Pub Date : 2023-12-11DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04902005
{"title":"Fields Award 2022","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04902005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04902005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"76 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138979488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-11DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04902003
Caroline Koncz
Until the sultanate’s fall from power in 1517, the Republic of Venice spent several lucrative centuries trading with the Mamluks of present-day Egypt and Syria. Even in their final years of partnership, Venice’s close contact with the Mamluks continued, as visually described in The Reception of the Venetian Ambassadors in Damascus (1511). In the composition, the anonymous Venetian painter depicts a diplomatic meeting of these two parties. This article proposes that the contested patron of the work, Pietro Zen, had a specific agenda in commissioning the painting. As the consul in the composition, Zen had the Reception created to erase his past errors as ambassador to Damascus. By repainting history, Zen hoped to restore his reputation as a skillful Venetian diplomat as well as render for posterity his family’s legacy of working in the Levant.
{"title":"Rehabilitating Reputation in Early Modern Venice: Pietro Zen as Repainter of History in Mamluk Damascus","authors":"Caroline Koncz","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04902003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04902003","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Until the sultanate’s fall from power in 1517, the Republic of Venice spent several lucrative centuries trading with the Mamluks of present-day Egypt and Syria. Even in their final years of partnership, Venice’s close contact with the Mamluks continued, as visually described in <em>The Reception of the Venetian Ambassadors in Damascus</em> (1511). In the composition, the anonymous Venetian painter depicts a diplomatic meeting of these two parties. This article proposes that the contested patron of the work, Pietro Zen, had a specific agenda in commissioning the painting. As the consul in the composition, Zen had the <em>Reception</em> created to erase his past errors as ambassador to Damascus. By repainting history, Zen hoped to restore his reputation as a skillful Venetian diplomat as well as render for posterity his family’s legacy of working in the Levant.</p>","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138632455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-11DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04902002
Carole Levin
Mary Countess of Shrewsbury is much less well-known than her mother, Bess of Hardwick, and her niece, Arbella Stuart, but she was also a woman of strong character. One of her most significant characteristics was her loyalty, both to her family, especially her husband Gilbert, her daughters, and her niece, and to the Catholic faith, to which she converted as an adult. Both the loyalty to family and to her faith caused great trouble to her, particularly in the reign of James I, where, on his orders, she spent many years in the Tower.
{"title":"The Steadfast Loyalty of Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, ‘the Only Contriver of Bedlam Opposition’: The SCRC Hunter Lecture, 2023","authors":"Carole Levin","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04902002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04902002","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Mary Countess of Shrewsbury is much less well-known than her mother, Bess of Hardwick, and her niece, Arbella Stuart, but she was also a woman of strong character. One of her most significant characteristics was her loyalty, both to her family, especially her husband Gilbert, her daughters, and her niece, and to the Catholic faith, to which she converted as an adult. Both the loyalty to family and to her faith caused great trouble to her, particularly in the reign of James <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">I</span>, where, on his orders, she spent many years in the Tower.</p>","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138632782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-11DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04902004
Andrew Fleck
{"title":"From the Editor—Call for Papers and Fiftieth Anniversary of Explorations","authors":"Andrew Fleck","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04902004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04902004","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"2 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138980782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-18DOI: 10.1163/23526963-00000001
Samantha Perez
Abstract With no clear textual or physical proof of an ancient Roman settlement, Siena faced considerable challenges to its assumed antiquity in the trecento and quattrocento. The damaging insistence by Giovanni Villani, Leonardo Bruni, and Flavio Biondo, among others, of Siena’s Gallic—and thus non-Roman—origins prompted the Sienese state to develop an elaborate civic program in defense of its antiquity and Roman-ness, or Romanitas . Building upon expanding literature of the republic’s endeavor to manufacture evidence of a Roman foundation, this paper examines the ways in which the general Sienese population engaged this state-endorsed effort to promote classical origins and participated in communal performances that popularized Siena’s Roman identity. Through the celebration of the she-wolf as a symbol of Siena, the continuation of key Roman practices, and spiritual devotion to patron saints selected from the early centuries of the church, the Sienese public proved critical to the success of the Renaissance city’s claim to antiquity.
