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Unsettling the Politics of Race: Kevin Bruyneel's Settler Memory 扰乱种族政治:凯文·布鲁尼尔的定居者记忆
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0051
Siddhant Issar
large, as Critchley’s definition of “active” nihilism implies. Examples in this realm span far-right and racist acts of terror, so-called Incels who fantasize about murdering women and, relatedly, the so-called “epidemic” of domestic violence and femicide. In each case, a nihilist dilemma lies at the heart of the futilitarian condition and articulates the challenge of transforming futility from an individual experience to a source of collective solidarity. The relationship between futility and nihilism thus concerns how political possibilities are (im)mobilized, how subjective experiences of meaninglessness or pointlessness can be turned inward, outward, or both depending on the extant forms of collectivity available to them. While Futilitarianism explores “the relationship between political desire and the practice of politics” and suggests that “the pandemic has accentuated the simultaneous decline of political deliberation and increase of political desire for the wider populace” (130), the many examples Vallelly discusses are only the beginning of where analysis and critique might go using the conceptual tools this book offers.
正如克里奇利对“积极的”虚无主义的定义所暗示的那样。这方面的例子包括极右翼和种族主义恐怖行为,幻想谋杀妇女的所谓Incels,以及与之相关的所谓家庭暴力和杀害妇女的“流行病”。在每种情况下,虚无主义的困境都是功利主义条件的核心,并阐明了将无用从个人经验转变为集体团结的来源的挑战。因此,无用和虚无主义之间的关系涉及到政治可能性是如何被动员起来的,无意义或无意义的主观体验是如何向内、向外或两者兼而有之的,这取决于他们现有的集体形式。虽然功利主义探讨了“政治欲望和政治实践之间的关系”,并提出“大流行加剧了政治审议的同时下降和更广泛民众的政治欲望的增加”(130),但瓦利利讨论的许多例子只是使用本书提供的概念工具进行分析和批评的开始。
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引用次数: 0
On the Sublime and Beautiful: Edmund Burke, Ottobah Cugoano, and Reverberations of Eighteenth-Century Racial Aesthetics 崇高与美:埃德蒙·伯克、奥托巴·库戈亚诺与十八世纪种族美学的回响
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0041
Tacuma Peters
Abstract:This article examines Edmund Burke and Ottobah Cugoano's aesthetic thought in relation to eighteenth-century racial slavery. It interrogates their ideas of the sublime and beautiful which contribute to their different political positions on the abolition of slavery: whereas the former advocated the gradual abolition of the slave trade and distant emancipation, the latter sought the immediate abolition of the trade and rapid emancipation. It contends that Burke's discussions of the sublime and beautiful were racialized, his advocacy of white authority on plantation slavery was rooted in his aesthetics, and his evocation of the Black sublime throughout his long career fit well with attempts to ameliorate, reform, and gradually abolish slavery. In contrast, Ottobah Cugoano's discussion of the sublime, the beautiful, and rejection of white authority supported his advocacy for the immediate abolition of the slave trade and rapid emancipation of enslaved peoples. The article also examines the reverberation of the logics of eighteenth-century racial aesthetics in current contexts.
