Pub Date : 1994-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500001760
P. Wilson, O. Taplin
‘The modes of music are never disturbed without disturbance of the most fundamental political and social nomoi ’. This dictum of the influential fifth-century musical theorist Damon, friend and adviser of Perikles, reflects the deep-seated relation that was felt to exist between the modes of music and the fundamental conventions governing social and political life in ancient Greece. This relation deserves much further exploration. Our present thesis is that elaborate linguistic and semantic play between the registers of the musical and the social order is to be found in the Oresteia far more than in any other surviving work. It is, perhaps, not surprising that in this trilogy, where the claims of conflicting nomoi are powerfully dramatised, the musical order is also exploited in complex and subtle ways to reflect upon the social and political order; and that disruptions or distortions in the social order find their counterpart in the musical order. Though some have noted the operation of this interpenetration of registers, it has not been studied in the depth it deserves.
{"title":"The “aetiology” of tragedy in the Oresteia 1","authors":"P. Wilson, O. Taplin","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500001760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500001760","url":null,"abstract":"‘The modes of music are never disturbed without disturbance of the most fundamental political and social nomoi ’. This dictum of the influential fifth-century musical theorist Damon, friend and adviser of Perikles, reflects the deep-seated relation that was felt to exist between the modes of music and the fundamental conventions governing social and political life in ancient Greece. This relation deserves much further exploration. Our present thesis is that elaborate linguistic and semantic play between the registers of the musical and the social order is to be found in the Oresteia far more than in any other surviving work. It is, perhaps, not surprising that in this trilogy, where the claims of conflicting nomoi are powerfully dramatised, the musical order is also exploited in complex and subtle ways to reflect upon the social and political order; and that disruptions or distortions in the social order find their counterpart in the musical order. Though some have noted the operation of this interpenetration of registers, it has not been studied in the depth it deserves.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"39 1","pages":"169-180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500001760","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57323792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1994-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500001711
J. Elsner
The age of Nero is universally considered – even by its more circumspect modern historians – to be a zenith of decadence. This view is not simply the invention of modern writers. It is one point on which the ancient sources, not only historians from Tacitus to Cassius Dio, but also biographers such as Suetonius and poets like Martial, are agreed. One problem with the almost monotonous tale of vice, sexual and gastronomic excess, cruelty and murder, by which Nero's reign has been characterised, is that this is a story written by the winners in the turmoil which followed Nero's fall. It is hardly, in other words, an objective or unbiased account.
{"title":"Seductions of art: Encolpius and Eumolpus in a Neronian picture gallery","authors":"J. Elsner","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500001711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500001711","url":null,"abstract":"The age of Nero is universally considered – even by its more circumspect modern historians – to be a zenith of decadence. This view is not simply the invention of modern writers. It is one point on which the ancient sources, not only historians from Tacitus to Cassius Dio, but also biographers such as Suetonius and poets like Martial, are agreed. One problem with the almost monotonous tale of vice, sexual and gastronomic excess, cruelty and murder, by which Nero's reign has been characterised, is that this is a story written by the winners in the turmoil which followed Nero's fall. It is hardly, in other words, an objective or unbiased account.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"39 1","pages":"30-47"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1994-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500001711","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57323862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005253
D. Rathbone
The aim of this paper, which is what scientists would call a ‘working paper’, is to provide some orientation and ideas for future research on the level and distribution of population in Graeco-Roman Egypt. A traditional concern of historians has been to fix the size of the total population. On the shaky basis of an incidental figure in Josephus and a doctored passage of Diodorus Siculus, this is conventionally pitched, for the most prosperous periods of Ptolemaic and Roman domination, in the range of 8 to 10 million. In section 1 of this paper I discuss the literary sources at some length, not because of their value but in the hope of ending misleading citation of them. In the more positive section 2 I use general considerations and what documentary evidence we have to argue instead for a population in the Graeco-Roman period of from around 3 million to a maximum of 5 million. Such vague total estimates, however, are of limited value. They serve as an introduction to and as parameters for the more historically interesting questions of relative increases and decreases over time, and of the density and distribution of population in relation to other socio-economic factors such as the quantity and type of land under cultivation, the prevailing agricultural regime, the scale of urbanisation, elite exploitation through taxes and rents, and the standard of living of the rural population.
