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Gravely Disabled: The Vestigial Prong of 5150 Designations. 严重残疾:5150个名称的退化部分。
Pub Date : 2021-01-01
Diane Y Byun

Effective July 1, 1972, California's Lanterman-Petris-Short Act (LPS Act) set the precedent for modern mental health commitment procedures in the U.S. named after its authors, State Assemblyman Frank Lanterman and State Senators Nicholas C. Petris and Alan Short, the LPS Act sought to "end the inappropriate, indefinite, and involuntary commitment of persons with mental health disorder"; to "provide prompt evaluation and treatment of persons with mental health disorders or impaired by chronic alcoholism"; and to "guarantee and protect public safety." Despite citing to these articles of intent, the LPS Act violates its own legislative intent through its inclusion of "gravely disabled" in its enforcement of involuntary psychiatric hold designations (also known as "5150 designations"). First, police officers are not required to make a medical diagnosis of a mental health disorder at the time of a 5150 designation; the broad scope of "gravely disabled" increases the number of persons police officers can involuntarily transport, increasing the likelihood of inappropriate and involuntary commitment of persons with mental health disorders. Second, the broad scope of "gravely disabled" produces an onslaught of 5150-designated persons (whether improperly designated or not) being sent to LPS-designated hospitals with limited resources (e.g., lack of beds and psychiatric staff); this results in patients waiting for an inordinate amount of time for a psychiatric evaluation and/or a hospital bed. Third, it is unclear whether the LPS Act sought to provide protection for the mentally ill or to provide protection from the mentally ill in its guarantee of protecting "public safety"; the inclusion of "gravely disabled" in 5150 designations indicates that the LPS Act provided the public with a duplicitous means of removing the mentally ill, impoverished, and houseless from the streets under the guise of "public safety." This Paper suggests the following to help remedy the effects of implementing the broadly defined "gravely disabled" in 5150 designations: (1) Remove "gravely disabled" from the 5150 criteria; (2) integrate the community with mental health advocacy efforts by creating outreach and education programs; and (3) implement a client-centric approach to interacting with persons with mental health disorders through restorative policing and the establishment of a restorative court.

1972年7月1日生效,加州的《兰特曼-彼得里斯-肖特法案》(LPS法案)在美国开创了现代精神健康承诺程序的先例,以其起草人弗兰克·兰特曼、州议员尼古拉斯·c·彼得里斯和州参议员艾伦·肖特的名字命名,LPS法案旨在“结束对精神健康障碍患者的不适当、无限期和非自愿承诺”;"对患有精神健康障碍或因慢性酒精中毒而受损的人提供及时的评估和治疗";以及“保障和保护公共安全”。尽管引用了这些意向性条款,但LPS法案违反了它自己的立法意图,因为它在强制执行非自愿精神病学拘留指定(也称为“5150指定”)时包含了“严重残疾”。首先,警察在被指定为5150人时,不需要作出精神健康障碍的医疗诊断;"严重残疾"的广泛范围增加了警察可以非自愿运送的人数,增加了精神病患者不适当和非自愿收容的可能性。第二,"严重残疾"的范围很广,造成5150名被指定的人(无论是否被不当指定)被送往资源有限(例如缺乏床位和精神科工作人员)的lps指定医院;这导致患者等待精神病评估和/或医院床位的时间过长。第三,不清楚LPS法案在保护“公共安全”的保障中是寻求为精神病患者提供保护,还是提供对精神病患者的保护;在5150个指定中包含“严重残疾”表明,LPS法案为公众提供了一种双重手段,即在“公共安全”的幌子下,将精神疾病患者、贫困人口和无家可归者赶出街头。本文提出以下建议,以帮助纠正在5150指定中实施广义“严重残疾”的影响:(1)从5150标准中删除“严重残疾”;(2)通过建立外展和教育项目,将社区与精神卫生宣传工作结合起来;(3)实施以客户为中心的方法,通过恢复性警务和建立恢复性法院与精神健康障碍患者互动。
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引用次数: 0
"Defunding" the Criminality of Mental Illness by Funding Specialized Police Training: How Additional Training and Resources for Dealing with Mental Health will be Beneficial for All Sides. 通过资助专门警察培训来“消除”精神疾病犯罪:如何为处理精神健康提供额外培训和资源将有利于各方。
Pub Date : 2021-01-01
Margaret Ahern

The momentous public outcry for police reform is the result of police encounters ending fatally, which is notably sixteen times more likely for individuals suffering from mental illness in the United States. These horrific incidents highlight the systemic failings of traditional police departments training and its failure to provide officers with the necessary skills to de-escalate crisis situations involving the vastly overrepresented mentally ill population involved in the United States justice system. This article demonstrates that effective police training involving crisis intervention and de-escalation techniques equip police officers with knowledge and skills that enable them to contrive more positive outcomes for all involved. With a particular focus on Ohio, this article highlights the significant discrepancy between ideal police training and current Ohio requirements, which glaringly fail to require continual police officer training. The article ultimately proposes that the Ohio legislature pass a bill that both requires police officers to complete increased training programs in de-escalation and crisis intervention while providing departments with the necessary funding to make implementation possible. By implementing the proffered recommendations, the State of Ohio has the opportunity to contrive more positive police encounters with mentally ill individuals and the wider community.