摘要:本文考察了埃德蒙·伯克和奥托巴·库戈亚诺的美学思想与18世纪种族奴隶制的关系。本文探讨了他们对崇高和美好的观念,这些观念导致了他们在废除奴隶制问题上的不同政治立场:前者主张逐步废除奴隶贸易和遥远的解放,后者则主张立即废除奴隶贸易和迅速的解放。文章认为,伯克对崇高和美丽的讨论被种族化了,他对白人在种植园奴隶制问题上的权威的倡导根植于他的美学,他在漫长的职业生涯中对黑人崇高的唤起与他试图改善、改革和逐步废除奴隶制的努力非常吻合。相比之下,奥托巴·库戈诺对崇高、美丽的讨论,以及对白人权威的拒绝,支持了他对立即废除奴隶贸易和迅速解放被奴役人民的主张。文章还考察了18世纪种族美学逻辑在当前语境中的回响。
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引用次数: 0
"To become like a particle of dust": Dignity as a Gandhian Practice “成为一粒尘埃”:甘地式的尊严实践
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0043
Manu Samnotra
Abstract:Most approaches to dignity's history, and its meanings, rely on a hierarchical grammar that elevates the dignified individual. Hierarchy links dignity, through the armament of rights, to coercive bodies and mechanisms that give political substance to dignity claims. This essay seeks in Mohandas Gandhi's thought an alternative practice of dignity, one that departs from this dominant tendency. Unlike most counterparts in the western canon, Gandhian dignity gives ontological priority to vulnerability. Gandhi's anti-hierarchical conception frames dignity in direct relation to existing inequalities, and is elaborated through experiments in proximate living, and via service to the most vulnerable.
摘要:大多数研究尊严历史及其意义的方法,都依赖于一种提升尊严个体的等级语法。等级制度通过权利武装将尊严与强制机构和机制联系起来,这些机构和机制为尊严要求提供政治实质。本文在莫汉达斯·甘地的思想中寻求另一种关于尊严的实践,一种背离这种主导倾向的实践。与西方经典的大多数同行不同,甘地的尊严在本体论上优先考虑脆弱性。甘地的反等级观念将尊严与现存的不平等直接联系起来,并通过就近生活的实验和对最弱势群体的服务来阐述。
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引用次数: 0
Eugenic Caricatures of Black Male Death from the Nineteenth- to Twenty-first Centuries 19至21世纪黑人男性死亡的优生漫画
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0032
Ruwe Dalitso
Abstract:In this essay, I argue that since the nineteenth-century, Black males have been deemed pathogenic/criminals who pose a threat to White civilization, thus are worthy of eradication. This justification, I advance, has roots in nineteenth-twentieth century eugenic theories of Black males as hereditary criminals. Such eugenic theories are prevalent in the writings of white vigilantes, and medical reports of Black males who have died from police brutality.
摘要:本文认为,自19世纪以来,黑人男性一直被视为对白人文明构成威胁的致病/罪犯,因此值得根除。我提出,这种辩解源于19 - 20世纪的优生学理论,认为黑人男性是遗传的罪犯。这种优生学理论在白人义务警员的著作和死于警察暴行的黑人男性的医疗报告中很普遍。
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引用次数: 1
The Techno-Theodicy: How Technology Became the New Religion 技术神正论:技术如何成为新的宗教
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0031
Brad Evans, Chantal Meza
Abstract:This essay addresses the rise of what is understood to be a global techno-theodicy. Recognizing the pandemic of 2020 as representing the first crisis of the post-liberal order, it maps out the changing nature of religious power as it relates to the appropriation of the abstract, from earlier claims on the monotheistic God to the powers of salvation and redemption invested in technology today. Technology in these terms is no longer seen as enabling, let alone a tool for advancing or progressing the lived conditions of life on earth. Nor can it further be seen as an integral force that shapes being in the world alone. It's now presented to us as the only thing which could save a fragile and broken humanity from itself. This has been achieved by collapsing the human into the species, collapsing the species into nature, and collapsing nature into the technological in such a way that there remains no distinction. This results in an outright assault on the poetic sensibility and the art of possibility. Moreover, it also reaches further into the philosophy of death and the remaining frontiers yet to be colonized.
