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The Japanese Imperial Monarchy as an Icon of Sociopolitical Signification - Japan’s Imperial House in the Postwar Era, 1945−2019. By Kenneth J. Ruoff. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2020, 419 pp. Hardcover $32.00 作为社会政治意义象征的日本帝国君主政体——1945年至2019年战后的日本皇宫。作者：肯尼斯·J·若夫。马萨诸塞州剑桥：哈佛大学亚洲中心，2020年，419页，精装本32.00美元

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-24 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.24

Y. Hasebe

引用次数: 0

Demystifying the proliferation of online peer-to-peer lending in Indonesia: Decoding fintech as a regulatory challenge 解开印尼在线点对点借贷激增的神秘面纱：将金融科技解读为监管挑战

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.21

David Tan

This paper purports to study the enormous proliferation of fintech online peer-to-peer (P2P) lending in Indonesia, along with their risks and the prevailing regulations of fintech online P2P lending. This article also suggests a varied spectrum of regulatory actions for regulating online P2P lending as an approach to increase consumer protection and stimulate the growth of Indonesia’s financial inclusion. It highlights the regulative risks and challenges of fintech online P2P lending in Indonesia and has discovered various spectra of regulatory responses that the Indonesian government can practise to regulate this potential industry. Solid recommendations were also given to regulators to better develop the present regulatory framework. This paper adds to the literature on the prevailing practice of online P2P lending by offering a legal outlook involving legal protection and the newly emerging fintech industry from an Indonesian context.

本文旨在研究印尼金融科技在线点对点（P2P）借贷的巨大扩散，以及其风险和金融科技在线P2P借贷的现行法规。本文还建议采取各种监管行动来监管在线P2P贷款，以此加强消费者保护，刺激印尼金融包容性的增长。它强调了印尼金融科技在线P2P贷款的监管风险和挑战，并发现了印尼政府可以采取的各种监管措施来监管这一潜在行业。还向监管机构提出了切实可行的建议，以更好地发展目前的监管框架。本文通过从印度尼西亚的背景下提供涉及法律保护和新兴金融科技行业的法律展望，补充了关于网络P2P借贷盛行实践的文献。

引用次数: 0

Thailand’s Monarchy and Constitutional History 泰国君主政体与宪政史

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.27

F. Munger

Thailand’s recent political history is unsettling to observers of a vibrant developing Asian state on a path to democracy. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Thailand’s democracy spiralled into political chaos. Political interventions by king and military leading to two twenty-first-century military coups, political street violence, and repression of pro-democracy movements seemed, to many Thai and Western scholars, evidence of another failure by a developing state to establish rule-of-law constitutionalism. Eugenie Mérieau’s carefully researched and persuasively argued Constitutional Bricolage: Thailand’s Sacred Monarchy vs The Rule of Law shows that this conclusion requires careful reassessment. Mérieau rejects the view that prerogatives exercised by Thailand’s politically active kings and state institutions acting in the king’s name have undermined constitutionalism. On the contrary, she maintains that preservation of the monarchy’s prerogative powers has been central to Thai constitutional jurisprudence and in play during drafting of every Constitution from the first in 1932 to the latest adopted in 2017. Constitutional Bricolage develops the author’s thesis through detailed accounts of debates over constitutional language, examination of the intentions of actors who influenced constitutional thought through reinterpretation of constitutionalism’s most important norms. Mérieau constructs, era by era, a “constitutional ethnography,” a “layered narrative” of the collective, dialectical, and often chaotic process of purposeful misreading, and “reassignment” of ideas to serve new functions by “active and often strategic participants” who legitimize power, not only the constitution-drafters, but also scholars, judges, and other political actors. Constitutional norms that emerge from this process comprise an eclectic mix of reinterpreted elements from Thailand’s remembered past and European constitutional practice. The resulting constitutional bricolage, or patchwork of repurposed borrowings, arose from successive political compromises between monarchical traditions and foreign ideals, each with legitimating force. In the debates over these ideas, the monarchy’s prerogative powers were never far from the centre of debates. In an earlier article, Mérieau put forward her thesis that Thailand’s constitutional destiny has been determined by the origins and content of its first Constitution, adopted in 1932. The small revolutionary party that overthrew the absolute monarchy was quickly outmanoeuvred by a king with his own vision of constitutionalism and parliamentary government. He drew on support among conservative bureaucratic and political elites to draft a text that guaranteed his essential prerogatives and control of Parliament. Even after the king was forced into exile in 1935, the Constitution he left behind was Thailand’s longest-lasting and, according to Mérieau, became a baseline for political forces aligned with the power of the mo