{"title":"Villages, land and population in Graeco-Roman Egypt *","authors":"D. Rathbone","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500005253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500005253","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper, which is what scientists would call a ‘working paper’, is to provide some orientation and ideas for future research on the level and distribution of population in Graeco-Roman Egypt. A traditional concern of historians has been to fix the size of the total population. On the shaky basis of an incidental figure in Josephus and a doctored passage of Diodorus Siculus, this is conventionally pitched, for the most prosperous periods of Ptolemaic and Roman domination, in the range of 8 to 10 million. In section 1 of this paper I discuss the literary sources at some length, not because of their value but in the hope of ending misleading citation of them. In the more positive section 2 I use general considerations and what documentary evidence we have to argue instead for a population in the Graeco-Roman period of from around 3 million to a maximum of 5 million. Such vague total estimates, however, are of limited value. They serve as an introduction to and as parameters for the more historically interesting questions of relative increases and decreases over time, and of the density and distribution of population in relation to other socio-economic factors such as the quantity and type of land under cultivation, the prevailing agricultural regime, the scale of urbanisation, elite exploitation through taxes and rents, and the standard of living of the rural population.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"36 1","pages":"103-142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500005253","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57326631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005228
D. Fowler
My subject is point of view in the Aeneid . I want to make some theoretical points about that concept, and to discuss some examples. In writing this paper, however, I have come to realise that underneath there lies an attempt to come to terms with the work on Virgil of two of my elders, betters, and friends, Oliver Lyne and Gian Biagio Conte, to whom this piece is offered with affection. But I shall not try to conceal the Oedipal nature of these encounters. As will be seen, there is also an element of prolepsis : I want to forestall a particular line of interpretation about the Aeneid which I sense is about to make its appearance. In my title I use the term ‘focalisation’ rather than ‘point of view’. The term is Genette's, later taken up especially by Mieke Bal. I use it for three reasons. First, I believe the reason that led Genette to coin it was a valid one, and perhaps the single most important proposition in his narratology. Genette criticised traditional accounts of point of view for confusing two distinct questions: ‘who speaks?’, and ‘who sees?’. In relation to any textual feature, the answers to these questions may be different. For the first phenomenon, we have the term ‘voice’, and it is helpful to have a separate term for the second; that is, focalisation.
{"title":"Deviant focalisation in Virgil's Aeneid","authors":"D. Fowler","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500005228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500005228","url":null,"abstract":"My subject is point of view in the Aeneid . I want to make some theoretical points about that concept, and to discuss some examples. In writing this paper, however, I have come to realise that underneath there lies an attempt to come to terms with the work on Virgil of two of my elders, betters, and friends, Oliver Lyne and Gian Biagio Conte, to whom this piece is offered with affection. But I shall not try to conceal the Oedipal nature of these encounters. As will be seen, there is also an element of prolepsis : I want to forestall a particular line of interpretation about the Aeneid which I sense is about to make its appearance. In my title I use the term ‘focalisation’ rather than ‘point of view’. The term is Genette's, later taken up especially by Mieke Bal. I use it for three reasons. First, I believe the reason that led Genette to coin it was a valid one, and perhaps the single most important proposition in his narratology. Genette criticised traditional accounts of point of view for confusing two distinct questions: ‘who speaks?’, and ‘who sees?’. In relation to any textual feature, the answers to these questions may be different. For the first phenomenon, we have the term ‘voice’, and it is helpful to have a separate term for the second; that is, focalisation.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"36 1","pages":"42-63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500005228","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57326597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005265
A. Wallace-Hadrill
It was decided that a marble arch (Ianus) should be erected in the Circus Flaminius at public expense, positioned by the spot where statues have already been dedicated to Divus Augustus and the Augustan household by G. Norbanus Flaccus, together with gilded images of peoples conquered, and an inscription on the face of that arch stating that the Senate and People of Rome have dedicated this marble monument to the memory of Germanicus Caesar, since he … (account of achievements follows) … unsparing of his labours, until an ovation should be granted to him by decree of the senate, had died in the service of the republic; and above the arch there should be set a statue of Germanicus Caesar in a triumphal chariot, and at his sides, statues of his father Drusus Germanicus, natural brother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, of his mother Antonia, his wife Agrippina, his sister Livia, his brother Tiberius Germanicus and of his sons and daughters.
{"title":"Roman arches and Greek honours: the language of power at Rome","authors":"A. Wallace-Hadrill","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500005265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500005265","url":null,"abstract":"It was decided that a marble arch (Ianus) should be erected in the Circus Flaminius at public expense, positioned by the spot where statues have already been dedicated to Divus Augustus and the Augustan household by G. Norbanus Flaccus, together with gilded images of peoples conquered, and an inscription on the face of that arch stating that the Senate and People of Rome have dedicated this marble monument to the memory of Germanicus Caesar, since he … (account of achievements follows) … unsparing of his labours, until an ovation should be granted to him by decree of the senate, had died in the service of the republic; and above the arch there should be set a statue of Germanicus Caesar in a triumphal chariot, and at his sides, statues of his father Drusus Germanicus, natural brother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, of his mother Antonia, his wife Agrippina, his sister Livia, his brother Tiberius Germanicus and of his sons and daughters.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"55 1","pages":"143-181"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500005265","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57326689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S006867350000523X
Byron Harries
Two artistic competitions in the Metamorphoses , those between the Muses and the daughters of Pierus (5.250–678) and between Arachne and Minerva (6.1–145), are now widely recognised as exploiting familiar generic differentiations. Ovid's treatment of these differentiations is further seen to have a bearing on establishing the elusive poetic identity of the whole poem, and to locate that identity firmly within the Roman response to Alexandrian poetics. The significance of these sections for the literary programme of the Metamorphoses has been persuasively argued by H. Hofmann and E. W. Leach for the Arachne competition, and more recently by Hofmann and S. Hinds for the Pierides . It is now clear how wide the range of literary forms represented at this pivotal point in Metamorphoses actually is, at the close of the first pentad and at the start of the second. Each of the episodes spanning this juncture has its winning and losing side, and there is an obvious way in which the positive and negative judgements in an artistic competition refine the reader's literary discrimination: the outcome of the contests encourages us to see in the competition itself at least an implicit comment on the relative qualities of the participants.
