President Trump’s decision to denounce globalism created a situation where the so-called “vertical globalism” (Western-led efforts to spread a liberal international order all over the world through the promotion of democracy and a market economy) might be transformed into a “horizontal globalism” based on regional integration models covering vast territories of Europe and Asia, Africa and Latin America. In this paper we will analyze President Trump’s foreign policy in several key geographical areas and its implications. However, in order to better understand the significant changes in U.S. foreign policy ushered in by President Trump and make predictions for future developments, it is worth starting with an examination of Trump’s foreign policy perceptions as well as of the ongoing debates within the foreign policy establishment itself.
{"title":"U.S. Foreign Policy under President Trump: The Middle East, Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea Regions","authors":"Benyamin Poghosyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-17","url":null,"abstract":"The current phase in international relations can be best characterized by one word – transition. The Post-Cold War order is rapidly disappearing, creating strategic ambiguity for all actors. The U.S. hegemony is over or close to over despite the fact that militarily Washington will be safely far out of reach for several decades to come. However, the growing national debt, the looming crisis in the Social Security and Medicare systems, uncontrolled migration, growing populism and partisan fighting does not bode well for the future of U.S. dominance. At the same time, no nation, be it China, Russia, India or Brazil, has the necessary resources or will to compete for the new world hegemony. The absence of a world hegemon means that no state has the power to enforce the implementation of key international rules and norms. Regardless how one perceives the international principles – as balanced or biased – the rule-based order at least provides a minimal level of stability since the actors involved on the international stage have a clear understanding what may and may not be done. However, since the late 2000s the situation has changed. We are increasingly facing an international security architecture where key actors may easily break the norms and rules, and this will eventually bring us to a situation upon which no rules can be based. The election of President Trump sent shock waves through the United States’ political establishment and surprised international relations pundits worldwide. Despite the apparent growth of the right-wing populist movements in different parts of the world, the culmination of which was presumably the BREXIT referendum held in June 2016, few if any could imagine that a real estate developer and reality TV star had any chance of defeating one of the most respected representatives of the US political establishment. The November 2016 elections had widespread implications on both American domestic and foreign policies. President Trump’s decision to denounce globalism created a situation where the so-called “vertical globalism” (Western-led efforts to spread a liberal international order all over the world through the promotion of democracy and a market economy) might be transformed into a “horizontal globalism” based on regional integration models covering vast territories of Europe and Asia, Africa and Latin America. In this paper we will analyze President Trump’s foreign policy in several key geographical areas and its implications. However, in order to better understand the significant changes in U.S. foreign policy ushered in by President Trump and make predictions for future developments, it is worth starting with an examination of Trump’s foreign policy perceptions as well as of the ongoing debates within the foreign policy establishment itself.","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79789622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-43
T. Petrosyan
N/A
N/A
{"title":"The Belt and Road Initiative and the “Three Seas System”","authors":"T. Petrosyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-43","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>N/A</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77377916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.56673/18294502-22.14-104
Shushan Kyureghyan
The Arab Spring, a chain of anti-government protests and uprisings, had major implications throughout the Middle East region and it particularly affected oil-rich countries, including Libya. Libya is the largest holder of proven oil reserves in Africa (48 billion barrels). Before 2011, Libya’s oil production averaged about 1.64 million barrels per day, about 96% of the government’s revenue, which accounted for 60-65% of the country’s GDP. During the reign of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s oil industry was run by the state-owned National Oil Corporation (NOC), which was responsible for implementing Exploration and Production Sharing Agreements (EPSA) with international oil companies (IOCs). Among these international oil companies were ENI (Italy), Total (France), Repsol (Spain), OMV (Austria) and Equinor (Norway). Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was not considered to be a reliable partner for the above-mentioned international oil companies. He used to demand tough contract terms, frequently raised fees and taxes and made other restrictions. This policy was in stark contrast with the interests of foreign actors, especially a number of Mediterranean European states, which led to their active participation in Libyan politics with the desire to gain a greater share of oil production and increase their influence in Africa. The main struggle over Libya is for control over oil resources which are highly necessary for a number of external actors in order to ensure the dynamic development of their economies and strengthen their geopolitical position but which are also needed by regional actors to ensure their own security. From the point of view of global governance, each actor in this conflict is trying to implement its global agenda by having political control and a military presence in Libya. The main aim of this study is to analyze the conflict of interests between local, regional and international actors over the Libyan issue, which, undoubtedly, affects the policy of these forces towards our region, and to understand how these developments in a country “far from” Armenia can influence the Republic of Armenia’s national security and foreign policies.
{"title":"Conflicts Of Interest over the Libyan Crisis and Its Impact on the National Security of Armenia","authors":"Shushan Kyureghyan","doi":"10.56673/18294502-22.14-104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-104","url":null,"abstract":"The Arab Spring, a chain of anti-government protests and uprisings, had major implications throughout the Middle East region and it particularly affected oil-rich countries, including Libya. Libya is the largest holder of proven oil reserves in Africa (48 billion barrels). Before 2011, Libya’s oil production averaged about 1.64 million barrels per day, about 96% of the government’s revenue, which accounted for 60-65% of the country’s GDP. During the reign of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s oil industry was run by the state-owned National Oil Corporation (NOC), which was responsible for implementing Exploration and Production Sharing Agreements (EPSA) with international oil companies (IOCs). Among these international oil companies were ENI (Italy), Total (France), Repsol (Spain), OMV (Austria) and Equinor (Norway). Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was not considered to be a reliable partner for the above-mentioned international oil companies. He used to demand tough contract terms, frequently raised fees and taxes and made other restrictions. This policy was in stark contrast with the interests of foreign actors, especially a number of Mediterranean European states, which led to their active participation in Libyan politics with the desire to gain a greater share of oil production and increase their influence in Africa. The main struggle over Libya is for control over oil resources which are highly necessary for a number of external actors in order to ensure the dynamic development of their economies and strengthen their geopolitical position but which are also needed by regional actors to ensure their own security. From the point of view of global governance, each actor in this conflict is trying to implement its global agenda by having political control and a military presence in Libya. The main aim of this study is to analyze the conflict of interests between local, regional and international actors over the Libyan issue, which, undoubtedly, affects the policy of these forces towards our region, and to understand how these developments in a country “far from” Armenia can influence the Republic of Armenia’s national security and foreign policies.","PeriodicalId":53423,"journal":{"name":"Mining Informational and Analytical Bulletin","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76099567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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