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Travelling pasts: the politics of cultural heritage in the Indian Ocean World 穿越过去:印度洋世界文化遗产的政治
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1760603
Erika J. Techera
towards the Korean Peninsula, but its historical complexes within this region have limited its role. The evolution of the South China Sea issue blurs the line between military and paramilitary actions which the author believes creates maritime security challenges for US and ASEAN. Chapter 9 is a case study of sea level rise in the Pearl River Delta, while Chapter 10 presents a good example of geopolitical calculation of energy and power, arguing ‘the restoration of American energy primacy and the shift in power from producers to consumers is favorable to the US strategy of forward defense through maritime power projection in Asia’ (p. 174). The resurgence of US oil and natural gas is the second chance for the US continuing its global hegemony. The last part of this volume ‘the Arctic & the future of the World’s Oceans’ includes 5 chapters which provide a relatively insightful observations of the less noticed Arctic. The balance between environmentalism and exploitation in the Arctic seems to be the key for the sustainable development which essentially means the balance between national interests and global interests (Chapter 11). Chapters 12 and 13 discuss two soft issues in the Arctic discourse, national imagination and fisheries. Chapter 12 calls for the US public to claim its Arctic interests by having a better understanding of the Arctic. Chapter 13 takes a more internationalist approach on fisheries management in the Arctic and explores the possible international governance for this issue. Chapter 14 again draws us back to the cruel reality of power competition in the Arctic between Russia and NATO. This volume is beneficial for readers to have a broader view on the maritime issues. This volume tries very hard to not mention the US in the title, the keywords Eurasia, Indian Ocean, Pacific Asia and the Arctic in the title do not link to the US directly, yet the shadow of the US is present in most of the chapters. Nationalism and internationalism in maritime security in this book are both included which somehow leads the reader forward and backward at the same time; a good example of the reality we are living with. Given the complexity of the issues discussed in this volume, the volume might have been better edited if it was categorized by issues rather than regions.
但它在该地区的历史情结限制了它的作用。南中国海问题的演变模糊了军事和准军事行动之间的界限,作者认为这给美国和东盟带来了海上安全挑战。第9章是珠江三角洲海平面上升的案例研究,而第10章是能源和权力的地缘政治计算的一个很好的例子,认为“恢复美国能源主导地位和权力从生产者向消费者的转移有利于美国通过亚洲海上力量投射的前沿防御战略”(第174页)。美国石油和天然气的复苏是美国继续其全球霸权的第二次机会。本卷的最后一部分“北极与世界海洋的未来”包括5章,提供了对不太引人注目的北极的相对深刻的观察。在北极环境保护主义和开发之间的平衡似乎是可持续发展的关键,这本质上意味着国家利益和全球利益之间的平衡(第11章)。第12章和第13章讨论了北极话语中的两个软问题,国家想象力和渔业。第12章呼吁美国公众通过更好地了解北极来主张其北极利益。第13章对北极渔业管理采取了更加国际主义的方法,并探讨了可能的国际治理。第十四章再次把我们拉回到俄罗斯和北约在北极地区力量竞争的残酷现实。本卷有利于读者对海事问题有一个更广泛的看法。这本书尽量在标题中不提及美国,标题中的关键词欧亚、印度洋、太平洋、亚洲和北极并没有直接与美国联系起来,但美国的影子在大部分章节中都存在。在这本书中,海洋安全中的民族主义和国际主义都被包括在内,这在某种程度上同时引导着读者前进和后退;这是我们生活的现实的一个很好的例子。考虑到本卷所讨论问题的复杂性,如果按问题分类而不是按区域分类,本卷可能会编辑得更好。
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引用次数: 0
The new world disorder and the Indian imperative 新的世界秩序和印度的当务之急
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1767384
N. Roy