{"title":"Popular Participation in Renaissance Siena’s Romanitas Program","authors":"Samantha Perez","doi":"10.1163/23526963-00000001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-00000001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With no clear textual or physical proof of an ancient Roman settlement, Siena faced considerable challenges to its assumed antiquity in the trecento and quattrocento. The damaging insistence by Giovanni Villani, Leonardo Bruni, and Flavio Biondo, among others, of Siena’s Gallic—and thus non-Roman—origins prompted the Sienese state to develop an elaborate civic program in defense of its antiquity and Roman-ness, or Romanitas . Building upon expanding literature of the republic’s endeavor to manufacture evidence of a Roman foundation, this paper examines the ways in which the general Sienese population engaged this state-endorsed effort to promote classical origins and participated in communal performances that popularized Siena’s Roman identity. Through the celebration of the she-wolf as a symbol of Siena, the continuation of key Roman practices, and spiritual devotion to patron saints selected from the early centuries of the church, the Sienese public proved critical to the success of the Renaissance city’s claim to antiquity.","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135207800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04901002
T. Borlik
This article investigates the disturbing accusation, first recorded in 1652, that Macbeth abducted and possibly raped a daughter of Banquo’s. Since Banquo himself was apparently fabricated by the Aberdonian chronicler Hector Boece in the 1520s to romanticize the Stuart dynasty’s origins, his daughter has no historical basis and tales of her grim fate likely represent a literary embellishment on the scene in which Malcolm reports Macbeth had confessed that kingship would awaken his insatiably lustful nature. These rumours, circulating at least by the early 1650s, would eventually culminate in an obscene prose romance entitled The Secret History of Mack-beth, first printed in 1708 shortly after the Acts of Union. Although the article entertains the tantalizing possibilities that Banquo’s daughter may have featured in the legendary uncut Macbeth, in deleted or censored additions to the play by Thomas Middleton (who created several female characters with the same name as Banquo’s daughter), or an unrealized adaptation planned by John Milton, the evidence proves too circumstantial. A safer assumption would be that the underground Macbeth was spawned by the radical press following Charles II’s coronation as King of Scotland at Scone in 1651. Nevertheless, this apocryphal legend illuminates some gaps in Shakespeare’s tragedy and affords an early example of how Shakespearean drama might be appropriated by an early modern forerunner of alt-media to feed a twisted sexual politics.
{"title":"Banquo’s Daughters and the Lost #MeToo Macbeth, and Early Modern Alt-Media","authors":"T. Borlik","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04901002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article investigates the disturbing accusation, first recorded in 1652, that Macbeth abducted and possibly raped a daughter of Banquo’s. Since Banquo himself was apparently fabricated by the Aberdonian chronicler Hector Boece in the 1520s to romanticize the Stuart dynasty’s origins, his daughter has no historical basis and tales of her grim fate likely represent a literary embellishment on the scene in which Malcolm reports Macbeth had confessed that kingship would awaken his insatiably lustful nature. These rumours, circulating at least by the early 1650s, would eventually culminate in an obscene prose romance entitled The Secret History of Mack-beth, first printed in 1708 shortly after the Acts of Union. Although the article entertains the tantalizing possibilities that Banquo’s daughter may have featured in the legendary uncut Macbeth, in deleted or censored additions to the play by Thomas Middleton (who created several female characters with the same name as Banquo’s daughter), or an unrealized adaptation planned by John Milton, the evidence proves too circumstantial. A safer assumption would be that the underground Macbeth was spawned by the radical press following Charles II’s coronation as King of Scotland at Scone in 1651. Nevertheless, this apocryphal legend illuminates some gaps in Shakespeare’s tragedy and affords an early example of how Shakespearean drama might be appropriated by an early modern forerunner of alt-media to feed a twisted sexual politics.","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44073315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04901001
William R. Levin
