The article analyses the statements of a number of right-wing conservative politicians, publicists, and thinkers concerning various aspects (socio-economic, political, religious, and cultural) of the life of the Rusinian population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Analyzing the socio-political life of the Austro-Hungarian Rusins, Conservatives drew attention to their difficult economic situation, criticized the Austro-Hungarian authorities and the Polish public and called for the development of possible ways to improve the situation. Russian Conservatives mostly focused on the spiritual and cultural life of the Rusins in Austria-Hungary and emphasised that, despite Uniatism imposed on them, the Rusins preserved a living Orthodox tradition. The author concludes that some Conservatives advocated the unity (primarily spiritual) of the Rusins, Little Russians and Great Russians, regardless of their citizenship to a particular state, be it Russia or Austria-Hungary. Obviously, the cornerstone in their reasoning was the idea of a once unified Russian people that existed in the days of Old Rus, but due to various circumstances but due to various circumstances fell apart into separate conglomerations on the territory of different states. However, before the outbreak of the First World War, the conservative camp conveyed two positions in relation to the “Rusin question”: the active support of the Rusins from the moderate-right and nationalists and the more restrained position of the extreme right, who did not want to aggravate relations with Austria-Hungary. With the outbreak of the war, the extreme right also began to actively support the Rusin movement.
{"title":"The Rusin agenda in the works of Russian Conservatives of the late 19th - early 20th century","authors":"D. I. Stogov","doi":"10.17223/18572685/67/10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/10","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the statements of a number of right-wing conservative politicians, publicists, and thinkers concerning various aspects (socio-economic, political, religious, and cultural) of the life of the Rusinian population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Analyzing the socio-political life of the Austro-Hungarian Rusins, Conservatives drew attention to their difficult economic situation, criticized the Austro-Hungarian authorities and the Polish public and called for the development of possible ways to improve the situation. Russian Conservatives mostly focused on the spiritual and cultural life of the Rusins in Austria-Hungary and emphasised that, despite Uniatism imposed on them, the Rusins preserved a living Orthodox tradition. The author concludes that some Conservatives advocated the unity (primarily spiritual) of the Rusins, Little Russians and Great Russians, regardless of their citizenship to a particular state, be it Russia or Austria-Hungary. Obviously, the cornerstone in their reasoning was the idea of a once unified Russian people that existed in the days of Old Rus, but due to various circumstances but due to various circumstances fell apart into separate conglomerations on the territory of different states. However, before the outbreak of the First World War, the conservative camp conveyed two positions in relation to the “Rusin question”: the active support of the Rusins from the moderate-right and nationalists and the more restrained position of the extreme right, who did not want to aggravate relations with Austria-Hungary. With the outbreak of the war, the extreme right also began to actively support the Rusin movement.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67580976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian chronicles give different dates of Igor's second campaign against Byzantium. Researchers adhere to the dating of The Tale of Bygone Years (Povest' vremennykh let) - 944; however, 943 seems to be the most possible, since Igor's contract with the Greeks was preceded by difficult, and therefore long negotiations, which resulted in Igor's agreement with the Greeks in 944. Earlier in 943, the Hungarians passed through Bulgaria, having confirmed the agreement on the tribute by the “empire of the Romans.” Those who support that Igor's second campaign against the Greeks shoud be dated 943 try to link it with the military action of the Hungarians, having no serious grounds for this. Until 970, the Hungarian leaders did not enter into military alliances with the Kievan princes, since their robber raids were directed mainly to the west, while their invasions of the Balkans became more frequent after their defeat in Germany in 955. Nevertheless, setting off in a raid on Byzantium in the spring of 943, the Hungarians learnt about Igor's military preparations from the Eastern Slavs from Transcarpathia, who had close contacts with the Tivertsy, Igor's allies in his summer campaign of 943. To achieve their goals, the Hungarians skillfully took advantage of the news that a more significant army had been assembled in Russia to march to the Balkans. In his turn, Igor benefited from the fact that the Hungarians had already sown fear in Byzantine society before his arrival on the Lower Danube, saying that Bulgaria did not prevent “northern barbarians” from passing through its territory.
