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Land-Law Reforms in Vietnam and Myanmar: “Legal Transplant” Viewed from Asian Recipients 越南和缅甸土地法改革:从亚洲接受者的角度看“法律移植”
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.45
Yuka Kaneko
Abstract This paper focuses on the conflict of norms in the interface between the “transplanted” formal law and the local social norms in the land-law reforms in Vietnam and Myanmar, each representing different legal families, while sharing commonness in that both have attempted law-making in the post-colonial independence period in order to restore the basis of the livelihoods of the local population. Both of the legal concepts of “land-use right” (quyen su dung dat) in Vietnam and “land-use right for cultivation” (loat paing kwint) in Myanmar have been the product of law-makers’ restorative attempts at farmland security, while intentionally avoiding usage of the term “ownership” that would result in the capitalist transaction of land as a commodity. However, the contemporary land-law reforms led by donor-oriented “legal transplant” in these countries have resulted in the plunder of such policy, by reintroducing the same mechanisms of land exploitation as existed in the colonial days. Roaring protests of the local agricultural population seem to be a rising-up of the social norm descended from the immemorial past as an unwritten Constitution to bring an end to the centuries-long movement of “legal transplant” of the modern capitalist law.
摘要本文着重探讨了越南和缅甸土地法改革中“移植”的形式法与地方社会规范之间的规范冲突,每一种规范都代表着不同的法律家庭,同时,双方都试图在后殖民独立时期制定法律,以恢复当地居民的生计。越南的“土地使用权”(quyen-su-dung-dat)和缅甸的“种植土地使用权(loat-pang-kwint)”这两个法律概念都是立法者对农田安全的恢复性尝试的产物,同时有意避免使用“所有权”一词,这将导致土地作为商品的资本主义交易。然而,这些国家以捐助者为导向的“法律移植”所领导的当代土地法改革,通过重新引入殖民时代存在的土地开发机制,导致了对这种政策的掠夺。当地农业人口的咆哮抗议似乎是自古以来作为不成文宪法的社会规范的兴起,以结束长达数百年的现代资本主义法律的“法律移植”运动。
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引用次数: 1
Judging and Judgment in Contemporary Asia: Editor’s Introduction to this Special Issue 当代亚洲的判断与判断:本期特刊编者简介
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.25
D. M. Engel
Abstract Although the figure of the wise judge may be a universal trope, respect is not automatically accorded every person who passes judgment on another. To be perceived as legitimate, judges must occupy an institutional status with the power to decide controverted cases and must have access to specialized or even sacred knowledge and moral authority. Historically, Asian judges could claim legitimacy through their connection to transcendent legal principles, such as dhamma or dao or shari’a. In contemporary Asia, however, conceptions of law and legal legitimacy have become pluralistic, contested, and contradictory. Judges may to some extent retain a connection to the sacred and the transcendent, yet that connection is no longer sufficient in itself to insulate their judgments—or their character—from criticism. How, then, can the “good judge” be distinguished from judges who fall short of the mark? In this Special Issue, five distinguished scholars explore the crisis of legitimation as it affects judging and judgment in Sri Lanka, India, China, Indonesia, and Thailand.
摘要尽管智者的形象可能是一个普遍的比喻,但并不是每个评判他人的人都会自动受到尊重。要想被视为合法,法官必须具有机构地位,有权裁决有争议的案件,并且必须获得专业甚至神圣的知识和道德权威。从历史上看,亚洲法官可以通过与超越的法律原则的联系来声称合法性,如法门、道或伊斯兰教法。然而,在当代亚洲,法律和法律合法性的概念已经变得多元、有争议和矛盾。法官可能在某种程度上保留了与神圣和超越者的联系,但这种联系本身已不足以使他们的判断或性格免受批评。那么,如何将“好法官”与不合格的法官区分开来呢?在本期特刊中,五位杰出学者探讨了合法化危机对斯里兰卡、印度、中国、印度尼西亚和泰国的判断和判断的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Do Hybrid Legal Systems Matter in Foreign Legal-Aid Programmes? Some Philosophical Aspects of Legal Aid in Uzbekistan as Provided by the Donor States 混合法律制度在外国法律援助方案中重要吗?捐助国在乌兹别克斯坦提供法律援助的一些哲学问题
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.44
Aziz Ismatov
Abstract Since the fall of socialism in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and some states of Southeast Asia, the international financial institutions and individual donor states have initiated wide-scale legal-aid programmes to assist these states in their transition from socialism to a market economy. Whereas the aid from financial institutions vis-à-vis recipient states is often agreed upon specific conditionalities, the donor states design their foreign legal aid according to individual preferences, although sometimes with references to universal goals. Currently, various donor states provide legal aid to Uzbekistan. Given the fact that Uzbekistan is the former Soviet Republic that still bears multiple traces of a socialist legal system and additionally integrates indigenous informal law, this research provides an analysis of how different donor states base their legal-aid activities on entirely different philosophies and levels of gravity, and how receptive the hybrid structure of Uzbekistan’s law is towards such aid.
