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Soft Power Revista EuroAmericana de Teoria e Historia de la Politica最新文献

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Foucault, posverdad y parresía. 福柯,后真理与parresia。
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.2.4
Salvo Vaccaro
En este artículo, Vaccaro pretende interrogar el valor político de la verdad. Partiendo de Hannah Arendt y del debate entre modernidad y posmodernidad, el artículo se centra en la Voluntad de verdad según la elaboró Nietzsche, pero también en el primer curso de Collège de France de Foucault en los años 70. La tesis es una etopolítica de decir la verdad, es decir, la parresia, como antídoto tanto contra la aniquilación de la verdad por parte de la posverdad, como para el fortalecimiento de la verdad como lo Uno de la política.
在这篇文章中,瓦卡罗试图质疑真相的政治价值。本文从汉娜·阿伦特和现代性与后现代的争论出发,着重探讨尼采阐述的真理意志,但也着重于20世纪70年代福柯的college de France的第一门课程。这篇论文是一种讲真话的民族政治,即parresia,作为一种解药,既可以对抗后真理对真理的湮灭,也可以加强作为政治之一的真理。
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引用次数: 0
From post-democracy to post-truth politics : the crisis of contemporary democracy in three analytical moves. 从后民主到后真相政治:当代民主危机的三个分析动向。
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.2.12
Lidia Lo Schiavo
This essay is aimed at thematising the topic of post-truth in the ‘post-democratic’ constellation. From this perspective, it firstly illustrates contents and features of the broad concept of post-democracy, therefore analysing both the issue of the crisis of democracy and the impact of contemporary neoliberal platform capitalism on these process. Hence, it addresses the related topics of new technologies and changes in political communication, along with the unfolding of the neo-populist phenomenology. A number of concluding meta-theoretical reflections on the relationship between democracy, knowledge and political representation are also developed.
本文旨在探讨“后民主”星座中的后真相问题。从这个角度出发,首先阐述了广义的后民主概念的内容和特征,从而分析了民主危机的问题以及当代新自由主义平台资本主义对这一过程的影响。因此,它解决了新技术和政治传播变化的相关主题,以及新民粹主义现象学的展开。本文还对民主、知识和政治代表之间的关系进行了一些结论性的元理论反思。
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引用次数: 1
Latour, foucault, and post-truth : the role and function of critique in the era of the truth crisis. 拉图尔、福柯与后真理:真理危机时代批判的角色与功能。
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.2.8
M. Flatscher, Sergej Seitz
This paper, first published in German in Le Foucaldien 4(1) 2018 and in English in Le Foucaldien 6(1) 2020, explores Bruno Latour’s critique of contemporary critical theory. According to Latour, poststructuralist conceptions of critical inquiry are becoming increasingly outdated. In our “post-factual” era, attempting to expose facts as results of power-laden processes of social construction plays into the hands of anti-scientific obscurantists. This is not to say, however, that one ought to opt for some reductionist notion of objectivity. Instead, Latour proposes a new form of critical realism. While we agree with Latour about the necessity of widening our epistemological paradigm, we deem his critique of poststructuralism unfair and exaggerated. Moreover, we argue that he fails to account for the relationship between epistemology, power, and subjectivity. Since Foucault, on the other hand, succeeds where Latour falls short and probes into this very relationship, his is a form of critique that remains crucial to tackling the current crisis of truth.