{"title":"The Rus and Hungarians on the Lower Danube in 943","authors":"M. Yurasov","doi":"10.17223/18572685/67/3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/3","url":null,"abstract":"Russian chronicles give different dates of Igor's second campaign against Byzantium. Researchers adhere to the dating of The Tale of Bygone Years (Povest' vremennykh let) - 944; however, 943 seems to be the most possible, since Igor's contract with the Greeks was preceded by difficult, and therefore long negotiations, which resulted in Igor's agreement with the Greeks in 944. Earlier in 943, the Hungarians passed through Bulgaria, having confirmed the agreement on the tribute by the “empire of the Romans.” Those who support that Igor's second campaign against the Greeks shoud be dated 943 try to link it with the military action of the Hungarians, having no serious grounds for this. Until 970, the Hungarian leaders did not enter into military alliances with the Kievan princes, since their robber raids were directed mainly to the west, while their invasions of the Balkans became more frequent after their defeat in Germany in 955. Nevertheless, setting off in a raid on Byzantium in the spring of 943, the Hungarians learnt about Igor's military preparations from the Eastern Slavs from Transcarpathia, who had close contacts with the Tivertsy, Igor's allies in his summer campaign of 943. To achieve their goals, the Hungarians skillfully took advantage of the news that a more significant army had been assembled in Russia to march to the Balkans. In his turn, Igor benefited from the fact that the Hungarians had already sown fear in Byzantine society before his arrival on the Lower Danube, saying that Bulgaria did not prevent “northern barbarians” from passing through its territory.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article analyses the construction of the politics of memory in the newspaper Nash Lemko (Lviv, 1934-1939). The study has highlighted its conceptual thoughtfulness, genre diversity, and content richness. The aggressive national policy of the Second Rzeczpospolita made the newspaper primarily tackle the issue of “polonization” of Rusins’ historical consciousness. Therefore, Nash Lemko consistently argued about the age-old connection between Rusins and Ukrainians in numerous popular surveys, local lore essays, journalistic articles, and works of art. According to Nash Lemko editorial board, the Moscophile ideology posed the same danger as Polish propaganda, sinсe Old Rusin cultural influences were traditionally popular among the Lemkos. The newspaper contributors convinced their readers that the cultural Slavophilism of the Galician activists of the 19th century had nothing in common with the aggressive ideology of modern Moscophiles. Nash Lemko also paid a lot of attention to strengthening local patriotism. Promoting a deep knowledge of history and culture, the newspaper editors encouraged Lemkos to transform the ugly present and vigorously plan for the future. All these measures had a substantial consolidating effect on the Rusin community on the eve of WWII. Due to the carefully crafted politics of memory, the Lemkos formed a most cohesive emigration communities after after being expelled from their native lands.
{"title":"“Where do we come from?”: politics of memory in Nash Lemko","authors":"V. Telvak, V. Telvak, V. V. Nakonechnyj","doi":"10.17223/18572685/68/7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/7","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the construction of the politics of memory in the newspaper Nash Lemko (Lviv, 1934-1939). The study has highlighted its conceptual thoughtfulness, genre diversity, and content richness. The aggressive national policy of the Second Rzeczpospolita made the newspaper primarily tackle the issue of “polonization” of Rusins’ historical consciousness. Therefore, Nash Lemko consistently argued about the age-old connection between Rusins and Ukrainians in numerous popular surveys, local lore essays, journalistic articles, and works of art. According to Nash Lemko editorial board, the Moscophile ideology posed the same danger as Polish propaganda, sinсe Old Rusin cultural influences were traditionally popular among the Lemkos. The newspaper contributors convinced their readers that the cultural Slavophilism of the Galician activists of the 19th century had nothing in common with the aggressive ideology of modern Moscophiles. Nash Lemko also paid a lot of attention to strengthening local patriotism. Promoting a deep knowledge of history and culture, the newspaper editors encouraged Lemkos to transform the ugly present and vigorously plan for the future. All these measures had a substantial consolidating effect on the Rusin community on the eve of WWII. Due to the carefully crafted politics of memory, the Lemkos formed a most cohesive emigration communities after after being expelled from their native lands.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the manifestation of Antisemitic sentiments in Polish literature in the 16th - 18th centuries, as well as the economic, political, and religious roots of this phenomenon. Drawing on the works by S. Klonowic, J. Kmita, P. Skarga, and P. Mojecki, the author analyses the degree of negative public opinion regarding Jews among the gentry, burghers, and clergy to conclude about the economically and morally oppressed state of Polish Jewish communities and the economic dependence of the gentry on Jewish usury. In many ways, the Antisemitism of that time took place only on paper; in fact, the slogans to evict Jews from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or to baptize them into the Catholic faith were never implemented. By the end of the 18th centurythe Antisemitic slogans in Polish journalism were disappearing, yielding to the ideas of reforming Jewish communities in the spirit of Enlightenment.