摘要自东欧、前苏联和东南亚一些国家的社会主义衰落以来,国际金融机构和个人捐助国发起了大规模的法律援助计划,以帮助这些国家从社会主义向市场经济过渡。尽管金融机构对受援国的援助通常是根据具体条件商定的,但捐助国根据个人偏好设计其外国法律援助,尽管有时会提及普遍目标。目前,各捐助国向乌兹别克斯坦提供法律援助。鉴于乌兹别克斯坦是前苏联共和国,仍然有着社会主义法律制度的多重痕迹,并且还融入了当地的非正式法律,本研究分析了不同的捐助国是如何将其法律援助活动建立在完全不同的哲学和严重程度上的,以及乌兹别克斯坦法律的混合结构对这种援助的接受程度。
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引用次数: 0
What Makes a Good Judge? Perspectives from Indonesia 怎样才能成为一个好法官?来自印度尼西亚的观点
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.27
S. Butt
Abstract In May 2018, Artidjo Alkostar retired from the Supreme Court of Indonesia after a judicial career spanning almost two decades. Over this period, he presided over many of Indonesia’s most prominent and controversial criminal cases and became renowned for routinely rejecting corruption appeals and increasing prison sentences. In the celebratory publications that marked his retirement, Alkostar was held up as a model judge, with senior legal figures, including Supreme Court judges, singling out his strong work ethic, integrity, simplicity of character, and firmness. Curiously absent from the list of praiseworthy attributes were pre-requisites for effective judging, including adequate legal knowledge, transparent legal reasoning and decision-making, objectivity and avoiding the perception of bias. An analysis of Alkostar’s most notorious decisions suggests that he, and the judges who served with him, did not always clearly display these pre-requisites. This article considers what this says about judging in Indonesia and what might, in practice, be the defining characteristics of a good judge there.
2018年5月,在长达近20年的司法生涯后,Artidjo Alkostar从印尼最高法院退休。在此期间,他主持了印尼许多最引人注目和最具争议的刑事案件,并因经常驳回腐败上诉和增加刑期而闻名。在纪念他退休的纪念刊物上,阿克斯达被称为模范法官,包括大法院法官在内的资深法律界人士都称赞他的职业道德、正直、性格简单、坚定。令人奇怪的是,在值得赞扬的属性清单中没有有效判断的先决条件,包括充分的法律知识、透明的法律推理和决策、客观和避免偏见。对Alkostar最臭名昭著的决定的分析表明,他和与他一起服务的法官并不总是清楚地显示这些先决条件。这篇文章考虑了这对印尼法官的影响,以及在实践中,什么可能是一个好法官的定义特征。
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引用次数: 1
From Mythic Saviours to #MeToo at the Indian Supreme Court 从神话救世主到印度最高法院的#MeToo运动
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2021.20
Deepa Das Acevedo
Abstract The Indian Supreme Court has long enjoyed an almost mythic reputation for progressive and creative jurisprudence, but a series of recent scandals is beginning to erode this well-settled authority. One of the most troubling of these incidents has been an allegation of sexual harassment and intimidation by a Court staffer against then sitting Chief Justice of India (CJI) Ranjan Gogoi. This article draws on media analysis and ethnographic research conducted in the immediate aftermath of the “CJI Scandal” to explore what it means for judges and judging in contemporary India. I argue that the justices’ response to the allegations are part of a broader shift in Indian judging. Far from being the product of an institution imbued with mythic qualities, judging in India is increasingly coming to represent an example of mythos, or “an assertive discourse of power and authority … something to be believed and obeyed.”
摘要印度最高法院长期以来以进步和创造性的判例享有近乎神话般的声誉,但最近的一系列丑闻开始侵蚀这一稳固的权威。其中最令人不安的事件之一是一名法院工作人员对时任印度首席大法官兰詹·戈戈伊的性骚扰和恐吓指控。本文利用媒体分析和在“CJI丑闻”发生后立即进行的人种学研究,探讨这对当代印度的法官和法官意味着什么。我认为,法官们对指控的回应是印度法官更广泛转变的一部分。印度的评判远非一个充满神话品质的机构的产物,而是越来越多地成为神话的一个例子,或“一种关于权力和权威的自信话语……值得相信和服从的东西。”
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引用次数: 0
Relational Dignity, State Law, and Chinese Leftover Women’s Choices in Marriage and Childbearing 关系尊严、国家法律与中国剩女婚育选择
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.43
Qianni Liu
Abstract Legal scholars tend to understand dignity as an intrinsic value that each individual gains at birth. This article aims to rethink dignity from a relational perspective. As dignity is highly dependent on other people’s judgement and evaluations in China, I use “relational dignity” to stress the precarious and relational nature of dignity in societies in which people attach great importance to guanxi networks. I discuss how relational dignity and state law interact to shape leftover women’s choices in marriage and childbearing. The precarious and relational nature of dignity motivates leftover women to follow dominant social norms in order to fit in. As a result, it reinforces state law’s discrimination against unmarried women and single mothers. On the other hand, the rubber-stamp quality of state law enables leftover women to use legal recognition to win societal recognition and attain relational dignity.