This ambitious and incisive book The New World Order and the Indian Imperative details the changing international order and offers a succinct analysis of the state of the world today, which is now in complete flux. The book begins with a prologue that narrates the events towards the close of the last decade. These events depict the fluidity of the global balance of power: Trump’s ‘America first’ and ‘Isolationist policy’; the aggressive and expansionist rise of China; the emergence of ‘illiberal democracies’; great power ambition; ‘strongmen,’ and the return of identity politics. The authors contend that the world order has led to marked tensions globally. Amidst political polarization, technological transformation, and major global power shifts, uncertainty surrounds the international liberal order, which therefore raises the obvious question of “where do we go from here?” New centres of power, new alliances and new rivalries are emerging, putting pressure on institutions governing global trade and security. As power is shifting and dispersing, domains for geopolitical rivalry or participation are also extending. The central aim of the book, therefore, is to describe and understand this phenomenon of disorder and provide a solution to it (p.xviii). Dr Shashi Tharoor and Dr Samir Saran, two of the most influential thinkers and shapers of policy for India and beyond, have united on this eager and promising plan, which blueprints the role that India could play on the world stage in a new international order. elements: technology highly monopolised by the global north favored a market-based arrangement; failure or negligence of the global north to live up to its financial obligations in areas of climate change and development; research and knowledge dependent on the paramountcy of the global north. The that the climate change negotiations and sustainable development discourse carried over various conventions have been unsuccessful in fully addressing climate governance. So at that point, what are the solutions to How would we defuse polarization and
这本雄心勃勃、精辟的书《新世界秩序与印度命令》详细描述了不断变化的国际秩序,并对当今世界的状况进行了简明扼要的分析。这本书以序言开头,叙述了过去十年即将结束的事件。这些事件描绘了全球力量平衡的流动性:特朗普的“美国优先”和“孤立主义政策”;中国的侵略性和扩张性崛起;“非自由民主”的出现;大国野心强人,以及身份政治的回归。作者认为,世界秩序已导致全球局势明显紧张。在政治两极分化、技术转型和全球重大权力转移的背景下,国际自由秩序充满了不确定性,因此提出了一个明显的问题:“我们该何去何从?”新的权力中心、新的联盟和新的对抗正在出现,这给管理全球贸易和安全的机构带来了压力。随着权力的转移和分散,地缘政治竞争或参与的领域也在扩大。因此,这本书的中心目的是描述和理解这种无序现象,并为其提供解决方案(第xvii页)。Shashi Tharoor博士和Samir Saran博士,两位最有影响力的思想家和印度及其他国家政策的制定者,在这个热切而有希望的计划上团结一致,它描绘了印度在新的国际秩序中可以在世界舞台上发挥的作用。要素:被全球北方高度垄断的技术倾向于基于市场的安排;全球北方未能或疏忽履行其在气候变化和发展领域的财政义务;研究和知识依赖于全球北方的优越性。各种公约中的气候变化谈判和可持续发展讨论未能充分解决气候治理问题。那么,在这一点上,我们如何化解两极分化和
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引用次数: 9
Decrypting Sri Lanka’s ‘black box’ amidst an Indo–China ‘great game’ 在中印“大博弈”中破解斯里兰卡“黑匣子”
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2019.1640575
S. De Silva
ABSTRACT Competition is a natural byproduct of major powers navigating an anarchic world. Small states operating in such a milieu however, face a dilemma when strategizing their foreign policy. At present, two regional behemoths – India and China – remain locked in a Realpolitik affray as they vie for influence by enticing and attracting South Asian states through economic, security and diplomatic initiatives. How do these structural dynamics impact Sri Lanka’s policymaking process? Moreover, has the island been able to mount a timely and appropriate response to structural dictates? In what way has domestic variables influenced and channeled policy preferences in Sri Lanka since 2015? By adopting a Neoclassical Realist frame of analysis, this paper appraises the impact made by the external environment and domestic intervening variables on the island’s foreign policy trajectory. It concludes that domestic intervening variables drew the island away from optimal choices in its relations with India and China.