{"title":"Antisemitism in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th - 18th centuries and its reflection in old Polish literature","authors":"Natalia V. Eilbart","doi":"10.17223/18572685/67/7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/7","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the manifestation of Antisemitic sentiments in Polish literature in the 16th - 18th centuries, as well as the economic, political, and religious roots of this phenomenon. Drawing on the works by S. Klonowic, J. Kmita, P. Skarga, and P. Mojecki, the author analyses the degree of negative public opinion regarding Jews among the gentry, burghers, and clergy to conclude about the economically and morally oppressed state of Polish Jewish communities and the economic dependence of the gentry on Jewish usury. In many ways, the Antisemitism of that time took place only on paper; in fact, the slogans to evict Jews from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or to baptize them into the Catholic faith were never implemented. By the end of the 18th centurythe Antisemitic slogans in Polish journalism were disappearing, yielding to the ideas of reforming Jewish communities in the spirit of Enlightenment.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the unrealized plans of Hetman Pavel Skoropadsky to convene the parliament of the Ukrainian state - the Sejm, which was to be opened in early 1919. The problem is considered in a number of works by Ukrainian researchers (first of all, the article by Ruslan Pyrih), but they are uninformative and contain a number of erroneous statements. The preparation for the elections to the Sejm - the parliament of an independent Ukraine - began in October 1918, but already in November, the political situation changed, and the Sejm began to be understood as a representative body of a subject in the future federative Russian state. In late November and early December 1918, a special commission, consisting mainly of members of the Constitutional Democratic Party, developed an electoral law on elections to the Sejm. The elections were to be held according to the majority system of a relative majority in 251 singlemember constituencies. Though women had no right to vote, the age limit was raised and the residence requirement was introduced, the electoral law was generally consistent with similar laws of the leading European states. Since the uprising headed by the Directory began and Hetman abdicated, the elections never took place. Drawing on materials from the Kiev press and archival sources, the author shows the historical roots of the Ukrainian Sejm, the process of developing the electoral law and its final version, as well as the attitude towards the Sejm on the part of various Ukrainian and Russian political forces.
{"title":"The failed elections to the Sovereign Sejm of Ukraine (1918)","authors":"A. Chemakin","doi":"10.17223/18572685/69/10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/10","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the unrealized plans of Hetman Pavel Skoropadsky to convene the parliament of the Ukrainian state - the Sejm, which was to be opened in early 1919. The problem is considered in a number of works by Ukrainian researchers (first of all, the article by Ruslan Pyrih), but they are uninformative and contain a number of erroneous statements. The preparation for the elections to the Sejm - the parliament of an independent Ukraine - began in October 1918, but already in November, the political situation changed, and the Sejm began to be understood as a representative body of a subject in the future federative Russian state. In late November and early December 1918, a special commission, consisting mainly of members of the Constitutional Democratic Party, developed an electoral law on elections to the Sejm. The elections were to be held according to the majority system of a relative majority in 251 singlemember constituencies. Though women had no right to vote, the age limit was raised and the residence requirement was introduced, the electoral law was generally consistent with similar laws of the leading European states. Since the uprising headed by the Directory began and Hetman abdicated, the elections never took place. Drawing on materials from the Kiev press and archival sources, the author shows the historical roots of the Ukrainian Sejm, the process of developing the electoral law and its final version, as well as the attitude towards the Sejm on the part of various Ukrainian and Russian political forces.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the understudied problem of public security and prevention of offenses in the territory between the Upper Siret, the Middle Dniester and Suceava, which from the middle of the 14th to the last quarter of the 18th century was part of Moldova and formed Tsetsin (from the middle of the 15th century Chernivtsi), Suceava and Khotyn volosts of Moldova, mainly inhabited by Orthodox Rusins and VLakhs. Having analysed written sources and scholarly literature, the author states that throughout the entire Moldavian rule in Chernivtsi (until the middle of the 15th century in Tsetsin), Suceava and Khotin volosts (tinut) there were no special police agencies in the modern sense. Until the last quarter of the 18th century, public security was ensured by Moldovan officials, curteni and various categories of service people - slujitors. Ensuring law and order and fighting against robbery on the border was assigned, mainly, to the elders-pircalabs, who in the 18th century began to be called ispravniki.They were assisted by volost elders (okolashi), vetavs of the cities, great border captains, aghas, colonels, armashes, aprods and their subordinate curteni and tinut slujitors (calarasi, arnauts, byrans, guards, armored warriors, dorobanii), as well as hired beshlis. The law and order in rural communities was maintained by dvornikis and vatamans (village elder). After the accession of the Khotyn region to the Ottoman Empire, the public security in this new Turkish raiyah was entrusted to the Janissaries of the Khotyn garrison; the commanders of the Ottoman military units - alai beys - were responsible for order in the villages of the Khotin nahiye.