摘要法律学者倾向于将尊严理解为每个人在出生时获得的内在价值。本文旨在从关系的角度重新思考尊严。由于尊严在中国高度依赖于他人的判断和评价,我用“关系尊严”来强调在人们高度重视关系网络的社会中,尊严的不稳定和关系性质。我讨论了关系尊严和国家法律如何相互作用,以塑造剩女在婚姻和生育方面的选择。尊严的不稳定和关系性促使剩女遵循主流社会规范以适应社会。因此,这加剧了州法律对未婚女性和单身母亲的歧视。另一方面,国家法律的橡皮图章性质使剩女能够利用法律认可来赢得社会认可并获得关系尊严。
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引用次数: 2
Minority Rights and Hindu Nationalism in India 少数民族权利与印度的印度教民族主义
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.51
P. van der Veer
Abstract In this paper, I want to focus on some aspects of the political process in India that have an impact on the treatment of religious minorities. Much of the discussion on multicultural jurisdictions deals with differentiated citizenship rights that allow religious groups to maintain their normative universe. This literature shows the tensions surrounding individual and group rights. I want to approach the question of religious freedom from a rather different angle. I want to first focus on the protection of bare life in the face of religious violence and then examine the issue of conversion from one religion to another. The issues of human security and conversion are linked in India, since Hindu nationalists see Muslims as forcibly converted Hindus who should be reconverted. To highlight the importance of majoritarian nationalism rather than political systems in the treatment of religious minorities, I offer a brief comparison with China.
摘要在本文中,我想重点关注印度政治进程中对宗教少数群体待遇产生影响的一些方面。关于多元文化管辖权的大部分讨论都涉及有区别的公民权利,这些权利使宗教团体能够维持其规范世界。这些文献显示了围绕个人和群体权利的紧张关系。我想从一个完全不同的角度来看待宗教自由问题。我想首先关注在宗教暴力面前保护裸露的生命,然后研究从一种宗教转变为另一种宗教的问题。在印度,人的安全和皈依问题是有联系的,因为印度教民族主义者认为穆斯林是被迫皈依的印度教徒,应该重新皈依。为了强调多数民族主义而非政治制度在对待宗教少数群体方面的重要性,我与中国进行了简短的比较。
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引用次数: 3
Civil juries in Okinawa’s past and Japan’s future 冲绳的过去和日本的未来的民事陪审团
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2021.12
Colin P. A. Jones
evidences from 38 Asian countries and a ton of bibliographic references, the book is a great addition to the burgeoning archives of demographic literature. Their analysis to relate the contraceptive-method mix to family-planning programmes, however, is lacking on multiple fronts. With a lengthy discussion on method-choice theories and conceptual frameworks, the study shapes up very structurally, and yet writings in later chapters are in the mould of a narrative analysis. For instance, the eight key points presented in the conclusion have not been included in the analytic structure and exist only as a suggestive corollary to the observations from country-level analysis. Although this is stylistically congruent with the three policy chapters and with the authors’ claim of it being an “explorative study” and “not all-encompassing,” its discord with the first couple of chapters is quite glaring. It is this epistemic dissonance between a structural and a narrative form of analysis that prevents a truly harmonious synthesis. The book is an explorative study; examined exclusively with literary sources, it attempted to find the causal link between contraceptive choice and population policies. To what extent it has succeeded in that pursuit is debatable, but its value as an introductory read is undeniable. Although not groundbreaking in its findings, a comprehensible narrative style and a lucid prose largely devoid of academic jargon make it a preliminary read not just for demographers, but also for a wide array of practitioners and researchers in the fields of population and health studies and science policy, bureaucrats, and policymakers for both state and non-state organizations, and even for a larger audience not directly related to academia.