公众对警察改革的强烈抗议是警察遭遇致命事件的结果,在美国,精神疾病患者发生致命事件的可能性要高出16倍。这些可怕的事件凸显了传统警察部门培训的系统性缺陷,以及未能向警官提供必要的技能,以缓解涉及美国司法系统中人数过多的精神病患者的危机情况。本文表明,有效的警察培训包括危机干预和降级技术,使警察具备知识和技能,使他们能够为所有参与者创造更积极的结果。本文特别关注俄亥俄州,强调了理想的警察培训与当前俄亥俄州要求之间的显著差异,后者明显不要求持续的警察培训。文章最后建议俄亥俄州立法机构通过一项法案,要求警察完成更多的降级和危机干预培训项目,同时为各部门提供必要的资金,使实施成为可能。通过实施所提供的建议,俄亥俄州有机会使警察与精神病患者和更广泛的社区进行更积极的接触。
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引用次数: 0
A History of United States Cannabis Law. 美国大麻法的历史。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
David V Patton

Perhaps the best way to understand early-Twenty-First Century state and federal cannabis law in the United States is to examine the relevant history. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.'s statement is apropos: "[A] page of history is worth a volume of logic." This article begins by discussing the early history of cannabis and its uses. Next, the article examines the first state and federal marijuana laws. After a brief comparison of alcohol prohibition to cannabis prohibition, this article addresses cannabis laws from the 1920s to the early 1950s. Then, the article takes up the reorganization of the federal drug regulatory bureaucracy since its inception. Addressing the current era of cannabis laws and regulations, this article recounts how marijuana became a Schedule I drug. The discussion then turns to changing social attitudes towards cannabis as reflected in presidential politics and popular culture. Starting with the late-1990s, this article describes the development of state and federal cannabis laws and policies up to the present day.

也许了解21世纪早期美国各州和联邦大麻法的最好方法是研究相关的历史。大法官奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯(Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.)的说法是恰当的:“一页历史抵得上一卷逻辑。”本文首先讨论大麻的早期历史及其用途。接下来,本文考察了第一个州和联邦大麻法律。在对禁酒令和大麻禁酒令进行简要比较之后,本文讨论了从20世纪20年代到50年代初的大麻法律。然后,本文讨论了联邦药品监管机构自成立以来的重组。针对当前大麻法律法规的时代,本文叙述了大麻是如何成为附表1药物的。然后讨论转向改变社会对大麻的态度,这反映在总统政治和流行文化中。从20世纪90年代末开始,本文描述了到目前为止州和联邦大麻法律和政策的发展。
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引用次数: 0
International Law and the Legalization of Abortion in Northern Ireland. 国际法与北爱尔兰堕胎合法化。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Emily Uterhark

On July 24, 2019, the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed an act that included an amendment requiring Northern Ireland to implement recommendations from the Committee on the Elimination on Discrimination Against Women. The amendment required Northern Ireland to repeal the 1861 abortion act and requires the decriminalization of abortion. The law went into effect on October 22, 2019, since the Northern Ireland power-sharing government (Stormont) did not reconvene before October 21, 2019. Since the law did go into effect, it gave women the right to obtain abortions under the CEDAW recommendations; however, when the Northern Irish government (Stormont) reconvenes, it can recriminalize abortion. They made this attempt when Stormont under DUP leadership reconvened briefly on January 11, 2020 before the official Brexit the next day. This Note argues that abortion should be legal in Northern Ireland regardless of whether the new legislation from British Parliament ever went into effect or gets overturned by the Stormont legislature because of several treaties and domestic decisions from the Supreme Court in Belfast and the new regulations made in accordance with the amendment need to meet the standards of the CEDAW recommendations.