{"title":"Public security and prevention of offenses in Chernivtsi, Suceava and Khotyn volosts of Moldavia and Khotyn raiyah of the Ottoman Empire","authors":"Mykhaylo K. Chuchko","doi":"10.17223/18572685/68/2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/2","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the understudied problem of public security and prevention of offenses in the territory between the Upper Siret, the Middle Dniester and Suceava, which from the middle of the 14th to the last quarter of the 18th century was part of Moldova and formed Tsetsin (from the middle of the 15th century Chernivtsi), Suceava and Khotyn volosts of Moldova, mainly inhabited by Orthodox Rusins and VLakhs. Having analysed written sources and scholarly literature, the author states that throughout the entire Moldavian rule in Chernivtsi (until the middle of the 15th century in Tsetsin), Suceava and Khotin volosts (tinut) there were no special police agencies in the modern sense. Until the last quarter of the 18th century, public security was ensured by Moldovan officials, curteni and various categories of service people - slujitors. Ensuring law and order and fighting against robbery on the border was assigned, mainly, to the elders-pircalabs, who in the 18th century began to be called ispravniki.They were assisted by volost elders (okolashi), vetavs of the cities, great border captains, aghas, colonels, armashes, aprods and their subordinate curteni and tinut slujitors (calarasi, arnauts, byrans, guards, armored warriors, dorobanii), as well as hired beshlis. The law and order in rural communities was maintained by dvornikis and vatamans (village elder). After the accession of the Khotyn region to the Ottoman Empire, the public security in this new Turkish raiyah was entrusted to the Janissaries of the Khotyn garrison; the commanders of the Ottoman military units - alai beys - were responsible for order in the villages of the Khotin nahiye.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The historical approach to Pyotr Lodiy's works made it possible to rethink his contribution to the formation of philosophy as an independent discipline and the development of university philosophical education in the Russian Empire. Lodiy laid down such ideas of socio-philosophical research as a critical analysis of philosophical concepts through the prism of personal practical experience, as well as aiming theoretical research on social problem solving. He made an invaluable contribution to the development of the philosophical framework of categories and concepts by introducing terminology of classical Western European philosophical systems to the Russian language. According to the comparative analysis, Lodiy's works were rather close to those of Immanuel Kant, since Lodiy agrees with Kant's categorical imperative. However, in Lodiy's opinion, it is not so much an individual moral duty as the social environment disposes a person to follow the moral categorical imperative. Lodiy argues that the goal of theoretical philosophy is practical philosophy, which, in turn, has an impact on social mores. Hence, it necessitates the state concern for the development of philosophical education. Due to Lodiy's activity, there appeared first doctors and professors of philosophy, who earned their academic degree at Saint Petersburg Imperial University. He also contributed much to the establishment of Russian philosophical schools and encouraged his disciples and followers to take interest in socio-political issues, which predetermined further development of philosophy in the Russian Empire.