竞争是大国在无政府世界中航行的自然副产品。然而,在这种环境下运作的小国在制定外交政策时面临两难境地。目前,两个地区大国——印度和中国——仍然陷入一场现实政治争斗,它们通过经济、安全和外交举措,吸引和吸引南亚国家,争夺影响力。这些结构动态如何影响斯里兰卡的政策制定过程?此外,台湾是否能够对结构性要求做出及时和适当的反应?自2015年以来,国内变量如何影响和引导斯里兰卡的政策偏好?本文采用新古典现实主义的分析框架,评估了外部环境和国内干预变量对台湾外交政策轨迹的影响。它的结论是,国内的干预变量使台湾偏离了与印度和中国关系的最佳选择。
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引用次数: 0
Chief Editor Foreword 总编
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1781400
S. Chaturvedi
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引用次数: 0
The rise and return of the Indo-Pacific 印度洋-太平洋的崛起与回归
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1767382
C. Bouchard
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引用次数: 24
India–China maritime competition: the security dilemma at sea 中印海上竞争:海上安全困境
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1702766
Lisa Otto
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引用次数: 3
Towards a networked strategy: framework for maritime South Asia 迈向网络化战略:南亚海事框架
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1770950
Medha Bisht
ABSTRACT This article revisits the widely cited SAGAR speech by the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, delivered on 12 March 2015, at Port Louis, Mauritius. It takes the speech as a foundation to revisit the meaning of maritime South Asia, bringing to fore a ‘networked identity’ of the Ocean. This approach, while incorporating a dimension of resilience, also offers a conceptual/policy window to deal with complex traditional and non-traditional threats emanating from maritime space. Concepts from network literature, such as connections, relationality and communication are employed to invoke networked imageries of the Ocean at a metaphorical, conceptual and praxeological level. In arguing for international/interregional maritime cooperation, SDG-14 is presented as an essential background condition for effective translation of SAGAR speech into this novel framework, which helps in raising critical questions related to maritime security and development.
本文回顾了印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪于2015年3月12日在毛里求斯路易港发表的被广泛引用的SAGAR演讲。它以这次演讲为基础,重新审视南亚海洋的意义,提出海洋的“网络身份”。这种方法在纳入弹性维度的同时,也为应对来自海洋空间的复杂传统和非传统威胁提供了一个概念/政策窗口。网络文学中的概念,如连接、关系和交流,被用来在隐喻、概念和行动层面唤起海洋的网络图像。在讨论国际/区域间海事合作时,可持续发展目标-14被认为是将SAGAR演讲有效转化为这一新框架的必要背景条件,这有助于提出与海事安全和发展有关的关键问题。
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引用次数: 1
Mauritian sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago? Strategic implications for Diego Garcia from a UK-US perspective 毛里求斯对查戈斯群岛的主权?从英美视角看迪戈加西亚的战略意义
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1770949
S. Bashfield
Abstract This article examines the implications for the U.S. military base in Diego Garcia, located in the Chagos Archipelago, in the event that sovereignty of the atoll is ceded from the U.K. to Mauritius. Diego Garcia has become a critically important military base, facilitating U.S. power projection into the Indian Ocean, Middle East and Africa. The legality and future of British sovereignty over the atoll was challenged in 2019 in both the International Court of Justice and United Nations General Assembly. This article finds that Mauritian sovereignty of Diego Garcia would have considerable adverse consequences for U.S. military activity, potentially prohibiting many of the core functions the facility currently performs, as under U.K. sovereignty. Further, this article examines the strategic utility in Diego Garcia for the U.S. and U.K. governments, which demonstrates why these two nations are willing to endure considerable reputational costs and international backlash for retention of the atoll.