摘要:本文论述了被理解为全球技术神正论的兴起。它认识到2020年的大流行代表了后自由主义秩序的第一次危机,并描绘了宗教权力的变化性质,因为它与抽象的挪用有关,从早期对一神论上帝的主张到今天对技术的拯救和救赎的力量。在这些术语中,技术不再被视为能够实现的,更不用说作为提高或改善地球上生活条件的工具了。它也不能再被看作是塑造世界上存在的一种不可或缺的力量。它现在是唯一能拯救脆弱破碎的人类的东西。这是通过将人类瓦解为物种,将物种瓦解为自然,并将自然瓦解为技术而实现的,以这样一种方式,没有任何区别。这导致了对诗歌感性和可能性艺术的公然攻击。此外,它还进一步深入到死亡哲学和尚未开拓的剩余领域。
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引用次数: 1
Henri Lefebvre: Reclaiming Urban Space, Recovering Citizenship 亨利·列斐伏尔:再造城市空间,恢复公民身份
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0029
S. Roulier
Abstract:The "right to the city," as first announced by Henri Lefebvre, is a direct challenge to the current allocation, use and governance of urban spaces. This essay seeks to demonstrate that in addition to expanding our conventional conception of rights, Lefebvre also proposes a new understanding of citizenship. This concept of citizenship simultaneously undermines the Westphalian system's cramped view of citizenship as legal membership in a particular nation state—emphasizing, instead, the vital link between citizenship and inhabitance—and promotes a more robust model in which citizens manage their own urban spaces. While expressing support for Lefebvre's basic goals, the essay critically examines proposals to extend urban citizens' self-management of their city to a right to participate in any decision—even those of multinational corporations and other nation states––whose policies may impact the city.
摘要:亨利·列斐伏尔(Henri Lefebvre)首次提出的“城市权”是对当前城市空间分配、使用和治理的直接挑战。本文试图证明,除了扩展我们传统的权利概念外,列斐伏尔还提出了对公民身份的新理解。这种公民权的概念同时破坏了威斯特伐利亚体系中将公民权视为特定民族国家的合法成员的狭隘观点——相反,强调公民权与居住权之间的重要联系——并促进了一种更强大的模式,在这种模式中,公民可以管理自己的城市空间。在对列斐弗尔的基本目标表示支持的同时,本文批判性地审视了将城市公民对其城市的自我管理扩展到参与任何决策的权利的建议,甚至包括跨国公司和其他民族国家的决策,这些决策的政策可能会影响城市。
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引用次数: 1
Contracts, Polyamory, and Late Liberalism: The Relational Production of Unrelationality 契约、一夫多妻制与晚期自由主义:非关系的关系生产
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0026
Julienne Obadia
Abstract:This article examines norms of labor and individuation inaugurated by late liberal directives to optimize intimate life as a site of personal fulfilment. Analyzing ethnographic material on US polyamory, I identify "the contract complex"—a set of techniques for managing multiple relationships—as a person-making regime that enables dramatic intimate transformations while extending classical liberalism's hierarchical privileging of autonomy over dependence. Persisting gendered binaries structure this phenomenon, with the late liberal home masculinized as it is re-imagined from a natural site of nurture to one of choice, and the person feminized as a site of therapeutic self-nurture through self-discovery.
摘要:本文考察了晚期自由主义指令为优化作为个人实现场所的亲密生活而开启的劳动和个性化规范。在分析美国一夫多妻制的民族志材料时,我发现“契约情结”——一套管理多重关系的技术——是一种创造人的制度,它使戏剧性的亲密转变成为可能,同时扩展了古典自由主义的自主高于依赖的等级特权。持续存在的性别二元结构构成了这一现象,随着晚期自由主义家庭的男性化,因为它被重新想象从一个自然的养育场所到一个选择场所,而人的女性化,作为一个通过自我发现的治疗性自我养育场所。
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引用次数: 0
An Indistinct Fear: Jacques Ranciere, Mary Shelley, and the Aesthetics of the Unrepresentable 一种模糊的恐惧:雅克·朗西埃、玛丽·雪莱与不可表征的美学
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0027
Katharina Clausius, S. Honisch
Abstract:Public debate surrounding the "unrepresentability" of historical acts of violence urgently calls into question representation in the public spaces of art and politics. This article argues that framing the unrepresentable in ethical terms perpetuates the divisions and ideologies that contemporary politics seeks to rectify. As an alternative, we draw on Jacques Rancière's critique of ethics to outline an aesthetics of unrepresentability rooted in an indeterminate act of bearing witness. We outline a non-ethical politics of the unrepresentable through a politicized reading of Mary Shelley's Frankenstein to show how Rancière's concept of political dissensus helps us witness the violent erasure of the "spark of life" that we glimpse in unrepresentable events and figures.