{"title":"Pyotr Lodiy's ideas of socio-philosophical research in the Russian Empire in the first quarter of the 19th century","authors":"V. Bogdanov, I. V. Lysak","doi":"10.17223/18572685/68/3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/3","url":null,"abstract":"The historical approach to Pyotr Lodiy's works made it possible to rethink his contribution to the formation of philosophy as an independent discipline and the development of university philosophical education in the Russian Empire. Lodiy laid down such ideas of socio-philosophical research as a critical analysis of philosophical concepts through the prism of personal practical experience, as well as aiming theoretical research on social problem solving. He made an invaluable contribution to the development of the philosophical framework of categories and concepts by introducing terminology of classical Western European philosophical systems to the Russian language. According to the comparative analysis, Lodiy's works were rather close to those of Immanuel Kant, since Lodiy agrees with Kant's categorical imperative. However, in Lodiy's opinion, it is not so much an individual moral duty as the social environment disposes a person to follow the moral categorical imperative. Lodiy argues that the goal of theoretical philosophy is practical philosophy, which, in turn, has an impact on social mores. Hence, it necessitates the state concern for the development of philosophical education. Due to Lodiy's activity, there appeared first doctors and professors of philosophy, who earned their academic degree at Saint Petersburg Imperial University. He also contributed much to the establishment of Russian philosophical schools and encouraged his disciples and followers to take interest in socio-political issues, which predetermined further development of philosophy in the Russian Empire.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article, the authors characterize the functional version of the Russian language, which was formed in the language contact zone in the places of compact settlement of the the Shor, Khakass, and Tatar speakers in the south of Western Siberia. Spontaneous oral speech of bilinguals is presented as an independent subsystem that can be analysed according to the norms of the written codified Russian literary language. The authors discuss what types of deviations from the speech standard (DLS) prevail in the speech of Turkic-Russian bilinguals and whether deviations of speech norms depend on the basic sociolinguistic characteristics of native speakers - age and education. The material includes about forty hours of recorded texts, marked by deviations from the speech standard. The data were preprocessed before the analysis, with DLS tags combined by language levels: Phon, Morph, Synt, Lex, Disc., and files loaded into the R programming language environment. The statistical analysis has shown significant quantitative predominance of DLS conditioned by oral spontaneous communication. They include variants of hesitation and formal-semantic and functional incompleteness of utterances. The second most frequent DLS are various types of deviations of syntactic coherence and constructive correctness of utterances. Significantly inferior to them are DLS at the Lexical and morphological levels. However, deviations from the norms of syntactic coherence in a significant number of cases manifest interference caused by the influence of native languages of bilinguals. The dependence of DLS distribution on the basic sociolinguistic characteristics of bilingual speakers - age and education - was found only for groups of morphological and syntactic errors.
{"title":"Russian speech in the language contact zone: active trends in deviations from the speech standard","authors":"Z. Rezanova, I. Korshunova","doi":"10.17223/18572685/68/14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/14","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the authors characterize the functional version of the Russian language, which was formed in the language contact zone in the places of compact settlement of the the Shor, Khakass, and Tatar speakers in the south of Western Siberia. Spontaneous oral speech of bilinguals is presented as an independent subsystem that can be analysed according to the norms of the written codified Russian literary language. The authors discuss what types of deviations from the speech standard (DLS) prevail in the speech of Turkic-Russian bilinguals and whether deviations of speech norms depend on the basic sociolinguistic characteristics of native speakers - age and education. The material includes about forty hours of recorded texts, marked by deviations from the speech standard. The data were preprocessed before the analysis, with DLS tags combined by language levels: Phon, Morph, Synt, Lex, Disc., and files loaded into the R programming language environment. The statistical analysis has shown significant quantitative predominance of DLS conditioned by oral spontaneous communication. They include variants of hesitation and formal-semantic and functional incompleteness of utterances. The second most frequent DLS are various types of deviations of syntactic coherence and constructive correctness of utterances. Significantly inferior to them are DLS at the Lexical and morphological levels. However, deviations from the norms of syntactic coherence in a significant number of cases manifest interference caused by the influence of native languages of bilinguals. The dependence of DLS distribution on the basic sociolinguistic characteristics of bilingual speakers - age and education - was found only for groups of morphological and syntactic errors.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The author analyses the works of the prominent politician and memoirist Vasily Shulgin published in the emigre periodicals to examine his views on the origin of the Slavic people and the Ukrainian question. Trying to prove the “Russianness” of the Ukrainian people, Shulgin often referred to historical sources as a journalist, not as a scholar (although Shulgin remarked ironically, “Sure, I am not a historian, but I have an affinity for history - a sort of the disease.”) Speculating about the origin of Rus, Shulgin repeatedly told the theory championed by General Grigory Yanushevsky based on the legend of three brothers - Czech, Lech, and Rus. According to this legend, they came from the Roman Pannonia in the 3rd century to settle down in Czechia, Poland, and Galicia. They became “the progenitors of the Czech, Polish (Lachian) and Russian people” Since there was no “brother Ukr” in the legend, Shulgin considered it a strong argument supporting the artificial construction of the Ukrainian nation. In his opinion, Poles invented the term “Ukrainians” in the 18th century, and before that there had been no nation with such name, so the term had been used to denote the residents of the borderlands. Thus, the term referred to the territory and did not mean a nation. In his journalism, Shulgin argued against the “political Ukrainism” that was striving for separatism and imposition of “Grushevsky's language ”, though he never denied the local cultural tradition. He saw the solution to the Ukrainian question in recognizing that the path chosen once by Bohdan Khmelnitsky was the right one.