2019年7月24日,英国议会通过一项法案,其中包括一项修正案,要求北爱尔兰落实消除对妇女歧视委员会的建议。该修正案要求北爱尔兰废除1861年的堕胎法,并要求将堕胎合法化。该法于2019年10月22日生效,因为北爱尔兰权力分享政府(斯托蒙特)在2019年10月21日之前没有重新召开会议。由于该法律确实生效,它赋予妇女根据消除对妇女歧视委员会的建议进行堕胎的权利;然而,当北爱尔兰政府(斯托蒙特)重新召开会议时,它可以将堕胎重新定为犯罪。2020年1月11日,在民主统一党领导下的斯托蒙特在第二天正式脱欧之前短暂召开会议时,他们做出了这一尝试。本说明认为,无论英国议会的新立法是否生效或被斯托蒙特立法机构推翻,堕胎在北爱尔兰都应该是合法的,因为贝尔法斯特最高法院的几项条约和国内决定以及根据修正案制定的新条例需要符合消除对妇女歧视委员会建议的标准。
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引用次数: 0
The Public Health Demand for Revoking Non-Medical Exemptions to Compulsory Vaccination Statutes. 撤销强制疫苗接种法规的非医疗豁免的公共卫生要求。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Emma Tomsick

In 2019, the United States saw the single largest outbreak of measles in recent history. The measles crisis has prompted state legislative bodies to face a seemingly impossible dilemma: eliminate both religious and philosophical exemptions to mandatory school vaccination statutes or sit by idly and allow measles to continue to run its course. As of June 2019, five states have neither religious nor philosophical exemptions to their mandatory vaccination statutes. This Note argues that states should remove all religious and philosophical exemptions to compulsory vaccination statutes. The 2019 measles outbreak demonstrates that the anti-vaccination movement poses a legitimate risk to the health of the masses, especially to the most vulnerable members of our communities. If individuals continue to opt out of compulsory vaccination requirements, diseases that were eradicated decades ago will undoubtably return to the absolute detriment of those unable to protect themselves.

2019年,美国爆发了近代史上规模最大的一次麻疹疫情。麻疹危机促使州立法机构面临一个看似不可能的困境:要么取消对强制性学校疫苗接种法规的宗教和哲学豁免,要么袖手旁观,让麻疹继续肆虐。截至2019年6月,五个州的强制性疫苗接种法规既没有宗教豁免,也没有哲学豁免。本说明认为,各州应取消对强制性疫苗接种法规的所有宗教和哲学豁免。2019年的麻疹疫情表明,反疫苗接种运动对大众健康构成了合理的风险,尤其是对我们社区中最脆弱的成员。如果个人继续选择不接受强制性疫苗接种要求,那么几十年前被根除的疾病无疑将再次对那些无法保护自己的人造成绝对损害。
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引用次数: 0
Hacking HIPAA: "Best Practices" for Avoiding Oversight in the Sale of Your Identifiable Medical Information. 入侵HIPAA:避免在销售您的可识别医疗信息时受到监督的“最佳实践”。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Riyad A Omar

In light of the confusion invited by applying the label "de-identified" to information that can be used to identify patients, it is paramount that regulators, compliance professionals, patient advocates and the general public understand the significant differences between the standards applied by HIPAA and those applied by permissive "de-identification guidelines." This Article discusses those differences in detail. The discussion proceeds in four Parts. Part II (HIPAA's Heartbeat: Why HIPAA Protects Identifiable Patient Information) examines Congress's motivations for defining individually identifiable health information broadly, which included to stop the harms patients endured prior to 1996 arising from the commercial sale of their medical records. Part III (Taking the "I" Out of Identifiable Information: HIPAA's Requirements for De-Identified Health Information) discusses HIPAA's requirements for de-identification that were never intended to create a loophole for identifiable patient information to escape HIPAA's protections. Part IV (Anatomy of a Hack: Methods for Labeling Identifiable information "De-Identified") examines the goals, methods, and results of permissive "de-identification guidelines" and compares them to HIPAA's requirements. Part V (Protecting Un-Protected Health Information) evaluates the suitability of permissive "de-identification guidelines," concluding that the vulnerabilities inherent in their current articulation render them ineffective as a data protection standard. It also discusses ways in which compliance professionals, regulators, and advocates can foster accountability and transparency in the utilization of health information that can be used to identify patients.