本文探讨了布鲁诺·拉图尔对当代批判理论的批判,德文版首次发表于2018年第4期(1),英文版首次发表于2020年第6期(1)。根据拉图尔的观点,后结构主义的批判性探究概念正变得越来越过时。在我们的“后事实”时代,试图将事实暴露为充满权力的社会建设过程的结果,落入了反科学蒙昧主义者的手中。然而,这并不是说,人们应该选择一些简化主义的客观性概念。相反,拉图尔提出了一种新形式的批判现实主义。虽然我们同意拉图尔关于扩大认识论范式的必要性,但我们认为他对后结构主义的批评是不公平和夸大的。此外,我们认为他未能解释认识论、权力和主体性之间的关系。另一方面,由于福柯在拉图尔的不足之处取得了成功,并探索了这种关系,他的批判形式对于解决当前的真理危机仍然至关重要。
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引用次数: 1
Class and party : Daniel Bensaïd’s philosophy of strategy against the randomization of politics. 阶级与政党:丹尼尔Bensaïd反对政治随机化的策略哲学。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.8
Jamila M. H. Mascat
This article argues for the centrality of the notion of class struggle in both political theory and praxis in order to counter what E. M. Wood, echoing P. Anderson (1983), has referred to as the «randomization of politics» (1986), namely a politics reduced to pure contingency where no causality between the social and the political is allowed. It suggests that class struggle is precisely the lost cause of radical politics, since class struggle operates as a synthetic principle informing a concept of society as a whole and a view of antagonism as a systemic and totalistic instance. Drawing on Daniel Bensaïd’s «philosophy of strategy» and its critical reading of Marx’s class theory (Bensaïd, 1995; 2002; 2011; 2016), the article suggests that class struggle be rethought as a new «strategic universalism» across the international division of labor. Along the lines of Bensaïd’s understanding of politics as a «strategic art» of recommencement (Bensaïd, 1995), it will be argued here that radical politics cannot do without class struggle or without the party
本文主张阶级斗争概念在政治理论和实践中的中心地位,以对抗E. M. Wood(呼应P. Anderson(1983))所说的“政治的随机化”(1986),即政治被简化为纯粹的偶然性,不允许社会和政治之间存在因果关系。它表明,阶级斗争恰恰是激进政治的失败原因,因为阶级斗争作为一种综合原则运作,将社会概念作为一个整体,并将对抗观点作为一个系统和整体的实例。借鉴丹尼尔Bensaïd的“战略哲学”及其对马克思阶级理论的批判性解读(Bensaïd, 1995;2002;2011;2016),文章建议将阶级斗争作为一种跨越国际劳动分工的新的“战略普遍主义”进行重新思考。按照Bensaïd对政治作为一种重新开始的“战略艺术”的理解(Bensaïd, 1995),这里将论证激进政治不能没有阶级斗争或没有党
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引用次数: 1
A sketch of a negro code : Edmund Burke and the regulation of slavery. 黑人法典梗概:埃德蒙·伯克与奴隶制法规。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.15
Serena Vantin
This paper analyses Edmund Burke’s view of slavery, focusing in particular on his Sketch of a Negro Code and its legal background. Two forces in tension will be identified: the first one takes imperial economic necessities seriously, within a concept of a legal order based on an “organic” premise; the second one leads to a view of moral equality between human beings that does not exclude black people.
本文分析了埃德蒙·伯克对奴隶制的看法,重点分析了他的《黑人法典》及其法律背景。我们将发现两种紧张的力量:第一种是在基于“有机”前提的法律秩序概念中,认真对待帝国的经济需要;第二种观点引出了一种人类道德平等的观点,这种观点并不排斥黑人。
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引用次数: 0
Class struggle and populism : ties, transfigurations, tensions. 阶级斗争与民粹主义:联系、变形、紧张。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.6
Alfredo D'Attorre
The article analyzes the complex and problematic relationship between populist insurgency and the return of the class struggle. The ‘populist moment’ is interpreted as a counter-movement with respect to the disruptive social results of the thirty-year period of neo-liberal globalization and as an obligatory passage, in the current historical conjuncture, to reactivate the possibility of a distributive conflict in a practicable political space, that of the National State. After the initial onset, however, populism is structurally inadequate, due to its very logic of functioning, to give form to a class struggle anchored in the pluralism of social interests and to resist the risk of reactionary drifts and colonization from above by the dominant economic forces.