{"title":"Vasily Shulgin: Reflections on the origin of Rus and the Ukrainian question (based on the emigre journalism)","authors":"E. Kovaleva","doi":"10.17223/18572685/69/14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/14","url":null,"abstract":"The author analyses the works of the prominent politician and memoirist Vasily Shulgin published in the emigre periodicals to examine his views on the origin of the Slavic people and the Ukrainian question. Trying to prove the “Russianness” of the Ukrainian people, Shulgin often referred to historical sources as a journalist, not as a scholar (although Shulgin remarked ironically, “Sure, I am not a historian, but I have an affinity for history - a sort of the disease.”) Speculating about the origin of Rus, Shulgin repeatedly told the theory championed by General Grigory Yanushevsky based on the legend of three brothers - Czech, Lech, and Rus. According to this legend, they came from the Roman Pannonia in the 3rd century to settle down in Czechia, Poland, and Galicia. They became “the progenitors of the Czech, Polish (Lachian) and Russian people” Since there was no “brother Ukr” in the legend, Shulgin considered it a strong argument supporting the artificial construction of the Ukrainian nation. In his opinion, Poles invented the term “Ukrainians” in the 18th century, and before that there had been no nation with such name, so the term had been used to denote the residents of the borderlands. Thus, the term referred to the territory and did not mean a nation. In his journalism, Shulgin argued against the “political Ukrainism” that was striving for separatism and imposition of “Grushevsky's language ”, though he never denied the local cultural tradition. He saw the solution to the Ukrainian question in recognizing that the path chosen once by Bohdan Khmelnitsky was the right one.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67581966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Lemko Region (Lemkivshchyna) is a region with many sights of sacred art, among which crosses hold a special place. The crosses testify to the belonging of the Lemko-Rusins to the church of the Eastern rite, which is very important, since it helped the Lemko-Rusins maintain their rite, customs, language and culture in a foreign confessional and foreign-language environment. Today, there are many tourist routes through the territory of Lemkivshchyna, and many of wooden and stone crosses need examination and restoration. After the division of the church, the Lemko-Rusins became part of the Eastern Rite. It was the Logos, the preaching of the Eastern Rite Cross, that played an important role in the historical preservation of Rusins from assimilation. Hand-made crosses were of a great importance for that. Carved hand-made crosses continued the medieval Eastern Church tradition of indoor sculpture of metal, stone, trees, bones, and ceramics. Typical handmade wooden crosses of the Eastern Rite church are septangular, sometimes octagonal, with a long jumper. They are decorated with images influenced by Byzantine iconography, as well as inscriptions in Cyrillic. A separate group consists of Lemko stone crosses. They are special, since they belong to the Eastern Rite and reflect the history and culture of Rusins. The Lemko-Rusins crosses are a separate understudied layer of history and world sacred culture. In the long run, it is worth studying the history and value of the cross in the history and church life of other ethno-cultural groups of Rusins: Hutsuls, Boykos, Podolyans, etc.
{"title":"The crosses of Lemko-Rusins: A historical aspect","authors":"R. Odrekhivskyi","doi":"10.17223/18572685/70/3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17223/18572685/70/3","url":null,"abstract":"The Lemko Region (Lemkivshchyna) is a region with many sights of sacred art, among which crosses hold a special place. The crosses testify to the belonging of the Lemko-Rusins to the church of the Eastern rite, which is very important, since it helped the Lemko-Rusins maintain their rite, customs, language and culture in a foreign confessional and foreign-language environment. Today, there are many tourist routes through the territory of Lemkivshchyna, and many of wooden and stone crosses need examination and restoration. After the division of the church, the Lemko-Rusins became part of the Eastern Rite. It was the Logos, the preaching of the Eastern Rite Cross, that played an important role in the historical preservation of Rusins from assimilation. Hand-made crosses were of a great importance for that. Carved hand-made crosses continued the medieval Eastern Church tradition of indoor sculpture of metal, stone, trees, bones, and ceramics. Typical handmade wooden crosses of the Eastern Rite church are septangular, sometimes octagonal, with a long jumper. They are decorated with images influenced by Byzantine iconography, as well as inscriptions in Cyrillic. A separate group consists of Lemko stone crosses. They are special, since they belong to the Eastern Rite and reflect the history and culture of Rusins. The Lemko-Rusins crosses are a separate understudied layer of history and world sacred culture. In the long run, it is worth studying the history and value of the cross in the history and church life of other ethno-cultural groups of Rusins: Hutsuls, Boykos, Podolyans, etc.","PeriodicalId":54120,"journal":{"name":"Rusin","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67582672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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