《变形记》中的两场艺术比赛，缪斯和皮埃鲁斯的女儿们(5250 - 678)之间的比赛，以及阿拉克尼和密涅瓦(6.1-145)之间的比赛，现在被广泛认为是利用了熟悉的一般差异。奥维德对这些差异的处理，进一步被认为，与建立整首诗的难以捉摸的诗歌身份有关，并将这种身份牢固地定位在罗马对亚历山大诗学的回应中。这些章节对于《变形记》文学计划的重要性，H. Hofmann和E. W. Leach在《阿拉克尼竞赛》中有过令人信服的论证，最近Hofmann和S. Hinds在《Pierides》中也有过论证。现在我们可以清楚地看到，在《变形记》的关键时刻，在第一个五行的末尾和第二个五行的开始，文学形式的范围有多广。跨越这一关键时刻的每一集都有其成功和失败的一面，而且很明显，艺术竞赛中的积极和消极判断会改善读者的文学鉴别力:竞赛的结果鼓励我们在竞赛本身至少看到对参与者相对素质的含蓄评论。
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Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005216
R. Cormack
The excavation of Aphrodisias in Caria has now uncovered so substantial an area of the city that the site must now feature in studies of both the Ancient and Byzantine city. Aphrodisias offers an example of a city whose history runs from the second half of the first century BC (when the settlement first prospered as a Free City in the fertile plain around the shrine of Aphrodite) until the late Middle Ages. But the chronological range of the surviving material also sets a familiar problem of urban history. How can such studies interpret buildings and settings which existed and functioned over many centuries, maintaining a presence in the city as its history passed from one historical ‘period’ to another? Can their permanence be recognised as a ‘continuity’; or should one look for clues of change and discontinuity? Is indeed the dichotomy of continuity and discontinuity an inevitable part of the vocabulary of urban history? The words have certainly dominated discussion of ‘capital’ cities like Rome and Constantinople in which much stress has been laid on identifying ‘continuities’, the strength of ‘tradition’, and significant ‘renewals’ of the past.
{"title":"Byzantine Aphrodisias: changing the symbolic map of a city","authors":"R. Cormack","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500005216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500005216","url":null,"abstract":"The excavation of Aphrodisias in Caria has now uncovered so substantial an area of the city that the site must now feature in studies of both the Ancient and Byzantine city. Aphrodisias offers an example of a city whose history runs from the second half of the first century BC (when the settlement first prospered as a Free City in the fertile plain around the shrine of Aphrodite) until the late Middle Ages. But the chronological range of the surviving material also sets a familiar problem of urban history. How can such studies interpret buildings and settings which existed and functioned over many centuries, maintaining a presence in the city as its history passed from one historical ‘period’ to another? Can their permanence be recognised as a ‘continuity’; or should one look for clues of change and discontinuity? Is indeed the dichotomy of continuity and discontinuity an inevitable part of the vocabulary of urban history? The words have certainly dominated discussion of ‘capital’ cities like Rome and Constantinople in which much stress has been laid on identifying ‘continuities’, the strength of ‘tradition’, and significant ‘renewals’ of the past.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"36 1","pages":"26-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500005216","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57326942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1987-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004910
J. Crook
R.A. Bauman in his book Impietas in Principem takes at its face value the abolition of maiestas by certain emperors at the beginning of their reigns: he believes that the whole law of treason was suspended during those periods. Since executions and other criminal punishments are recorded, by Tacitus and other writers, as occurring during those same periods, Bauman is obliged to look elsewhere than to maiestas for the legal justification of what occurred. He assigns some cases to the workings of a domesticum consilium , and explains some as resting on accusations of magic and some on parricidium ; but in four or five cases, particularly that of Claudius' wife Messallina, he asserts that the punishment was based on a ‘Doctrine of Manifest Guilt’ supposed to exist in Roman criminal law, whereby in the case of the criminal caught in flagrante delicto no trial was necessary and the public authority could proceed directly to inflict the penalty. Two things are to be stressed about Bauman's contention: first, he is talking about the criminal, not the civil, law; secondly, and much more importantly, he is talking not about a merely de facto proceeding, a mere exercise of naked power, but about a ‘Doctrine’, that is to say, a legally accepted rule capable of acting as a justification for the use of the power.
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