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Opportunities and challenges in achieving co-management in marine protected areas in East Africa: a comparative case study 东非海洋保护区实现共同管理的机遇和挑战:比较案例研究
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1825201
J. O’Leary, Maurice C. Goodman, A. Tuda, Milali Machumu, L. West
ABSTRACT As marine ecosystems decline globally, scientists recommend increasing the coverage of marine protected areas (MPAs), but many are not effectively managed to deliver benefits. Community integration into decision-making can increase effectiveness by supporting behavior change, but this poses implementation challenges. We examine differences in adaptive capacity, community engagement, and perceived MPA benefits using interviews and focal groups in two fishing communities from MPAs with different management strategies and geographic settings: a centrally managed MPA in Kenya and a co-managed MPA in Tanzania. Far fewer Kenyan community members (37%) felt they benefited from the MPA compared to Tanzanian community (95%). Agency, trust, and MPA support were largely similar. Both systems had challenges that reduced collaborative action including: low staff-community interaction and communication, leadership challenges, and social conflict. We identified pathways towards improved co-management that transcend systems: institutional prioritization of community integration, investment in community leadership, mapping social networks, and adequate MPA budgets.
随着全球海洋生态系统的衰退,科学家们建议增加海洋保护区(MPAs)的覆盖范围,但许多保护区并没有得到有效管理。社区集成到决策中可以通过支持行为改变来提高效率,但是这带来了实现上的挑战。我们对来自不同管理策略和地理环境的海洋保护区的两个渔业社区(肯尼亚的中央管理海洋保护区和坦桑尼亚的共同管理海洋保护区)进行了访谈和焦点小组,研究了适应能力、社区参与和感知到的海洋保护区效益的差异。与坦桑尼亚社区(95%)相比,认为他们从MPA中受益的肯尼亚社区成员(37%)要少得多。代理、信任和精神创伤和精神创伤的支持在很大程度上是相似的。这两个系统都存在减少协作行动的挑战,包括:员工与社区的互动和沟通不足、领导力挑战和社会冲突。我们确定了超越系统的改善共同管理的途径:社区整合的制度优先,社区领导的投资,绘制社会网络,以及充足的MPA预算。
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引用次数: 8
The oceans as new regions: emerging narratives and the Bay of Bengal 作为新区域的海洋:新兴叙事与孟加拉湾
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1820690
A. Sengupta
ABSTRACT Traditionally geo-political spatial imaginations have been restricted to the continental expanse with the understanding that oceans formed the shared commons. However, he delimitation of oceanic spaces as ‘natural regions’ is therefore increasingly becoming as significant today to strategic discourse as continental spaces and subject to similar terminological transformations. This article argues that the emergence of a common narrative built around historical interactions along sea lanes, the re-conceptualization of ocean spaces and the increasing recognition of the significance of ‘Blue Economy’ calls for a critical understanding of ocean spaces. In the twenty-first century this has become a structural component of international politics expanding into a wider array of policy fields in a way that was seldom evident even in the last decade of the previous century, when the mapping of oceans assumed critical political relevance. In this background, this article examines the emergence of the Bay of Bengal as a ‘new’ region with associated regional organizations.
传统上,地缘政治空间想象一直局限于广阔的大陆,人们认为海洋构成了共享的公地。然而,将海洋空间划分为“自然区域”,因此在今天的战略话语中变得越来越重要,就像大陆空间一样,并受到类似的术语转换。本文认为,围绕海上通道沿线的历史互动,海洋空间的重新概念化以及对“蓝色经济”重要性的日益认识的共同叙事的出现要求对海洋空间进行批判性的理解。在二十一世纪,这已成为国际政治的一个结构性组成部分,扩大到更广泛的政策领域,其方式即使在上个世纪的最后十年中也很少明显,当时海洋绘图具有关键的政治意义。在此背景下,本文考察了孟加拉湾作为一个具有相关区域组织的“新”地区的出现。
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引用次数: 4
Enabling stakeholder participation in marine spatial planning: the Bangladesh experience 促进利益相关者参与海洋空间规划:孟加拉国的经验
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1825200
S. Mannan, Henrik Nilsson, Tafsir Johansson, C. Schofield
ABSTRACT The article explores stakeholder participation in marine spatial planning with particular reference to Bangladesh, a country which has committed to developing such an ocean management approach but remains at an early stage in the process. A contextual overview of the marine environment, resources and economic activities within the maritime areas of Bangladesh is provided. Definitions and concepts of marine spatial planning are critically discussed and the need to identify and understand the roles, expectations and interests of diverse stakeholders to deliver successful implementation emphasised. An overview and synthesis of a survey of maritime stakeholders in Bangladesh is provided with a view to enhancing understanding of their engagement processes, relationships and conflicts. Recommendations to reconcile conflicting uses and help facilitate the development of marine spatial planning in Bangladesh and potentially the Bay of Bengal more widely.