本文分析了民粹主义叛乱与阶级斗争回归之间复杂而有问题的关系。“民粹主义时刻”被解释为一场与30年来新自由主义全球化的破坏性社会结果相关的反运动,并被解释为在当前的历史关头,在一个可行的政治空间,即民族国家的政治空间中,重新激活分配冲突的可能性的必要途径。然而,在最初的开始之后,民粹主义在结构上是不充分的,因为它的运作逻辑本身,无法形成以社会利益多元化为基础的阶级斗争,也无法抵御来自上层的主导经济力量的反动漂移和殖民化的风险。
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引用次数: 0
The truth in a bubble the end of ‘audience democracy’ and the rise of ‘bubble democracy’. 泡沫中的真相:“观众民主”的终结和“泡沫民主”的兴起。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.2.3
D. Palano
This article sustains that the so-called ‘post-truth’ phenomenon also depends on the characteristics of the new ‘hybrid’ communicative scenario. The thesis is that this new scenario is substantially different from that of the ‘party democracy’, protagonist of significant part of the twentieth century, and from that of the ‘audience democracy’, defined by Bernard Manin in the mid-nineties. The emergence of new media entails a series of consequences, including the fragmentation of the audience into a plurality of self-referential segments, politically polarized ‘bubbles’, devoid, at least potentially, of a common communicative sphere. Taking into account such developments, the article seeks to construct the ‘ideal type’ of a ‘bubble democracy’, marked by the mistrust of institutions, fragmentation of the audience, disintermediation, homophilic tendencies, and polarization.
本文认为,所谓的“后真相”现象还取决于新的“混合”交际情境的特征。本文的论点是,这种新的场景与“政党民主”(20世纪重要部分的主角)以及伯纳德·马宁(Bernard Manin)在90年代中期定义的“观众民主”(audience democracy)有着本质上的不同。新媒体的出现带来了一系列后果,包括受众分裂成多个自我参照的群体,政治上两极化的“泡沫”,至少潜在地缺乏一个共同的交流领域。考虑到这些发展,本文试图构建“泡沫民主”的“理想类型”,其特征是对制度的不信任、受众的分裂、非中介化、同性恋倾向和两极分化。
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引用次数: 1
Pecados mortales : populismo e instituciones en la tercera ola de disciplinamiento. 致命的罪恶:民粹主义和制度在第三波纪律。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.21
G. Cappelli
.
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引用次数: 0
Conciencia y lucha de clases entre Lukács y Žižek. Lukács和阶级斗争的认识和Žiž克朗。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.9
Giuseppe Cascione
Este artículo analiza el concepto de conciencia de clase de György Lukács a la luz de las reflexiones elaboradas por Slavoj Žižek sobre la lucha de clases. En contra de la opinión generalizada de que las sociedades occidentales han entrado en una era postpolítica, el objetivo de este artículo es poner de manifiesto que el conflicto entre trabajo y capital sigue siendo relevante para entender las dinámicas contemporáneas del capitalismo globalizado. Para ello, se argumenta que la lucha de clase es inherente al mundo capitalista moderno. El proceso de toma de conciencia de clase por parte del proletariado, elemento imprescindible de la lucha de clase, se ve sin embargo constantemente obstaculizado por las clases hegemónicas a través de la cortina de humo del populismo. Por último, la teoría de Žižek sobre el concepto de lucha de clases se contempla como un constructo potencialmente eficaz para la construcción de un nuevo sujeto revolucionario.
本文探讨阶级意识的概念György Lukács根据制定的思考SlavojŽiž克朗关于阶级斗争。在这篇文章中,我们分析了在全球化资本主义的背景下,劳动力和资本之间的冲突,以及在全球化资本主义的背景下,劳动力和资本之间的冲突,以及在全球化资本主义的背景下,劳动力和资本之间的冲突。为此,它认为阶级斗争是现代资本主义世界固有的。无产阶级的阶级意识是阶级斗争的重要组成部分,但却不断受到霸权阶级通过纳罗主义烟幕的阻碍。最后,Žiž克朗的理论关于阶级斗争概念规定有效constructo可能建造一个新的革命主体。
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引用次数: 0
Lucha de clase y lucha de pueblo. 阶级斗争和人民斗争。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.1
Geminello Preterossi
.
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Soft Power Revista EuroAmericana de Teoria e Historia de la Politica
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