Scholarship on Saint Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan movement, established in the thirteenth century, surprisingly tends to ignore his response to a central message of the Church: that we must love and care for the needy among our human brethren. Jesus himself said so, nowhere more explicitly than in Matthew, chapter twenty-five. Yet Francis’s writings repeatedly manifest his familiarity with Matthew, including that chapter. Conditions in rapidly urbanizing parts of Europe during the late-medieval period such as Northern and Central Italy rendered Christ’s mandate to “love one another” especially pertinent. Charitable confraternities played a major role in mitigating human suffering during that transitional era, providing various types of assistance community-wide to disadvantaged neighbors. Archival documents confirm that such actions performed by members of the Misericordia Confraternity of Florence followed Christ’s declaration in Matthew 25 setting forth the Corporal Works of Mercy. Inscriptions and pictorial details in the Misericordia’s frescoed Allegory of Mercy of 1342 underscore this point. Other details within that painting signal a Franciscan influence upon, and presence within, the Misericordia Company, reflecting the existence of a robust Franciscan community in Florence comprising not only members of the First and Second Orders—the Friars Minor and Poor Clares, respectively—but also laypersons of the Third Order. Passages in the writings of Saint Francis and his early biographers indicate the importance that works of mercy had for the Poverello, the six named in Matthew and a seventh commonly added to that list. In particular, Francis’s experiences, pronouncements, and efforts in regard to the fourth and sixth works of mercy, clothing the naked and aiding prisoners, exemplify the charitable activities both encouraged by the saint and, almost certainly with his background, words, and deeds in mind, actually implemented by members of the Misericordia Confraternity, as articulated in their inspirational centerpiece, the Allegory of Mercy.
{"title":"Indications for a Franciscan Role in the Philanthropic Activities of the Early Florentine Misericordia","authors":"William R. Levin","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04901001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Scholarship on Saint Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan movement, established in the thirteenth century, surprisingly tends to ignore his response to a central message of the Church: that we must love and care for the needy among our human brethren. Jesus himself said so, nowhere more explicitly than in Matthew, chapter twenty-five. Yet Francis’s writings repeatedly manifest his familiarity with Matthew, including that chapter. Conditions in rapidly urbanizing parts of Europe during the late-medieval period such as Northern and Central Italy rendered Christ’s mandate to “love one another” especially pertinent. Charitable confraternities played a major role in mitigating human suffering during that transitional era, providing various types of assistance community-wide to disadvantaged neighbors. Archival documents confirm that such actions performed by members of the Misericordia Confraternity of Florence followed Christ’s declaration in Matthew 25 setting forth the Corporal Works of Mercy. Inscriptions and pictorial details in the Misericordia’s frescoed Allegory of Mercy of 1342 underscore this point. Other details within that painting signal a Franciscan influence upon, and presence within, the Misericordia Company, reflecting the existence of a robust Franciscan community in Florence comprising not only members of the First and Second Orders—the Friars Minor and Poor Clares, respectively—but also laypersons of the Third Order. Passages in the writings of Saint Francis and his early biographers indicate the importance that works of mercy had for the Poverello, the six named in Matthew and a seventh commonly added to that list. In particular, Francis’s experiences, pronouncements, and efforts in regard to the fourth and sixth works of mercy, clothing the naked and aiding prisoners, exemplify the charitable activities both encouraged by the saint and, almost certainly with his background, words, and deeds in mind, actually implemented by members of the Misericordia Confraternity, as articulated in their inspirational centerpiece, the Allegory of Mercy.","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41801420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04901003
J. Russell
Throughout his Faerie Queene, Edmund Spenser depicts himself as a “poet magus” who can peer behind the veil of Nature in order to discover a “secret teaching” of ethical and political virtue that he will impart to his readers. His readers are thus tasked with the chore of reforming the fallen world through the creation of an empire under Elizabeth. However, in “The Two Cantos of Mutabilitie,” Spenser seems to relinquish this vision. Indeed, Mutabilitie, on one level serves as a mirroring figure of Spenser’s own ambitions. Mutabilitie’s claims for the fragility and mutability of (temporal) existence are prefigured throughout The Faerie Queene, but in “The Two Cantos,” they take center stage. Spenser’s depiction of Nature’s triumph over Mutabilitie provides a lesson for Spenser himself, and he appears to reject his bombastic claims of knowledge as well as his projected imperial vision for a position of humble supplication before God, whose Providence is the ultimately the most powerful force in The Faerie Queene.
