Pub Date : 2016-06-07DOI: 10.1017/S1750270516000026
S. Colvin
Five forms of the modal particle are attested in ancient Greek (ἄν, κe, κeν, κᾱ, and κ’). This paper argues that ἄν is an inherited particle, and that the k-forms were the result of reanalysis of prevocalic οὐκ and eἰκ (i.e. eἰκ was reanalysed as eἰ κ’), supported by the vestiges of an old topicalising/conditional force of the I-E particle *kwe (which appears elsewhere in Greek as connective τe). The attested forms in Greek grew out of *kwe in contexts where an adjacent u caused the labiovelar *kw > k (West Greek κᾱ was influenced by indefinite *kwā). The form κeν is a creation of epic diction.
{"title":"THE MODAL PARTICLE IN GREEK","authors":"S. Colvin","doi":"10.1017/S1750270516000026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270516000026","url":null,"abstract":"Five forms of the modal particle are attested in ancient Greek (ἄν, κe, κeν, κᾱ, and κ’). This paper argues that ἄν is an inherited particle, and that the k-forms were the result of reanalysis of prevocalic οὐκ and eἰκ (i.e. eἰκ was reanalysed as eἰ κ’), supported by the vestiges of an old topicalising/conditional force of the I-E particle *kwe (which appears elsewhere in Greek as connective τe). The attested forms in Greek grew out of *kwe in contexts where an adjacent u caused the labiovelar *kw > k (West Greek κᾱ was influenced by indefinite *kwā). The form κeν is a creation of epic diction.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"62 1","pages":"65-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2016-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270516000026","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270516000051
E. Bexley
This article examines the character and identity of Seneca's Medea. Focusing on the recognition scene at the end of the play, I investigate how Medea constructs herself both as a literary figure and as an implied human personality. The concluding scene of Seneca's Medea raises crucial questions about self-coherence and recognisability: in contrast to other moments of anagnōrisis in Greco-Roman drama, it confirms the pre-existing facets of Medea's identity, rather than revealing new ones. This concept of recognition as self-confirmation is also integral to Seneca's Stoic view of human selfhood, and Medea's use of Stoic principles in this play reinforces her dual status as textual entity and quasi-person.
{"title":"Recognition and the character of Seneca's Medea.","authors":"E. Bexley","doi":"10.1017/S1750270516000051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270516000051","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the character and identity of Seneca's Medea. Focusing on the recognition scene at the end of the play, I investigate how Medea constructs herself both as a literary figure and as an implied human personality. The concluding scene of Seneca's Medea raises crucial questions about self-coherence and recognisability: in contrast to other moments of anagnōrisis in Greco-Roman drama, it confirms the pre-existing facets of Medea's identity, rather than revealing new ones. This concept of recognition as self-confirmation is also integral to Seneca's Stoic view of human selfhood, and Medea's use of Stoic principles in this play reinforces her dual status as textual entity and quasi-person.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"62 1","pages":"31-51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270516000051","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-11-26DOI: 10.1017/S1750270512000103
Karen ní Mheallaigh
Dictys of Crete's Journal of the Trojan War seems to invite the reader to imagine two different versions of the imaginary ancient Ur-text: one that was written in Phoenician language and script, and another that was written using ‘Phoenician letters’ but whose language was Greek. What is the meaning of the text's different fantasies of its own origins? And how is the reader to understand the puzzlingly implausible Punico-Greek text that is envisaged in Septimius' prefatory letter? This article examines first why the Journal's fantasy Ur-text changed as the Dictys-text itself evolved, and what the text's fiction of its own origins can tell us, not only about its readers' contemporary context, but also about their fantasies about their own literary past – and future as well. Secondly, comparison with the work of Dionysius Skytobrachion, himself the author of a pseudo-documentary Troy-history, offers a new interpretation of what, precisely, Septimius' ‘Punic letters’ may have represented in ancient readers' minds, and opens up a new (imaginary) literary hinterland in the heroic past for the fictional author Dictys and his text.