鉴于将“去识别”标签应用于可用于识别患者的信息所引起的混乱,监管机构、合规专业人员、患者倡导者和公众理解HIPAA应用的标准与宽松的“去识别指南”应用的标准之间的重大差异是至关重要的。本文将详细讨论这些差异。本文的讨论分为四个部分。第二部分(HIPAA的心跳:为什么HIPAA保护可识别的患者信息)审查了国会广泛定义个人可识别的健康信息的动机,其中包括阻止1996年之前因其医疗记录的商业销售而遭受的伤害。第三部分(从可识别信息中去掉“I”:HIPAA对去识别健康信息的要求)讨论了HIPAA对去识别的要求,这些要求从未打算为可识别的患者信息创造漏洞,以逃避HIPAA的保护。第四部分(黑客剖析:标记可识别信息“去识别”的方法)检查了允许的“去识别指南”的目标、方法和结果,并将它们与HIPAA的要求进行了比较。第五部分(保护未受保护的健康信息)评估了许可性"去识别准则"的适用性,得出结论认为,其当前表述中固有的漏洞使其作为数据保护标准无效。它还讨论了合规专业人员、监管机构和倡导者如何在使用可用于识别患者的健康信息方面促进问责制和透明度。
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引用次数: 0
Homeless and Helpless: How the United States has Failed Those With Severe and Persistent Mental Illness. 无家可归和无助:美国如何让那些患有严重和持续性精神疾病的人失败。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Ashley Gorfido

The United States has failed its citizens who suffer from severe and persistent mental illness (SPMI). Homelessness is one of the most obvious manifestations of this failure. The combination of a lack of effective treatment, inadequate entitlement programs such as Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI), and subpar housing options form systemic barriers that prevent people suffering from mental illness from being able to obtain adequate housing. Cultural beliefs within the United States regarding who is homeless and what homelessness means also play a significant role in the development of positively impactful social welfare programs. Part II of this Note reviews the history of treatment for persons with SPMI--specifically how that treatment has evolved, the history of federal policies regarding SSI, SSDI and housing, and societal beliefs regarding homelessness and mental illness that have impacted policymaking decisions. Part III looks at these same areas from a current perspective and addresses the current issues and some possible solutions. Part IV discusses how lack of effective treatment, poor disability programs, and the need for better housing options work together to form systemic barriers for people with SPMI. Part IV also address how the cultural beliefs in the United States regarding people who have SPMI and are homeless serve as an independent barrier to policy change. Ultimately, this Note argues that homelessness is a product of system failures rather than individual factors.

美国辜负了患有严重和持续性精神疾病(SPMI)的公民。无家可归就是这种失败最明显的表现之一。缺乏有效的治疗,不充分的福利项目,如社会保障残疾保险(SSDI),以及低于标准的住房选择,形成了系统性障碍,使患有精神疾病的人无法获得适当的住房。在美国,关于谁是无家可归者以及无家可归意味着什么的文化信仰也在积极影响社会福利计划的发展中发挥着重要作用。本报告的第二部分回顾了SPMI患者的治疗历史——特别是治疗是如何演变的,关于SSI、SSDI和住房的联邦政策的历史,以及关于无家可归和精神疾病的社会观念,这些观念影响了政策的制定。第三部分从当前的角度审视这些领域,并解决当前的问题和一些可能的解决方案。第四部分讨论了缺乏有效的治疗、糟糕的残疾项目和更好的住房选择的需要如何共同形成SPMI患者的系统性障碍。第四部分还讨论了美国对患有SPMI和无家可归者的文化信仰如何成为政策变化的独立障碍。最后,本文认为,无家可归是制度失灵的产物,而不是个人因素。
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引用次数: 0
A New Age of Evolution: Protecting the Consumer's Moral and Legal Right to Know through the Clear and Transparent Labeling of All Genetically Modified Foods. 进化的新时代:通过清晰透明的转基因食品标签保护消费者的道德和法律知情权。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01
Halie M Evans

The United States government, until recently, did not require the labeling of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). On July 29, 2016, President Barack Obama signed into law the National Bioengineered Food Disclosure Standard (NBFDS). This law directs the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) to create regulations that require manufacturers to disclose certain bioengineered products on food labels. On December 20, 2018, the USDA released the final regulations for the NBFDS, which requires food manufactures, importers, and certain retailers to ensure bioengineered foods are appropriately disclosed. The final regulations include provisions that will leave the majority of GMO derived foods unlabeled. The final regulations also restrict approximately 100 million Americans from accessing GMO information by allowing QR codes to replace clear and transparent labeling, an issue that will be discussed in further detail later in this Note. This Note explores why you, as a consumer, may want to know whether your food contains GM products, and furthermore, why you as a consumer have a moral and legal right to know.