{"title":"Edmund Spenser’s Sense of an Ending","authors":"J. Russell","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04901003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Throughout his Faerie Queene, Edmund Spenser depicts himself as a “poet magus” who can peer behind the veil of Nature in order to discover a “secret teaching” of ethical and political virtue that he will impart to his readers. His readers are thus tasked with the chore of reforming the fallen world through the creation of an empire under Elizabeth. However, in “The Two Cantos of Mutabilitie,” Spenser seems to relinquish this vision. Indeed, Mutabilitie, on one level serves as a mirroring figure of Spenser’s own ambitions. Mutabilitie’s claims for the fragility and mutability of (temporal) existence are prefigured throughout The Faerie Queene, but in “The Two Cantos,” they take center stage. Spenser’s depiction of Nature’s triumph over Mutabilitie provides a lesson for Spenser himself, and he appears to reject his bombastic claims of knowledge as well as his projected imperial vision for a position of humble supplication before God, whose Providence is the ultimately the most powerful force in The Faerie Queene.","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46032476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-17DOI: 10.1163/23526963-04901004
N. Peterson
From the late Middle Ages into the Renaissance, a handful of narratives about sexual assault dominated Western Europe. In the seventeen novellas of Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron (1559) that feature assault or attempted assault, these different narratives coexist. To date, scholarship has not extensively explored the relationship between the novellas of the Heptaméron and the first two sets of engravings to accompany them—those of Dutch artist Romeyn de Hooghe, in 1698, and those of S. Freudenberger and A. Dunker, in 1780–1781. This article addresses that gap, and, by means of a comparative reading, considers different narratives about sexual assault in the novellas and frame of the Heptaméron alongside these first two sets of visual engravings. It argues that the engravings more closely follow other visual tropes of rape than they do the text. In so doing, these first images of the Heptaméron favor more canonical representations of sexual assault that either heroicize, eroticize, or blame the subject of rape. What is lost is the polyvalence of the text; in particular, moments that document the responses and reactions of the women in the novellas and the opinions they put forth in the frame.
从中世纪晚期到文艺复兴时期，少数关于性侵犯的叙述主宰了西欧。在玛格丽特·德·纳瓦雷(Marguerite de Navarre, 1559)的17篇中篇小说中，这些不同的叙事方式并存，这些中篇小说以攻击或企图攻击为特征。到目前为止，学术界还没有广泛地探讨赫普塔姆·海姆斯卡姆的中篇小说和与之配套的前两套版画之间的关系。这两套版画分别是1698年荷兰艺术家罗曼·德·胡格和1780-1781年s·弗罗伊登伯格和a·邓克的作品。这篇文章解决了这一差距，并通过比较阅读的方式，考虑了关于性侵犯的不同叙述，在中篇小说和七tamamacimron的框架中，以及这前两组视觉雕刻。它认为，与文字相比，版画更接近于其他强奸的视觉隐喻。在这样做的过程中，七tamacimron的这些最初的图像倾向于更规范的性侵犯表现，要么是英雄化，要么是色情化，要么是指责强奸的主体。丢失的是文本的多价性;特别是记录中篇小说中女性的回应和反应以及她们在框架中提出的观点的时刻。
{"title":"What Does Rape Look Like?","authors":"N. Peterson","doi":"10.1163/23526963-04901004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 From the late Middle Ages into the Renaissance, a handful of narratives about sexual assault dominated Western Europe. In the seventeen novellas of Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron (1559) that feature assault or attempted assault, these different narratives coexist. To date, scholarship has not extensively explored the relationship between the novellas of the Heptaméron and the first two sets of engravings to accompany them—those of Dutch artist Romeyn de Hooghe, in 1698, and those of S. Freudenberger and A. Dunker, in 1780–1781. This article addresses that gap, and, by means of a comparative reading, considers different narratives about sexual assault in the novellas and frame of the Heptaméron alongside these first two sets of visual engravings. It argues that the engravings more closely follow other visual tropes of rape than they do the text. In so doing, these first images of the Heptaméron favor more canonical representations of sexual assault that either heroicize, eroticize, or blame the subject of rape. What is lost is the polyvalence of the text; in particular, moments that document the responses and reactions of the women in the novellas and the opinions they put forth in the frame.","PeriodicalId":55910,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in Renaissance Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46774706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号