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Neoptolemus grows up? 'Moral development' and the interpretation of sophocles' Philoctetes Neoptolemus长大了?“道德发展”与索福克勒斯《菲罗克忒忒斯》的解读
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000464
Laurel Fulkerson
Sophocles' Philoctetes , first performed in 409 BCE, is a complex play, engaging with a number of issues that have guaranteed it a great deal of attention through the ages. Among other things, from what we know about the Aeschylean and Euripidean versions, Sophocles offers a far more dynamic work than either of the other two playwrights, involving many plot twists, false resolutions, and, all-but uniquely, a character who seems to grow up in the course of the play. Although Philoctetes is generally considered the key figure of the play, as it revolves around his willingness to use his bow in the service of his enemies, Neoptolemus too is of great interest to many (modern) readers, as it is in him that we see the clearest case in extant tragedy of a decision rethought on moral grounds; Neoptolemus' struggle may well render him one of the most compelling characters in Greek tragedy (Reinhardt (1979) 166; cf. Gill (1996) 1–18).
索福克勒斯的《菲罗克忒忒斯》于公元前409年首次演出,是一部复杂的戏剧,涉及了许多问题,这些问题保证了它在各个时代都受到广泛关注。除此之外,从我们对埃斯库罗斯和欧里庇德斯版本的了解来看,索福克勒斯的作品比其他两位剧作家都更有活力,包括许多情节曲折、错误的决定,以及一个似乎在戏剧过程中成长起来的角色,这一点几乎是独一无二的。虽然菲罗克忒忒斯通常被认为是戏剧的关键人物,因为它围绕着他愿意用他的弓为他的敌人服务,尼奥托勒摩斯也引起了许多(现代)读者的极大兴趣,因为在他身上,我们看到了现存悲剧中最清晰的案例,即在道德基础上重新思考的决定;Neoptolemus的挣扎很可能使他成为希腊悲剧中最引人注目的人物之一(Reinhardt (1979) 166;参见吉尔(1996)1-18)。
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引用次数: 4
Long mid vowels in attic-ionic and cretan 在attic-ionic和cretan中长中间元音
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000488
R. Thompson
§1. Common Greek inherited from proto-Indo-European a simple five vowel system as shown in (1), with one mid vowel on each of the front and back axes. Only the long vowel system is shown here; the short vowel system had the same structure. The inherited system was inherently stable: there was balance between the short and long vowel systems and between the front and back axes, and with only one mid vowel on each axis, there was no problem of overcrowding. The individual phonemes were, so far as we can tell, optimally distributed in the available phonological space. (The diagram shows the back axis as being shorter than the front, since anatomical constraints mean there is less articulatory space at the back of the mouth; see Laver (1994)272–3).
§1。普通希腊语从原始印欧语继承了一个简单的五元音系统,如图(1)所示,在前轴和后轴各有一个中间元音。这里只显示了长元音系统;短元音系统具有相同的结构。继承的系统是固有的稳定:在短元音和长元音系统之间,在前后轴之间有平衡,每条轴上只有一个中间元音,没有过度拥挤的问题。据我们所知,单个音素在可用的音位空间中分布得最优。(该图显示后轴比前轴短,因为解剖学上的限制意味着口腔后部的关节空间较小;参见Laver(1994) 272-3)。
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引用次数: 1
Three notes on virgil, aeneid 2 关于维吉尔的三个音符,埃涅伊德,第二章
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000506
Helen Gasti
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引用次数: 1
How to be a good symposiast and other lessons from Xenophon's symposium 如何成为一名优秀的专题讨论会和色诺芬专题讨论会的其他经验教训
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500001073
Fiona Hobden
Xenophon's Symposium lies at a confluence between two trends in modern scholarship. On the one hand, its author and his writings have recently attracted a resurgence in interest and credibility. No longer is Xenophon regarded as merely a ‘literary dilettante’, a dull, unimaginative and ultimately incompetent philosopher, or a conservative gentleman of the British old school. He is rather a political radical, an innovator in literary form, and the defender of a ‘trendy and shocking philosopher’. In this vein, his Symposium has been rescued from condemnation as a poor imitation of Plato's dialogue of the same name. No modern reader of Xenophon's work would go so far as Eunapius in declaring its writer to be ‘the only man out of all the philosophers to adorn philosophy in word and deed’. Yet, as Huss's comprehensive commentary has shown, the Symposium is much more than the product of an amateur philosopher and writer. It is a work of considerable complexity which draws on a variety of literary influences beyond Plato's Symposium , mixing seriousness with jest in order to explore, among other issues, beauty and desire.