来自38个亚洲国家的证据和大量参考书目,这本书是新兴的人口文学档案的一大补充。然而,他们在多个方面缺乏将避孕方法组合与计划生育方案联系起来的分析。通过对方法选择理论和概念框架的长时间讨论,该研究在结构上形成了非常好的结构,但后面章节的文章是叙事分析的模式。例如,结论中提出的八个关键点没有包括在分析结构中,只是作为国家一级分析意见的必然结果。尽管这在风格上与三个政策章节一致,也与作者声称的“探索性研究”和“并非包罗万象”一致,但它与前几章的不一致之处相当明显。正是这种结构分析和叙事分析之间的认识上的不和谐阻碍了真正和谐的综合。这本书是探索性的研究;该研究仅通过文献资料进行研究,试图找出避孕选择与人口政策之间的因果关系。它在多大程度上成功了这一追求是有争议的,但它作为入门读物的价值是不可否认的。尽管其发现并非开创性的,但易于理解的叙事风格和基本上没有学术术语的清晰散文使其不仅成为人口学家的初步读物,也成为人口与健康研究和科学政策领域的众多从业者和研究人员、国家和非国家组织的官僚和决策者的初步读物,甚至是面向与学术界没有直接关系的更多受众。
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引用次数: 1
International Law for Freedom 国际自由法
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/ALS.2021.13
Robin Gabriel
tocols and on the prospect that accession to the agreement could be extended from regional to international in the future. Given the grave and persistent problems of cross-border air pollution in various parts of Asia, it is appropriate to ask whether the air-pollution Convention, together with the protocols, can offer an adequate regime in response. Chapter Eight summarizes illustrations of implementation and the respect of individual legal instruments in the Central Asian states, which is a part of Asia with the maximum acceptance of the associated treaties as well as protocols. The states in Central Asia are initially seen as an independent geopolitical subregion, where the environmental challenges are well outlined and the specific role of UNECE is appropriately addressed. In this chapter, the different approaches to the EIA, which is also known as “state ecological competence,” is thoroughly explained in order to establish the framework for which the practice with legal agreements has brought particular challenges. Chapter Nine concludes with lessons from the experiences of the Central Asian states for the rest of Asia and the world to answer the related as well as central research questions posed in Chapter One. Ultimately, it would be fair enough to comment that the overarching strength of this book lies in its incredibly thorough articulation of international environmental reforms to address the various transboundary environmental challenges, which can, in reality, mutate once they are translated into the domestic or regional policy arena. Such a comprehensive and detailed scholarship is a treasured contribution to the literature about transboundary environmental governance, particularly in Asian settings.
《协定》,以及未来加入该协定可能从区域扩大到国际的前景。鉴于亚洲各地跨境空气污染的严重和持续问题,有必要问一问《空气污染公约》及其议定书是否能够提供一个适当的应对机制。第八章概述了中亚国家执行和尊重个别法律文书的情况,中亚国家是亚洲最大程度接受相关条约和议定书的一部分。中亚国家最初被视为一个独立的地缘政治次区域,在那里,环境挑战得到了很好的概述,UNECE的具体作用也得到了适当的解决。在本章中,对环境影响评估的不同方法(也称为“国家生态能力”)进行了全面解释,以建立法律协议实践带来特殊挑战的框架。第九章总结了中亚国家的经验教训,供亚洲其他地区和世界回答第一章提出的相关和核心研究问题。最终,可以公平地说,这本书的总体优势在于它对国际环境改革进行了令人难以置信的彻底阐述,以应对各种跨界环境挑战。事实上,一旦这些挑战被转化为国内或区域政策领域,这些挑战就会发生变化。这种全面而详细的学术研究是对跨界环境治理文献的宝贵贡献,特别是在亚洲环境中。
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引用次数: 0
The Revival of Buddhist Nationalism in Thailand and Its Adverse Impact on Religious Freedom 泰国佛教民族主义的复兴及其对宗教自由的不利影响
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/als.2020.48
Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang
Abstract Triggered by the sense of crisis, the Thai state and Thai Buddhism are renewing their traditional relationship kindled by the monarch-led reform over a century ago. Thai Buddhism is reviving its lost aura and hegemony while the political conservatives are looking for legitimacy and collective identity in a time of democratic regression. The result is the rise of the Buddhist-nationalistic movement, Buddhist-as-Thainess notion. The phenomenon has grown more mainstream in recent years. These extreme Buddhists pressure the government to adopt a new constitutional relationship that brings the two entities closer to a full establishment. They also target both religious minorities as well as non-mainstream Buddhists. The revival of Buddhist nationalism foretells rising tension as well as diminishing religious freedom.
摘要在危机感的触发下,泰国政府和泰国佛教正在更新一个多世纪前君主领导的改革所点燃的传统关系。泰国佛教正在复兴其失去的光环和霸权,而政治保守派则在民主倒退的时代寻求合法性和集体身份。其结果是佛教民族主义运动的兴起,佛教即泰国主义的概念。近年来,这一现象越来越成为主流。这些极端佛教徒向政府施压,要求政府建立新的宪法关系,使这两个实体更接近全面建立。他们还针对宗教少数群体和非主流佛教徒。佛教民族主义的复兴预示着紧张局势的加剧以及宗教自由的减少。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Asian Journal of Law and Society
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