泰国最近的政治历史让观察者感到不安，因为这个充满活力的亚洲国家正在走向民主。在21世纪初，泰国的民主陷入政治混乱。在许多泰国和西方学者看来，国王和军队的政治干预导致了21世纪的两次军事政变、政治街头暴力和对民主运动的镇压，这似乎是发展中国家在建立法治宪政方面再次失败的证据。尤金妮·梅里奥（Eugenie Mérieau）的《宪法贿赂：泰国的神圣君主政体与法治》（Constitutional Bricolage:Thailand’s Sacred Monarchy vs The Rule of Law）一书经过了仔细研究，并提出了令人信服的论点，这表明这一结论需要仔细重新评估。梅里奥反对泰国政治活跃的国王和以国王名义行事的国家机构行使的特权破坏了宪政的观点。相反，她坚持认为，维护君主制的特权一直是泰国宪法判例的核心，从1932年第一部宪法到2017年最新通过的每一部宪法的起草过程中都在发挥作用。宪法贿赂通过详细描述关于宪法语言的辩论，通过重新解释宪政最重要的规范来考察影响宪法思想的行为者的意图，从而发展了作者的论文。梅里奥一个时代接一个时代地构建了一种“宪法民族志”，一种集体的、辩证的、经常是混乱的、有目的的误读过程的“分层叙事”，以及由“积极的、往往是战略性的参与者”“重新分配”思想以服务于新的功能，这些参与者不仅是宪法起草者，而且是学者、法官和其他政治行为者，使权力合法化。从这一过程中产生的宪法规范包括泰国记忆中的过去和欧洲宪法实践中重新解释的元素的折衷组合。由此产生的宪法拼凑，或重新调整用途的借款拼凑，源于君主传统和外国理想之间的连续政治妥协，每一种都具有合法化的力量。在关于这些想法的辩论中，君主制的特权从未远离辩论的中心。在早些时候的一篇文章中，梅里奥提出了她的论点，即泰国的宪法命运是由1932年通过的第一部宪法的起源和内容决定的。推翻绝对君主制的小型革命党很快被一位拥有自己宪政和议会政府愿景的国王击败。他利用保守派官僚和政治精英的支持起草了一份文本，保证了他对议会的基本特权和控制权。即使在1935年国王被迫流亡之后，他留下的宪法也是泰国持续时间最长的宪法，根据梅里奥的说法，它成为了与君主制权力结盟的政治力量的基线。国王的宪法不仅得到了精英政治支持，而且植根于普通泰国人的佛教。正如梅里奥所解释的那样，法律词汇有着悠久的文化历史。泰语“dhama”一词指的是佛教对宇宙的秩序，产生了多种现代法律术语，其中一些术语明确拒绝联想

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引用次数: 0

The Progressive Monarchy of Bhutan: A Not-So-Absolute Monarchy to a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy 不丹的进步君主制:从非绝对君主制到民主君主立宪制

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.34

N. Dorji

Abstract This article provides a descriptive account of the evolution of the Bhutanese monarchy, and normative claims about its endurance and its nature, suggesting that the monarchy is both the expression of as well as the guardian of the country’s constitutional identity. Bhutan became a democratic constitutional monarchy by adopting the written Constitution in 2008 after a successful 100 years of hereditary monarchy. The willingness of successive monarchs to evolve based on changing times, their ability to ensure stability and continuity, and work for the benefits of the people and country guided by the principles of Buddhist kingship seem to have contributed not only in them benefitting from unqualified support of the people, but also in attaining the status of an expression of Bhutanese constitutional identity.