摘要本文探讨了如果位于查戈斯群岛的迪戈加西亚环礁的主权从英国割让给毛里求斯,对该基地的影响。迪戈加西亚已成为至关重要的军事基地,为美国向印度洋、中东和非洲的力量投射提供了便利。2019年,英国对该环礁岛主权的合法性和未来在国际法院和联合国大会上受到质疑。这篇文章发现,毛里求斯对迪戈·加西亚的主权将对美国的军事活动产生相当大的不利影响,可能会禁止该设施目前在英国主权下履行的许多核心职能。此外,本文还探讨了迪戈加西亚岛对美国和英国政府的战略效用,这表明了为什么这两个国家愿意为保留该环礁岛而承受相当大的声誉成本和国际社会的强烈反对。
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引用次数: 6
Sino-Indian competition in the Indian Ocean island countries: the scope for small state agency 印度洋岛国的中印竞争:小型国家机构的范围
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2020.1704987
D. McDougall, P. Taneja
ABSTRACT Discussion of Sino-Indian competition in the Indian Ocean region has focused on the two major powers, but there is scope to give more attention to the role of the island states. Using a structure-agency approach, this article assesses the agency of four Indian Ocean island states in relation to Sino-Indian competition: Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles. In the context of India’s and China’s engagement with the island states, one can analyze the factors that either enhance or detract from the agency of those island states. These states have important economic links with both India and China without being overly dependent on either. India plays the leading security role, but China has also been developing its security links. Political consensus within an island state enhances leverage vis-à-vis the external powers, particularly in Mauritius and Seychelles; Sri Lanka and the Maldives have more conflictual politics, giving rise to greater Sino-Indian competition.
关于中印在印度洋地区竞争的讨论主要集中在这两个大国身上,但也有可能更多地关注岛国的作用。本文采用结构-代理方法,对斯里兰卡、马尔代夫、毛里求斯和塞舌尔这四个印度洋岛国在中印竞争中的代理行为进行了评估。在印度和中国与岛屿国家接触的背景下,我们可以分析增强或削弱这些岛屿国家机构的因素。这些邦与印度和中国都有重要的经济联系,但又不过度依赖任何一方。印度在安全方面发挥着主导作用,但中国也一直在发展其安全联系。岛国内部的政治共识增强了对-à-vis外部力量的影响力,特别是在毛里求斯和塞舌尔;斯里兰卡和马尔代夫的政治冲突更大,这加剧了中印之间的竞争。
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引用次数: 5
Zoological pioneer: was the Mughal Emperor Jahangir the first scientist to describe a Madagascan lemur? 动物学先驱:莫卧儿皇帝贾汉吉尔是第一个描述马达加斯加狐猴的科学家吗?
IF 1.2 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2020-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/19480881.2019.1699751
P. Jarman
ABSTRACT The Mughal emperor Jahangir (reigned 1605–1627) was a knowledgeable naturalist with a keen interest in exotic fauna. In 1612 C.E. a strange primate was obtained from the Portuguese in Goa and brought to his court. The emperor’s written description of the animal and a contemporary painting suggest it was a lemur and therefore from Madagascar. Although many animals from the Moluccas and several from eastern Africa reached Jahangir, this is the only Madagascan animal to do so. Jahangir’s careful description of the animal and an illustration commissioned for his memoirs pre-date European scientific descriptions by a dozen years and reveal Jahangir as a fore-runner of comparative, descriptive zoology.
莫卧儿王朝皇帝贾汉吉尔(1605-1627年在位)是一位博物学家,对外来动物有着浓厚的兴趣。公元1612年,他从果阿的葡萄牙人那里得到了一只奇怪的灵长类动物,并带到他的宫廷。皇帝对这种动物的书面描述和一幅当代绘画表明,它是一只狐猴,因此来自马达加斯加。尽管许多来自摩鹿加群岛的动物和一些来自东非的动物到达了贾汉吉尔,但这是马达加斯加唯一到达的动物。贾汉吉尔对这种动物的细致描述,以及为他的回忆录所委托的一幅插图,比欧洲的科学描述早了十几年,这表明贾汉吉尔是比较、描述动物学的先驱。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of the Indian Ocean Region
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