摘要本文探讨了利益相关者参与海洋空间规划的问题,特别是孟加拉国,该国一直致力于制定这种海洋管理方法,但仍处于这一过程的早期阶段。提供了孟加拉国海域内海洋环境、资源和经济活动的背景概览。对海洋空间规划的定义和概念进行了批判性讨论,并强调需要确定和理解不同利益攸关方的作用、期望和利益,以成功实施。对孟加拉国海事利益攸关方的调查进行了概述和综合,以增进对其参与过程、关系和冲突的了解。协调相互冲突的用途并帮助促进孟加拉国以及可能更广泛的孟加拉湾海洋空间规划的发展的建议。
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引用次数: 3
Kautilya’s Arthashastra: philosophy of strategy Kautilya的《Arthashastra:战略哲学》
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-08-14 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1803564
Shivshankar Menon
Professor Medha Bisht of the South Asian University has written a significant analysis of Kautilya’s ideas in the Arthashastra, situating them in the framework of current international relations (I...
南亚大学的Medha Bisht教授在Arthashastra中对Kautilya的思想进行了重要的分析,并将其置于当前国际关系的框架中(I。。。
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引用次数: 3
Travelling pasts: the politics of cultural heritage in the Indian Ocean World 穿越过去:印度洋世界文化遗产的政治
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1760603
Erika J. Techera
towards the Korean Peninsula, but its historical complexes within this region have limited its role. The evolution of the South China Sea issue blurs the line between military and paramilitary actions which the author believes creates maritime security challenges for US and ASEAN. Chapter 9 is a case study of sea level rise in the Pearl River Delta, while Chapter 10 presents a good example of geopolitical calculation of energy and power, arguing ‘the restoration of American energy primacy and the shift in power from producers to consumers is favorable to the US strategy of forward defense through maritime power projection in Asia’ (p. 174). The resurgence of US oil and natural gas is the second chance for the US continuing its global hegemony. The last part of this volume ‘the Arctic & the future of the World’s Oceans’ includes 5 chapters which provide a relatively insightful observations of the less noticed Arctic. The balance between environmentalism and exploitation in the Arctic seems to be the key for the sustainable development which essentially means the balance between national interests and global interests (Chapter 11). Chapters 12 and 13 discuss two soft issues in the Arctic discourse, national imagination and fisheries. Chapter 12 calls for the US public to claim its Arctic interests by having a better understanding of the Arctic. Chapter 13 takes a more internationalist approach on fisheries management in the Arctic and explores the possible international governance for this issue. Chapter 14 again draws us back to the cruel reality of power competition in the Arctic between Russia and NATO. This volume is beneficial for readers to have a broader view on the maritime issues. This volume tries very hard to not mention the US in the title, the keywords Eurasia, Indian Ocean, Pacific Asia and the Arctic in the title do not link to the US directly, yet the shadow of the US is present in most of the chapters. Nationalism and internationalism in maritime security in this book are both included which somehow leads the reader forward and backward at the same time; a good example of the reality we are living with. Given the complexity of the issues discussed in this volume, the volume might have been better edited if it was categorized by issues rather than regions.