本文提供了不丹君主制演变的描述性描述，以及关于其持久性和性质的规范性主张，表明君主制既是国家宪法认同的表达，也是监护人。在成功实行了100年世袭君主制后，不丹于2008年通过了成文宪法，成为一个民主的君主立宪制国家。历代君主愿意随着时代的变化而发展，他们有能力确保稳定和连续性，并在佛教王权原则的指导下为人民和国家的利益而努力，这似乎不仅使他们受益于人民的无条件支持，而且使他们获得了不丹宪法认同的表达地位。

引用次数: 0

Monarchical Constitutional Guardianship and Legal Métissage in Asia 亚洲君主宪政监护与法律管理

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.29

Maartje De Visser, A. Harding

Abstract This article presents a roadmap for examining the phenomenon of monarchy in Asia, which we conceive as a pluralist institution in a twofold manner. First, many monarchies discharge a wide range of roles and responsibilities ranging from the symbolic to the religious to the legal-political. These varied functions can be usefully captured under the notion of constitutional guardianship, and call for intersectional analysis. Second, it is common for monarchies to have metamorphosed from being purely endogenous institutions to becoming ones embedded in a scheme of limited, constitutional government under the influence of ideas from elsewhere. Monarchies should accordingly be viewed as a form of legal métissage, viz. a braiding of local and extraneous ideas, practices, and rules. In this sense, a law-and-society approach is more likely to reveal the nature of monarchies than a strictly legal-doctrinal approach, although some of the latter is needed to fully appreciate the former’s significance.

摘要本文提出了一个考察亚洲君主制现象的路线图，我们认为这是一个双重的多元化制度。首先，许多君主国承担着广泛的角色和责任，从象征到宗教，再到法律政治。这些不同的职能可以在宪法监护的概念下得到有效的体现，并需要进行交叉分析。其次，君主制在其他地方的思想影响下，从纯粹的内生机构转变为嵌入有限宪政计划的机构，这是很常见的。因此，君主政体应被视为一种法律组织形式，即本地和外来思想、实践和规则的编织。从这个意义上说，法律和社会方法比严格的法律教义方法更有可能揭示君主政体的本质，尽管需要后者中的一些方法来充分理解前者的重要性。

引用次数: 0

The Malay Monarchies in Constitutional and Social Conception 宪法与社会观念中的马来君主制

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.32

A. Harding, H. Kumarasingham

Abstract This article examines the constitutional nature of the Malaysian monarchies in their social context. We discuss the evolution of the monarchies through pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial history, and account for their survival despite several attempts to curb their powers, including restriction of the royal assent and sovereign immunity. It is argued that the powers of the monarchies respond to their historical role and social embeddedness of the monarchies, stretching the role of the Rulers beyond the Westminster norms as set out in constitutional texts. Moving to contemporary issues, we see the assertion of the right to uphold the Constitution in relation to prime-ministerial appointments, and acting on advice. Here, the monarchies reflect a braiding of both traditional elements and Westminster constitutional norms.

摘要本文考察了马来西亚君主政体在其社会背景下的宪制性质。我们通过前殖民、殖民和后殖民的历史来讨论君主制的演变，并解释了他们的生存，尽管有几次试图遏制他们的权力，包括限制王室同意和主权豁免。有人认为，君主制的权力回应了他们的历史角色和君主制的社会嵌入性，将统治者的角色延伸到宪法文本中规定的威斯敏斯特规范之外。转到当代问题，我们看到在总理任命方面维护宪法的权利，并根据建议行事。在这里，君主制反映了传统元素和威斯敏斯特宪法规范的结合。

引用次数: 0

History and Meaning of Establishing the Constitutions of North-East Asian States 东北亚国家立宪的历史与意义

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.26

Noboru Yanase

about Thai constitutionalism. Dissenters and losing parties leave legacies of their own, some of which resonate with current constitutional critiques in Thailand—for example, a well-known group of younger scholars who call themselves Nitirat, a name evoking the 1932 revolutionary People’s Party. Many of that group’s members characterize Thailand’s mix of rule-ordered and prerogative government as a “failure” of constitutionalism. That characterization is not wrong viewed through the wider lens of Thailand’s growing political diversity and unsettled, sometimes violent street politics and repression of the public sector. “Constitutional ethnography” by other contemporary scholars often examines the “living Constitution” in everyday interactions in courtrooms, bureaucratic encounters, policing, and other sites of encounters between officials and citizens. A system of administrative courts with significant power to review the actions of government officials was established in 1997 and retained under later Constitutions. These courts introduced ordinary Thai to the power of rule of law and procedural justice through successful litigations against numerous powerholders. As this relatively new system works a change both among bureaucrats and within popular culture and is reinforced by globalization of Thai society, the future of constitutionalism and rule of law seem particularly unpredictable. It is hardly surprising that a constitutional history of this scope leaves much unsaid. Incompleteness does not detract from Mérieau’s clear and well-documented account of the origins of a constitutionalism and its “own dogmatic logic.” Constitutional Bricolage is timely because alternative conceptions of “rule of law” are not an anomaly. At the end of the Cold War, the remaining world powers declared the world on a path to liberal democracy, making liberal constitutional theory the lingua franca and benchmark for international discourse about rule of law. Constitutional ethnography is revealing (as constitutional historians have long known) that behind the modern constitutional ideal lie unique histories of political struggle and compromise. The ideal is seldom an accurate description of what works or what is to come. As democracy erodes in places where liberal institutions seemed most secure, Thailand’s and Asia’s greater comfort with authoritarian government no longer seems an echo of a pre-rule-of-law past but a source of relevant lessons and possible paths for constitutionalism in the future that must be taken seriously elsewhere.