直到最近,美国政府才要求对转基因生物(GMOs)进行标识。2016年7月29日,奥巴马总统签署了《国家生物工程食品披露标准》(NBFDS)。该法律指示美国农业部(USDA)制定法规,要求制造商在食品标签上披露某些生物工程产品。2018年12月20日,美国农业部发布了NBFDS的最终规定,要求食品制造商、进口商和某些零售商确保适当披露生物工程食品。最终的法规包括一些条款,这些条款将使大多数转基因食品没有标签。最终法规还通过允许QR码取代清晰透明的标签来限制大约1亿美国人获取转基因生物信息,这一问题将在本文后面进一步详细讨论。本说明探讨了为什么作为消费者,你可能想知道你的食品是否含有转基因产品,此外,为什么作为消费者,你有道德和法律权利知道。
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引用次数: 0
The Bell Has Rung: Answering the Door for Student-Athlete Concussion Issues in the National Collegiate Athletic Association. 铃响了:回答全国大学体育协会学生运动员脑震荡问题的大门。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01
Aaron Caputo

This Note examines the NCAA's unwillingness to enforce the requirement that all NCAA institutions must implement a concussion management plan; the NCAA's refusal to apply its appropriate enforcement mechanism when member institutions violate their concussion management plans, which are instituted in order to protect student-athletes from concussions; how both of these failures result in more concussions and a higher probability of debilitating long-term effects; and solutions to remedy this grave injustice. Part II describes what a concussion is, the long-term effects of concussions, the NCAA's management of concussions, and lawsuits challenging the NCAA in relation to concussions. Part III analyzes the inefficiencies of the NCAA in its management of concussions, the previous and current lawsuits' failure to stimulate change within the NCAA, and the proposed solutions that will help create a safe environment for student-athletes.

这篇文章探讨了NCAA不愿意强制执行所有NCAA机构必须实施脑震荡管理计划的要求;当成员机构违反其脑震荡管理计划时,NCAA拒绝应用其适当的执行机制,该计划是为了保护学生运动员免受脑震荡;这两种失败如何导致更多的脑震荡和更大的长期衰弱影响的可能性;以及解决这一严重不公的办法。第二部分描述了脑震荡是什么,脑震荡的长期影响,NCAA对脑震荡的管理,以及与脑震荡有关的NCAA的诉讼。第三部分分析了NCAA在脑震荡管理方面的效率低下,以前和现在的诉讼未能刺激NCAA内部的变革,以及提出的解决方案,这将有助于为学生运动员创造一个安全的环境。
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引用次数: 0
Solving the Opioid Epidemic in Ohio. 解决俄亥俄州的阿片类药物泛滥问题。
Pub Date : 2019-01-01
Lacy Leduc

On May 31, 2017, Ohio Attorney General Mike DeWine took a step in fighting Ohio's opioid epidemic, bringing the first of many lawsuits against five top pharmaceutical companies. However, under Federal and State law, there is an exception called the Learned Intermediary Doctrine, which can absolve drug manufacturers of liability from any misconduct that might be found and transfer that liability to a treating physician. This exception is the way many drug manufacturers were able to avoid being held responsible in the past. This Note proposes that with the current pending lawsuit in the State of Ohio, an exception to the Learned Intermediary Doctrine should be introduced. This Note begins with a discussion of opioids and how these drugs have become such an aggressive problem in a very short amount of time in Ohio. Part II talks about the role the government can play and the drug manufacturers have played and continue to play in the availability of opioids. It discusses the effect these pharmaceutical companies have had on this problem and in increasing this problem. Part II also discusses why this is a problem and why this problem matters. Further, it talks about the steps that have already been taken by the Ohio Legislature to combat the opioid problems. Finally, it delves into a discussion of what this current lawsuit means for fighting and decreasing the opioid problem and how it will directly affect the heroin epidemic in Ohio.

2017年5月31日,俄亥俄州总检察长迈克·德万(Mike DeWine)在打击俄亥俄州阿片类药物泛滥方面迈出了一步,他对五家顶级制药公司提起了多起诉讼中的第一起。然而,根据联邦和州法律,有一个例外,称为“学习中介原则”,它可以免除药品制造商可能发现的任何不当行为的责任,并将责任转移给治疗医生。这种例外是过去许多药品制造商能够避免被追究责任的方式。本说明建议,鉴于目前俄亥俄州的未决诉讼,应引入学习中介原则的例外。本说明首先讨论阿片类药物,以及这些药物如何在俄亥俄州很短的时间内成为如此严重的问题。第二部分讨论了政府可以发挥的作用以及药物制造商在阿片类药物的可获得性方面已经并将继续发挥的作用。它讨论了这些制药公司对这一问题的影响,并加剧了这一问题。第二部分还讨论了为什么这是一个问题以及为什么这个问题很重要。此外,它还谈到了俄亥俄州立法机构已经采取的打击阿片类药物问题的步骤。最后,它深入讨论了当前的诉讼对打击和减少阿片类药物问题意味着什么,以及它将如何直接影响俄亥俄州的海洛因流行。
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引用次数: 0
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