色诺芬的《会饮篇》是现代学术两种思潮的交汇点。一方面,它的作者和他的作品最近引起了人们的兴趣和信誉的复苏。色诺芬不再被认为仅仅是一个“文学爱好者”,一个迟钝、缺乏想象力、最终无能的哲学家,或者一个保守的英国老派绅士。他在政治上是激进分子,在文学形式上是革新者,是“时髦而令人震惊的哲学家”的捍卫者。在这种情况下,他的《会饮篇》免于被谴责为拙劣地模仿了柏拉图的同名对话录。没有一个读色诺芬作品的现代读者会像厄纳皮乌斯那样,宣称其作者是“所有哲学家中唯一一个用言行来装饰哲学的人”。然而,正如胡斯的全面评论所表明的那样,《会饮篇》不仅仅是一个业余哲学家和作家的作品。这是一部相当复杂的作品,吸收了柏拉图《会饮篇》以外的各种文学影响,将严肃与玩笑混合在一起,以探索美与欲望等问题。
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引用次数: 18
Achilles' last stand: Institutionalising dissent in Homer's Iliad 阿喀琉斯的最后一站:将荷马的《伊利亚特》中的异见制度化
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500001061
Elton T. E. Barker
Debate in the Iliad – what form it takes, what significance that might have, whether or not it even exists – has been a matter of some controversy. One approach has been to examine debate in terms of a formal social context and to extrapolate from this some kind of political or – according to other accounts – pre-political community that the Iliad preserves. Scholars have, however come up with very different ideas about how to describe that society, how to interpret that depiction, or whether such attempts are even fruitful. An alternative approach focuses on the form of the speeches and analyses them as the production of thesis and antithesis: in these terms the cut-and-thrust of debate is understood as a form of proto-rhetorical theory. All this seems far removed from debate as it is represented in the narrative, which is the subject of this paper. I begin with four preliminary propositions. Previous approaches have tended to homogenise different scenes of debate, with little regard to differences in structure or context.
《伊利亚特》中的争论——它采取了什么形式,它可能具有什么意义,它是否存在——一直是一个有争议的问题。一种方法是根据正式的社会背景来考察辩论,并从中推断出某种政治,或者根据其他说法,《伊利亚特》所保留的前政治社会。然而,学者们对于如何描述那个社会,如何解释这种描述,或者这种尝试是否富有成效,提出了截然不同的观点。另一种方法侧重于演讲的形式,并将其分析为正题和反题的产物:在这些术语中,辩论的切入式被理解为一种原始修辞理论的形式。所有这些似乎都远离辩论,因为它在本文的主题叙述中有所体现。我首先提出四个初步主张。以前的方法倾向于将不同的辩论场景同质化,很少考虑结构或背景的差异。
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引用次数: 4
Greek tragedies in West African adaptations 希腊悲剧在西非的改编
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500001036
F. Budelmann
This article is concerned with West-African plays (all written in the last 50 years) drawing on Greek sources. It discusses the plays both in their own contexts and from the perspective of classicists and audiences in the West.
这篇文章是关于西非戏剧(都写于最近50年)借鉴希腊资源。它既从戏剧本身的语境出发,又从西方古典主义者和观众的角度来讨论这些戏剧。
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引用次数: 8
Of dogs and men: Archilochos, archaeology and the greek settlement of Thasos 狗与人:阿基洛科斯,考古学和希腊萨索斯定居点
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500000924
Sara Owen
This article involves a case-study of one of the most generally accepted literary accounts of a Greek settlement abroad – the Greek colonisation of Thasos. Here, according to the generally accepted account, we have an eye-witness, Archilochos, son of the oikist , who actually settled on Thasos not during the first Greek settlement but during a subsequent wave of settlers. He didn't like it much – he calls it ‘thrice-wretched’ (228W), the settlers were the dregs of Greece (102W), the island looked like the back of an ass (21W), it wasn't pretty like Sybaris in Italy (22W), and the Thracians were described as ‘dogs’ (93aW). Fighting between Greeks and Thracians is portrayed (5W). The archaeological evidence for the first period of Greek settlement on Thasos is scarce, but what there is has been marshalled in support of this literary model. Archaeology's main role has been to be used in chronological disputes. The orthodoxy dates the Parian colonisation to 680 BC, arguing that the Delphic oracle concerning the foundation of Thasos has Archilochos' father as oikist. The subject-matter of several of the poems has allowed Archilochos' poetry to be dated to 650 BC, and therefore the colonisation of Thasos to a generation before. Pouilloux (1964), indeed, has used the archaeological evidence from a house in the lowest levels of Thasos town to argue for this early date for the Parian settlement, seeing the ‘Thracian’ (and distinctly un-Cycladic) character of many of the finds as indicative of a certain amount of interaction between Parians and Thracians in the first generation of the colony.