{"title":"THE ‘PHOENICIAN LETTERS’ OF DICTYS OF CRETE AND DIONYSIUS SCYTOBRACHION","authors":"Karen ní Mheallaigh","doi":"10.1017/S1750270512000103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270512000103","url":null,"abstract":"Dictys of Crete's Journal of the Trojan War seems to invite the reader to imagine two different versions of the imaginary ancient Ur-text: one that was written in Phoenician language and script, and another that was written using ‘Phoenician letters’ but whose language was Greek. What is the meaning of the text's different fantasies of its own origins? And how is the reader to understand the puzzlingly implausible Punico-Greek text that is envisaged in Septimius' prefatory letter? This article examines first why the Journal's fantasy Ur-text changed as the Dictys-text itself evolved, and what the text's fiction of its own origins can tell us, not only about its readers' contemporary context, but also about their fantasies about their own literary past – and future as well. Secondly, comparison with the work of Dionysius Skytobrachion, himself the author of a pseudo-documentary Troy-history, offers a new interpretation of what, precisely, Septimius' ‘Punic letters’ may have represented in ancient readers' minds, and opens up a new (imaginary) literary hinterland in the heroic past for the fictional author Dictys and his text.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"58 1","pages":"181 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2012-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270512000103","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2007-01-01DOI: 10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.81
C. W. Willink
This chapter talks about one of the plays of Euripides: Hippolytus. It deals specifically with the lines 732-75 of the play. The centrally-placed Second Stasimon of Hippolytus, following Phaedra's exit (to die) at 731, is one of the finest features of Euripides' finest play, with complex imagery. The wish to become a bird and to fly away to a mythical Western paradise is in line with a familiar topos as an 'out-of-this-world escape wish'. 'Bird-transformation' and 'flight to the far West' are funereal motifs, notably developed by Sophocles. Then in the second pair of stanzas Phaedra's fate is integrally linked with the 'white-winged Cretan ship' that as a doubly bad ὄρνιϲ brought her 'through beating seawaves' from Crete to Athens, with 'fastening of ropes' for the 'going ashore' at the end of the voyage. Keywords: Hippolytus 732-75; Athens; bird-transformation; Crete; Euripides; mythical Western paradise; Phaedra; Sophocles
{"title":"EURIPIDES, HIPPOLYTUS 732-75","authors":"C. W. Willink","doi":"10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/EJ.9789004182813.I-862.81","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter talks about one of the plays of Euripides: Hippolytus. It deals specifically with the lines 732-75 of the play. The centrally-placed Second Stasimon of Hippolytus, following Phaedra's exit (to die) at 731, is one of the finest features of Euripides' finest play, with complex imagery. The wish to become a bird and to fly away to a mythical Western paradise is in line with a familiar topos as an 'out-of-this-world escape wish'. 'Bird-transformation' and 'flight to the far West' are funereal motifs, notably developed by Sophocles. Then in the second pair of stanzas Phaedra's fate is integrally linked with the 'white-winged Cretan ship' that as a doubly bad ὄρνιϲ brought her 'through beating seawaves' from Crete to Athens, with 'fastening of ropes' for the 'going ashore' at the end of the voyage. Keywords: Hippolytus 732-75; Athens; bird-transformation; Crete; Euripides; mythical Western paradise; Phaedra; Sophocles","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"53 1","pages":"706-717"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64593706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S175027050000049X
A. Zadorojnyi
The introductory chapters of the Plutarchan Lives of Demosthenes and Cicero are much relied on for personal information about the author. It is here that Plutarch tells us that he wrote the Parallel Lives while residing in his home town of Chaeronea, and that he had been to Italy; his knowledge of Latin was, however, limited. As a matter of course, numerous scholars have paid attention to these statements, often with far-reaching interpretive implications. If the passage is accepted at face value, Plutarch comes across as a placid yet honourable man of letters, not a social climber but a morally upstanding gent who was loyal to his clan as well as one who disliked, could not afford, or was apprehensive about living in a big city. Alternatively, one might mistrust Plutarch and unscramble his voice as plea by a wily loser in the literary and political competition of his day. Donald Russell sensed that Plutarch was left on the fringe because his career somehow did not take off. Russell's intuition is filled out by Glen Bowersock's robust conjecture that Plutarch's (relative) seclusion in Chaeronea during Trajan's reign was not quite voluntary: having compromised himself in the 90s with his pro-Flavian biographies of the Caesars, Plutarch laboured to clinch a comeback by means of the Parallel Lives and essays.
{"title":"King of his castle: Plutarch, Demosthenes 1–2 *","authors":"A. Zadorojnyi","doi":"10.1017/S175027050000049X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S175027050000049X","url":null,"abstract":"The introductory chapters of the Plutarchan Lives of Demosthenes and Cicero are much relied on for personal information about the author. It is here that Plutarch tells us that he wrote the Parallel Lives while residing in his home town of Chaeronea, and that he had been to Italy; his knowledge of Latin was, however, limited. As a matter of course, numerous scholars have paid attention to these statements, often with far-reaching interpretive implications. If the passage is accepted at face value, Plutarch comes across as a placid yet honourable man of letters, not a social climber but a morally upstanding gent who was loyal to his clan as well as one who disliked, could not afford, or was apprehensive about living in a big city. Alternatively, one might mistrust Plutarch and unscramble his voice as plea by a wily loser in the literary and political competition of his day. Donald Russell sensed that Plutarch was left on the fringe because his career somehow did not take off. Russell's intuition is filled out by Glen Bowersock's robust conjecture that Plutarch's (relative) seclusion in Chaeronea during Trajan's reign was not quite voluntary: having compromised himself in the 90s with his pro-Flavian biographies of the Caesars, Plutarch laboured to clinch a comeback by means of the Parallel Lives and essays.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"52 1","pages":"102-127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S175027050000049X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000518
Martin Korenjak
In piscibus (sc. nascuntur) obsonatores et rhetores : thus Trimalchio concludes the sign-by-sign interpretation he gives in Petr. 39 of the astrological repositorium that has been served some chapters before (35.1–5). While the obsonatores – ‘buyers of fish’ (TLL 9.234.49–70), from ὀΨωνέω, ‘buy fish and other dainties’ (LSJ s.v.) – pose no problem, the rhetores have mystified interpreters since Peter Burman, who frankly confessed: ‘Causam non video, cum pisces vulgo muti habeantur, rhetores vero loquaces. Fortasse corrupta vox. An vectores aut veteratores? Haereo.’