但它在该地区的历史情结限制了它的作用。南中国海问题的演变模糊了军事和准军事行动之间的界限,作者认为这给美国和东盟带来了海上安全挑战。第9章是珠江三角洲海平面上升的案例研究,而第10章是能源和权力的地缘政治计算的一个很好的例子,认为“恢复美国能源主导地位和权力从生产者向消费者的转移有利于美国通过亚洲海上力量投射的前沿防御战略”(第174页)。美国石油和天然气的复苏是美国继续其全球霸权的第二次机会。本卷的最后一部分“北极与世界海洋的未来”包括5章,提供了对不太引人注目的北极的相对深刻的观察。在北极环境保护主义和开发之间的平衡似乎是可持续发展的关键,这本质上意味着国家利益和全球利益之间的平衡(第11章)。第12章和第13章讨论了北极话语中的两个软问题,国家想象力和渔业。第12章呼吁美国公众通过更好地了解北极来主张其北极利益。第13章对北极渔业管理采取了更加国际主义的方法,并探讨了可能的国际治理。第十四章再次把我们拉回到俄罗斯和北约在北极地区力量竞争的残酷现实。本卷有利于读者对海事问题有一个更广泛的看法。这本书尽量在标题中不提及美国,标题中的关键词欧亚、印度洋、太平洋、亚洲和北极并没有直接与美国联系起来,但美国的影子在大部分章节中都存在。在这本书中,海洋安全中的民族主义和国际主义都被包括在内,这在某种程度上同时引导着读者前进和后退;这是我们生活的现实的一个很好的例子。考虑到本卷所讨论问题的复杂性,如果按问题分类而不是按区域分类,本卷可能会编辑得更好。
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引用次数: 0
The new world disorder and the Indian imperative 新的世界秩序和印度的当务之急
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1767384
N. Roy
This ambitious and incisive book The New World Order and the Indian Imperative details the changing international order and offers a succinct analysis of the state of the world today, which is now in complete flux. The book begins with a prologue that narrates the events towards the close of the last decade. These events depict the fluidity of the global balance of power: Trump’s ‘America first’ and ‘Isolationist policy’; the aggressive and expansionist rise of China; the emergence of ‘illiberal democracies’; great power ambition; ‘strongmen,’ and the return of identity politics. The authors contend that the world order has led to marked tensions globally. Amidst political polarization, technological transformation, and major global power shifts, uncertainty surrounds the international liberal order, which therefore raises the obvious question of “where do we go from here?” New centres of power, new alliances and new rivalries are emerging, putting pressure on institutions governing global trade and security. As power is shifting and dispersing, domains for geopolitical rivalry or participation are also extending. The central aim of the book, therefore, is to describe and understand this phenomenon of disorder and provide a solution to it (p.xviii). Dr Shashi Tharoor and Dr Samir Saran, two of the most influential thinkers and shapers of policy for India and beyond, have united on this eager and promising plan, which blueprints the role that India could play on the world stage in a new international order. elements: technology highly monopolised by the global north favored a market-based arrangement; failure or negligence of the global north to live up to its financial obligations in areas of climate change and development; research and knowledge dependent on the paramountcy of the global north. The that the climate change negotiations and sustainable development discourse carried over various conventions have been unsuccessful in fully addressing climate governance. So at that point, what are the solutions to How would we defuse polarization and
这本雄心勃勃、精辟的书《新世界秩序与印度命令》详细描述了不断变化的国际秩序,并对当今世界的状况进行了简明扼要的分析。这本书以序言开头,叙述了过去十年即将结束的事件。这些事件描绘了全球力量平衡的流动性:特朗普的“美国优先”和“孤立主义政策”;中国的侵略性和扩张性崛起;“非自由民主”的出现;大国野心强人,以及身份政治的回归。作者认为,世界秩序已导致全球局势明显紧张。在政治两极分化、技术转型和全球重大权力转移的背景下,国际自由秩序充满了不确定性,因此提出了一个明显的问题:“我们该何去何从?”新的权力中心、新的联盟和新的对抗正在出现,这给管理全球贸易和安全的机构带来了压力。随着权力的转移和分散,地缘政治竞争或参与的领域也在扩大。因此,这本书的中心目的是描述和理解这种无序现象,并为其提供解决方案(第xvii页)。Shashi Tharoor博士和Samir Saran博士,两位最有影响力的思想家和印度及其他国家政策的制定者,在这个热切而有希望的计划上团结一致,它描绘了印度在新的国际秩序中可以在世界舞台上发挥的作用。要素:被全球北方高度垄断的技术倾向于基于市场的安排;全球北方未能或疏忽履行其在气候变化和发展领域的财政义务;研究和知识依赖于全球北方的优越性。各种公约中的气候变化谈判和可持续发展讨论未能充分解决气候治理问题。那么,在这一点上,我们如何化解两极分化和
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引用次数: 9