这篇文章涉及了一个案例研究,其中一个最普遍接受的文学帐户的希腊定居国外-希腊殖民萨索斯。在这里,根据普遍接受的说法,我们有一个目击证人,阿奇洛科斯,奥基主义者的儿子,他实际上不是在第一次希腊移民期间,而是在随后的移民浪潮中定居在塔索斯。他不太喜欢它——他称之为“三次不幸”(228W),定居者是希腊的渣渣(102W),这个岛看起来像驴的屁股(21W),它不像意大利的西巴里斯(22W),色雷斯人被描述为“狗”(93aW)。希腊人和色雷斯人之间的战争被描绘(5W)。第一时期希腊人在萨索斯定居的考古证据很少,但现有的证据都被整理出来支持这种文学模式。考古学的主要作用是用于时间顺序的争论。正统认为帕里亚人的殖民时期是公元前680年,认为关于萨索斯城建立的德尔菲神谕中有阿基洛科斯的父亲。根据其中几首诗的主题,阿基洛科斯的诗歌可以追溯到公元前650年,因此,萨索斯的殖民统治可以追溯到更早的一代人。Pouilloux(1964)确实使用了来自Thasos镇最底层的一所房子的考古证据来证明帕里斯人定居的时间较早,他认为许多发现的“色雷斯人”(明显非基克拉迪人)特征表明,在第一代殖民地中,帕里斯人和色雷斯人之间存在一定程度的互动。
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引用次数: 12
Roman Epic Theatre? Reception, performance, and the poet in Virgil's Aeneid 罗马史诗剧院?接待,表演,还有维吉尔的《埃涅伊德》中的诗人
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500000936
A. Laird
Past responses to ancient literature and the reading practices of previous centuries are of central relevance to the contemporary exegesis of Greek and Roman authors. Professional classicists have at last come to recognise this. However, accounts of reception still tend to engage in a traditional form of Nachleben , as they unselfconsciously describe the extent of classical influences on later literary production. This process of influence is not as straightforward as it may first seem. It is often taken for granted in practice, if not in theory, that the movement is in one direction only – from antiquity to some later point - and also that the ancient text which ‘impacts on’ on the culture of a later period is the same ancient text that we apprehend today. Of course it is never the same text, even leaving aside the problems of transmission. The interaction between a text and its reception in another place, in another time, in another text, is really a dynamic two-way process. That interaction (which has much in common with intertextuality) involves, or is rather constituted by, our own interpretation of it.
过去对古代文学的回应和前几个世纪的阅读实践与当代希腊和罗马作者的注释具有中心相关性。专业古典主义者终于认识到了这一点。然而,关于接受的描述仍然倾向于采用传统形式的Nachleben,因为他们无意识地描述了古典对后来文学作品的影响程度。这种影响的过程并不像最初看起来那么简单。在实践中,如果不是在理论上,人们常常理所当然地认为,这种运动只朝着一个方向发展——从古代到后来的某个点——而且,对后来的文化产生“影响”的古代文本与我们今天所理解的古代文本是相同的。当然,即使不考虑传播的问题,它也绝不是同一文本。文本与其在另一地点、另一时间、另一文本中的接受之间的互动,实际上是一个动态的双向过程。这种相互作用(与互文性有很多共同之处)涉及到,或者更确切地说,是由我们自己对它的解释构成的。
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引用次数: 3
Antigone, the political and the ethics of psychoanalysis 安提戈涅,精神分析的政治和伦理
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500000985
M. Leonard
The Freudian engagement with the classical world represents one of the most important and intriguing episodes in the ongoing dialogue between antiquity and modernity. That Freud returned to antiquity to formulate his revolutionary theories of the human mind should strike classicists and psychoanalysts alike as a fascinating enigma. And yet classicists have to a large extent given short shrift to this issue. They have not only shown themselves indifferent to the question of why Freud takes the ancient world as the starting-point for his examination of modern man, they have also, by and large, rejected psychoanalysis as a methodological tool for providing insights into the classical world. Even those classicists who are most open to the benefits of contemporary theory have largely isolated psychoanalysis as a uniquely inappropriate methodology for understanding antiquity. So, for instance, those classicists who display an interest in the complex series of discourses and practices which surround the construction of the ancient self have explicitly distanced their analyses from the insights of psychoanalysis. Thus in Christopher Gill's 500-page work on ‘Personality’ in Greek culture, Freud gets a mere three perfunctory citations.