关于泰国的宪政。持不同政见者和败选政党留下了自己的遗产，其中一些与泰国当前的宪法批评产生了共鸣——例如，一群知名的年轻学者自称“国民阵线”(Nitirat)，这个名字让人想起1932年革命的人民党。该组织的许多成员将泰国的规则秩序和特权政府的混合描述为宪政的“失败”。从泰国日益增长的政治多样性、不稳定的、有时是暴力的街头政治和对公共部门的镇压这一更广泛的视角来看，这种描述并没有错。其他当代学者的“宪法民族志”经常在法庭、官僚会议、警务和官员与公民之间的其他场所的日常互动中考察“活宪法”。1997年建立了具有审查政府官员行为的重要权力的行政法院制度，并在后来的宪法中得到保留。这些法院通过对众多权贵的成功诉讼，向普通泰国人介绍了法治和程序正义的力量。由于这一相对较新的制度在官僚和大众文化中都发生了变化，并因泰国社会的全球化而得到加强，宪政和法治的未来似乎特别难以预测。毫不奇怪，这一范围的宪法历史留下了许多未说的内容。不完整并没有减损姆萨里奥对立宪主义的起源及其“自己的教条逻辑”的清晰而详尽的描述。宪法的拼凑是及时的，因为不同的“法治”概念并非反常。冷战结束时，剩余的世界大国宣布世界走上了通往自由民主的道路，使自由宪政理论成为国际法治话语的通用语和基准。宪法民族志揭示了(正如宪法历史学家早就知道的那样)现代宪法理想的背后是政治斗争和妥协的独特历史。理想很少是对可行的或将要发生的事情的准确描述。当民主在自由制度似乎最安全的地方受到侵蚀时，泰国和亚洲对威权政府的更大舒适感似乎不再是法治之前的过去的回声，而是相关教训的来源，以及未来宪政的可能道路，其他地方必须认真对待。

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引用次数: 0

A Constitutional Ethnography of Monarchy: Buddhist Kingship, “Granted Constitutionalism,” and Royal State Ceremonies in Thailand 君主政体的宪法民族志：佛教王权、“授宪”和泰国的皇室国礼

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.30

Eugénie Mérieau

Abstract This paper defines constitutional ethnography as the cultural study of constitutionalism through its symbolic representations. By focusing on the materiality of constitutionalism as embodied in various state ceremonies such as ceremonies of “royal octroy” (constitution-granting ceremonies) as well as in state monuments honouring the Constitution, it strives to offer an ethnography of a polity’s constitutional identity. In this paper, I argue that in Thailand, Westernized Hindu-Buddhist state ceremonies and monuments using Westernized Hindu-Buddhist symbolism represent the Thai monarch as the ultimate law-giver holding permanent “constituent power” and therefore yielding extra-constitutional customary powers pre-existing the Constitution. This representation, in turn, informs Thai constitutional identity as defined incrementally by courts and jurists since the early twentieth century, which in turn informs present Thai constitutional interpretation. Therefore, this paper argues that the study of state ceremonies can be a useful entry point into the analysis of a “constitutional culture” shaping modes of constitutional interpretation.