Decrypting Sri Lanka’s ‘black box’ amidst an Indo–China ‘great game’ 在中印“大博弈”中破解斯里兰卡“黑匣子”
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2019.1640575
S. De Silva
ABSTRACT Competition is a natural byproduct of major powers navigating an anarchic world. Small states operating in such a milieu however, face a dilemma when strategizing their foreign policy. At present, two regional behemoths – India and China – remain locked in a Realpolitik affray as they vie for influence by enticing and attracting South Asian states through economic, security and diplomatic initiatives. How do these structural dynamics impact Sri Lanka’s policymaking process? Moreover, has the island been able to mount a timely and appropriate response to structural dictates? In what way has domestic variables influenced and channeled policy preferences in Sri Lanka since 2015? By adopting a Neoclassical Realist frame of analysis, this paper appraises the impact made by the external environment and domestic intervening variables on the island’s foreign policy trajectory. It concludes that domestic intervening variables drew the island away from optimal choices in its relations with India and China.
竞争是大国在无政府世界中航行的自然副产品。然而,在这种环境下运作的小国在制定外交政策时面临两难境地。目前,两个地区大国——印度和中国——仍然陷入一场现实政治争斗,它们通过经济、安全和外交举措,吸引和吸引南亚国家,争夺影响力。这些结构动态如何影响斯里兰卡的政策制定过程?此外,台湾是否能够对结构性要求做出及时和适当的反应?自2015年以来,国内变量如何影响和引导斯里兰卡的政策偏好?本文采用新古典现实主义的分析框架,评估了外部环境和国内干预变量对台湾外交政策轨迹的影响。它的结论是,国内的干预变量使台湾偏离了与印度和中国关系的最佳选择。
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引用次数: 0
The rise and return of the Indo-Pacific 印度洋-太平洋的崛起与回归
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1767382
C. Bouchard
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引用次数: 24
Chief Editor Foreword 总编
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1781400
S. Chaturvedi
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引用次数: 0
Mauritian sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago? Strategic implications for Diego Garcia from a UK-US perspective 毛里求斯对查戈斯群岛的主权?从英美视角看迪戈加西亚的战略意义
IF 1.2 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1770949
S. Bashfield
Abstract This article examines the implications for the U.S. military base in Diego Garcia, located in the Chagos Archipelago, in the event that sovereignty of the atoll is ceded from the U.K. to Mauritius. Diego Garcia has become a critically important military base, facilitating U.S. power projection into the Indian Ocean, Middle East and Africa. The legality and future of British sovereignty over the atoll was challenged in 2019 in both the International Court of Justice and United Nations General Assembly. This article finds that Mauritian sovereignty of Diego Garcia would have considerable adverse consequences for U.S. military activity, potentially prohibiting many of the core functions the facility currently performs, as under U.K. sovereignty. Further, this article examines the strategic utility in Diego Garcia for the U.S. and U.K. governments, which demonstrates why these two nations are willing to endure considerable reputational costs and international backlash for retention of the atoll.
摘要本文探讨了如果位于查戈斯群岛的迪戈加西亚环礁的主权从英国割让给毛里求斯,对该基地的影响。迪戈加西亚已成为至关重要的军事基地,为美国向印度洋、中东和非洲的力量投射提供了便利。2019年,英国对该环礁岛主权的合法性和未来在国际法院和联合国大会上受到质疑。这篇文章发现,毛里求斯对迪戈·加西亚的主权将对美国的军事活动产生相当大的不利影响,可能会禁止该设施目前在英国主权下履行的许多核心职能。此外,本文还探讨了迪戈加西亚岛对美国和英国政府的战略效用,这表明了为什么这两个国家愿意为保留该环礁岛而承受相当大的声誉成本和国际社会的强烈反对。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Journal of the Indian Ocean Region
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