摘要:围绕历史暴力行为的“不可再现性”的公共辩论,迫切地引发了对艺术和政治公共空间中的再现性的质疑。本文认为,用伦理术语来定义不可代表的东西,会使当代政治试图纠正的分歧和意识形态永久化。作为另一种选择,我们借鉴雅克·朗西 (Jacques ranci)对伦理学的批判,勾勒出一种植根于不确定的见证行为的不可再现性美学。我们通过对玛丽·雪莱的《弗兰肯斯坦》的政治化解读,勾勒出一种非伦理的不可再现的政治,以展示ranci的政治分歧概念如何帮助我们见证暴力抹去我们在不可再现的事件和人物中瞥见的“生命火花”。
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引用次数: 0
Differing Not Merely in Degree but Also in Kind: A Review of Lorna N. Bracewell's Why We Lost the Sex Wars 不仅在程度上不同,而且在种类上也不同:洛娜·n·布雷斯韦尔的《我们为什么输掉了性战争》书评
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0034
I. Gonzales
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引用次数: 0
Bodily Stresses, Cultural Drives, Fascist Contagions 身体压力,文化驱动,法西斯主义传染
IF 2 4区 计算机科学 Q2 Mathematics Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1353/tae.2022.0033
W. Connolly
Abstract:While appreciating the role systemic shocks play in setting the stage for fascism, this essay focuses on molecular processes that help to turn systemic upheavals in particular directions. The idea is to explore how a fascist cohort coalesces, for its membership is never entirely reducible to an aggregation of race, class, gender or faith positions. To start, I review recent work in neuroscience and cultural theory on how embodied precursors to perception, judgment, and action unfold below cultural awareness. That account is then linked to bodily stresses and social binds faced by specific cohorts. Such a conjunction, under the right conditions, can be the formation of a spiritual assemblage ripened to embrace and enact fascist takeover attempts. Such an assemblage expresses the armored male syndrome, even when it overflows the class of angry white men who provide its basis. After drawing upon the film Glengarry Glen Ross to portray multimodal features of fascist contagion, I suggest that such processes are not only involved in fascist formations. Since there is never a vacuum on the visceral register of cultural life, the inversion of these influences at multiple social sites is essential to negotiating a democratic ethos within cultural institutions that both feed and exceed electoral politics.
摘要:在认识到系统性冲击在为法西斯主义搭建舞台方面所发挥的作用的同时,本文重点关注有助于将系统性动荡转向特定方向的分子过程。这个想法是为了探索一个法西斯群体是如何凝聚起来的,因为它的成员永远不会完全归结为种族、阶级、性别或信仰立场的集合。首先,我回顾了最近在神经科学和文化理论方面的工作,这些工作是关于感知、判断和行动的具体化前体是如何在文化意识下展开的。然后,这种说法与特定人群所面临的身体压力和社会束缚联系在一起。在适当的条件下,这样的结合可以形成一个成熟的精神集合体,以接受和实施法西斯接管的企图。这样的集合表达了装甲男性综合症,即使它超出了提供其基础的愤怒的白人男性阶层。在借鉴电影《Glengarry Glen Ross》描绘法西斯蔓延的多模态特征后,我认为这些过程不仅涉及法西斯的形成。由于文化生活的内在记录从来没有真空,这些影响在多个社会场所的反转对于在文化机构内谈判民主精神至关重要,这既可以促进选举政治,也可以超越选举政治。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Discrete Event Dynamic Systems-Theory and Applications
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