弗洛伊德与古典世界的接触代表了古代与现代之间正在进行的对话中最重要和最有趣的情节之一。弗洛伊德回到古代,形成了他关于人类心灵的革命性理论,这应该会让古典主义者和精神分析学家都觉得是一个迷人的谜。然而,古典主义者在很大程度上对这个问题置之不理。他们不仅表现出对弗洛伊德为什么把古代世界作为他研究现代人的起点的问题漠不关心,而且总的来说,他们也拒绝把精神分析作为一种提供对古典世界的洞察的方法论工具。即使是那些对当代理论的好处持最开放态度的古典主义者,也在很大程度上把精神分析作为一种独特的不合适的方法来理解古代。因此,例如,那些对围绕古代自我构建的一系列复杂的话语和实践表现出兴趣的古典主义者,已经明确地将他们的分析与精神分析的见解拉开了距离。因此,在克里斯托弗•吉尔(Christopher Gill)长达500页的著作《希腊文化中的人格》(Personality in Greek culture)中,弗洛伊德仅被敷衍地引用了三次。
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引用次数: 5
Plutarch on the childhood of Alkibiades (Alk. 2-3) 普鲁塔克谈阿尔基比德斯的童年(阿历2-3)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500000961
T. Duff
Almost four decades ago, Donald Russell published in this journal an analysis of the first sixteen chapters of the Life of Alkibiades , which consist largely of short self-contained anecdotes about Alkibiades' childhood, youth and early career (Russell 1966b). As Russell demonstrated, most of these anecdotes are juxtaposed without any causal link. Although there are the occasional chronological markers – indications, for example, that Alkibiades is getting older and passing from childhood to early manhood – some are plainly out of chronological order and it is impossible to extract a clear chronology from them. Russell argued, however, that to try to extract such a chronological narrative would be to misunderstand the function of this material, which is not to provide a narrative of Alkibiades' early years but rather to illuminate and illustrate his character. Russell's argument, in particular the stress on Plutarch's interest in character, was seminal; together with two other papers published at roughly the same time, it marked the beginning of a new appreciation of Plutarch as an author of literary merit. But Russell was rather less convinced of the logic of selection of the first five anecdotes, which relate to Alkibiades' youth and comprise some one-and-a-half pages of Teubner text ( Alk. 2–3).
大约40年前,唐纳德·罗素(Donald Russell)在这本杂志上发表了一篇对《阿尔基比德斯的一生》(Life of Alkibiades)前16章的分析,其中大部分是关于阿尔基比德斯的童年、青年和早期职业生涯的短小而独立的轶事(Russell 1966b)。正如罗素所证明的,这些轶事大多是并列的,没有任何因果关系。虽然偶尔会有一些时间上的标记——例如,阿尔基比德斯变老了,从童年过渡到成年早期——但有些明显是没有时间顺序的,因此不可能从中提取出一个明确的时间顺序。然而,罗素认为,试图提取这种按时间顺序的叙述会误解这些材料的功能,这些材料的功能不是提供阿尔基比德斯早年的叙述,而是阐明和说明他的性格。罗素的论点,特别是强调普鲁塔克对人物的兴趣,是开创性的;与几乎同时发表的另外两篇论文一起,它标志着对普鲁塔克作为一位有文学价值的作家的新欣赏的开始。但罗素对选择前五篇轶事的逻辑不太信服,这些轶事与阿尔基比德斯的青年时代有关,构成了约一页半的Teubner文本(Alk. 2-3)。
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引用次数: 11
期刊
Cambridge Classical Journal
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