摘要本文将宪政民族志定义为通过象征表征对宪政进行的文化研究。通过关注宪政的物质性，体现在各种国家仪式上，如“皇家毁灭”仪式(宪法授予仪式)以及纪念宪法的国家纪念碑，它努力提供一个政体的宪法认同的民族志。在本文中，我认为在泰国，西方化的印度教-佛教国家仪式和纪念碑使用西方化的印度教-佛教象征，代表了泰国君主作为拥有永久“制宪权力”的最终立法者，因此产生了宪法之前存在的宪法外的习惯权力。这种代表性反过来又为泰国宪法认同提供了依据，自20世纪初以来，法院和法学家逐渐定义了泰国宪法认同，这反过来又为目前的泰国宪法解释提供了依据。因此，本文认为，对国家仪式的研究可以成为分析“宪法文化”塑造宪法解释模式的一个有用的切入点。

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引用次数: 0

Beyond the Sharia State: Public Celebrations and Everyday State-Making in the Malay Islamic Monarchy of Brunei Darussalam 超越伊斯兰教国家:文莱达鲁萨兰国马来伊斯兰君主制的公共庆祝活动和日常国家制定

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.33

Dominik M. Müller

Abstract This article describes post-colonial state-making in the absolute monarchy of Brunei. After detailing the Sultan’s powers, contextualizing the monarchy’s stability, and introducing its state ideology, Melayu Islam Beraja (“MIB”), the article addresses formal laws, such as Brunei’s Constitution and a new Islamic penal code, which are symbolically significant for the MIB state’s (self-)legitimation but have little immediate relevance to many Bruneians’ lives. The article, therefore, shifts its focus to normative spheres that receive much less scholarly attention but, arguably, should—namely state-rituals like the Sultan’s three-week-long birthday celebrations. These, and other non-legal spheres, including, also, royal speeches, contain normative aspects that reflect and impact key developments in the MIB state. Grounded in the Royal Birthday’s and Islamic penal code’s analysis, the final part problematizes stereotypes of Brunei being a “sharia state” vis-à-vis its multidirectional normative messages and ability to hybridize broad cultural influences for the ruling system’s benefit.

摘要本文论述了后殖民国家在文莱君主专制制度下的形成。在详细介绍了苏丹的权力，将君主制的稳定置于背景之下，并介绍了其国家意识形态Melayu Islam Beraja（“MIB”）之后，文章阐述了正式法律，如文莱宪法和新的伊斯兰刑法，这些法律对MIB国家的（自我）合法化具有象征意义，但与许多文莱人的生活几乎没有直接关系。因此，这篇文章将重点转移到了规范领域，这些领域受到的学术关注要少得多，但可以说应该——即苏丹为期三周的生日庆祝活动等国家仪式。这些以及其他非法律领域，包括王室演讲，包含了反映和影响MIB州关键发展的规范方面。最后一部分以《皇室生日》和《伊斯兰刑法》的分析为基础，对文莱作为“伊斯兰教法国家”的刻板印象进行了质疑，因为它传达了多方向的规范信息，并有能力将广泛的文化影响融合在一起，为统治体系谋福利。

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引用次数: 0

The Symbolic Safeguard: Royal Absence in Cambodia’s Constitutional Monarchy 象征性的保障:柬埔寨君主立宪制中王室的缺席

IF 0.8 3区社会学 Q2 LAW

Asian Journal of Law and Society

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2022.31

B. Lawrence

Abstract The product of an internationalized peace process, Cambodia’s 1993 Constitution restored the monarchy and endowed the Crown with a political safeguarding role that successive kings have been unable to fulfil in practice. After a brief survey of the tragic modern history of Cambodia’s monarchy, this paper outlines the formal constitutional role of the king, highlighting the central dichotomy between the provisions that promise that the king “shall reign but shall not govern” and those that provide the king a more active role as “guarantor.” The paper highlights how this fundamental ambiguity has been borne-out publicly, by focusing on a handful of specific instances in which both King Sihanouk and King Sihamoni are understood to have been strategically absent from the country to avoid signing controversial legislation. Short of providing a veto power in the legislative process, the king’s safeguarding role is shown to manifest in the symbolic denial of royal legitimacy.

作为一个国际化和平进程的产物，柬埔寨1993年的宪法恢复了君主制，并赋予了国王在实践中无法履行的政治保障作用。在简要回顾了柬埔寨君主制的悲惨近代史之后，本文概述了国王的正式宪法角色，强调了承诺国王“统治但不统治”的条款与为国王提供更积极的“担保人”角色的条款之间的核心对立。这篇论文强调了这种基本的模糊性是如何被公开证实的，通过关注几个具体的例子，西哈努克国王和西哈莫尼国王都被认为是战略性地不在该国，以避免签署有争议的立法。由于在立法过程中缺乏否决权，国王的维护作用表现为象征性地否认王室的合法性。

引用次数: 0

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