在piscibus（sc.nascuntur）obsonatores et rhetores中：因此，特里马尔基奥通过他在Petr中给出的符号解释来总结符号。39的占星术宝库，之前已经提供了一些章节（35.1-5）。而淫秽物品-“鱼的买家”（TLL 9.234.49-70），从ὀΨωΓω，“买鱼和其他美食”（LSJ s.v.）-没有问题，自彼得·伯曼（Peter Burman）以来，修辞学家一直让口译员感到困惑，他坦率地承认：“因果关系非视频，兼豌豆vulgo muti habantur，修辞学家vero枇杷。”。Fortasse腐蚀vox。一个向量或向量？Haereo。”
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Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000452
Matthew Wright
{"title":"Cyclops and the Euripidean tetralogy","authors":"Matthew Wright","doi":"10.1017/S1750270500000452","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270500000452","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"52 1","pages":"23-48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270500000452","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000476
Yuzuru Hashiba
In his Panathenaicus , which was issued in 339 BC, Isocrates condemns Athenians for their rampant bribery: [Formerly] those who had been elected to office were expected to neglect their own property, and also to abstain no less from those perquisites (λημμάτων) which nowadays the officials have become accustomed to gain than from the sacred treasures; who under the current circumstances would have such sense of self-restraint? (Isoc. 12.145) There are many references suggesting that the Athenians not only deplored but also had strict attitudes towards bribery, which they considered to be a distinct crime. What should not be overlooked, however, is that the Greeks had their traditional values concerning gifts and reciprocity, according to which they were expected to give in return when given something. In so-called Homeric society gift-giving was one of the most fundamental principles of social relationships, as is notably pointed out by M. I. Finley. That the Greek word dora , which is most commonly used to mean bribery, originally refers to gifts in general epitomises the ambivalence of Greek values concerning bribery.
{"title":"Athenian bribery reconsidered: some legal aspects","authors":"Yuzuru Hashiba","doi":"10.1017/S1750270500000476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270500000476","url":null,"abstract":"In his Panathenaicus , which was issued in 339 BC, Isocrates condemns Athenians for their rampant bribery: [Formerly] those who had been elected to office were expected to neglect their own property, and also to abstain no less from those perquisites (λημμάτων) which nowadays the officials have become accustomed to gain than from the sacred treasures; who under the current circumstances would have such sense of self-restraint? (Isoc. 12.145) There are many references suggesting that the Athenians not only deplored but also had strict attitudes towards bribery, which they considered to be a distinct crime. What should not be overlooked, however, is that the Greeks had their traditional values concerning gifts and reciprocity, according to which they were expected to give in return when given something. In so-called Homeric society gift-giving was one of the most fundamental principles of social relationships, as is notably pointed out by M. I. Finley. That the Greek word dora , which is most commonly used to mean bribery, originally refers to gifts in general epitomises the ambivalence of Greek values concerning bribery.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"52 1","pages":"62-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270500000476","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500000440
M. Bradley
The proliferation of white and coloured marbles in Rome and the provinces has received detailed attention from archaeologists, and the symbolism underlying the use and distribution of these marbles has been discussed at length by art historians. In addition, there are now several important catalogues of ancient Roman marbles. Their stones are presented attractively in full glory, using state-of-the-art printing technology, page after page of dazzling colour. In case the full extent of the polychromy is lost on the reader, descriptions and labels (particulary those coined in nineteenth-century Italy) reinforce this vivid connection between stone and colour - ‘giallo antico’, ‘rosso antico’, ‘porfido’, ‘scisto verde’, ‘nero antico’, ‘marmo bianco’ , ‘greyish-blues’, ‘black limestone’, ‘dazzling white’, ‘rot’, ‘gelb’, ‘violett’. It is a very simple exercise for us to align colour and stone.
{"title":"Colour and marble in early imperial Rome","authors":"M. Bradley","doi":"10.1017/S1750270500000440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270500000440","url":null,"abstract":"The proliferation of white and coloured marbles in Rome and the provinces has received detailed attention from archaeologists, and the symbolism underlying the use and distribution of these marbles has been discussed at length by art historians. In addition, there are now several important catalogues of ancient Roman marbles. Their stones are presented attractively in full glory, using state-of-the-art printing technology, page after page of dazzling colour. In case the full extent of the polychromy is lost on the reader, descriptions and labels (particulary those coined in nineteenth-century Italy) reinforce this vivid connection between stone and colour - ‘giallo antico’, ‘rosso antico’, ‘porfido’, ‘scisto verde’, ‘nero antico’, ‘marmo bianco’ , ‘greyish-blues’, ‘black limestone’, ‘dazzling white’, ‘rot’, ‘gelb’, ‘violett’. It is a very simple exercise for us to align colour and stone.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"52 1","pages":"1-22"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270500000440","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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