Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2274864
Michaël Tatham
This farewell note reflects on a decade of editorship for Regional & Federal Studies (RFS). It draws on this experience to highlight some areas of change and continuity in the journal’s life, the publishing industry, and the profession at large. Over this time interval (2012-2023), the journal has gone through changes in personnel and editorial strategies. Meanwhile, both academia in general and academic journals in particular have undergone processes of professionalization and digitalization, with knock-on effects on how they function. Publishing models are changing, but also publishing patterns in terms of author characteristics (gender, geographical origin, career stage). To some extent, academic journals are a microcosm of the profession and of certain societal trends. In the midst of this, Editors continue their work, both adapting to these evolutions and seeking to steer them in a meaningful way.
{"title":"Farewell note: a decade as RFS Editor","authors":"Michaël Tatham","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2274864","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2274864","url":null,"abstract":"This farewell note reflects on a decade of editorship for Regional & Federal Studies (RFS). It draws on this experience to highlight some areas of change and continuity in the journal’s life, the publishing industry, and the profession at large. Over this time interval (2012-2023), the journal has gone through changes in personnel and editorial strategies. Meanwhile, both academia in general and academic journals in particular have undergone processes of professionalization and digitalization, with knock-on effects on how they function. Publishing models are changing, but also publishing patterns in terms of author characteristics (gender, geographical origin, career stage). To some extent, academic journals are a microcosm of the profession and of certain societal trends. In the midst of this, Editors continue their work, both adapting to these evolutions and seeking to steer them in a meaningful way.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"29 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135933919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2274861
Paolo Dardanelli, John Kincaid, Katharine Adeney, Lorena Moscovich, Juan Cruz Olmeda, Rogerio Schlegel, Rotimi Suberu, Filippo Boni, Santiago Lacroix Eussler
What is the impact of democracy/authoritarianism regime change on de/centralization in federations? Based on the annual coding of three politico-institutional aspects, 22 policy fields, and five fiscal categories, this article maps de/centralization in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria and Pakistan from the establishment of their respective federal orders to 2020. It shows that de/centralization varies greatly across its different dimensions as well as between systems, with centralization being the dominant long-term trend but with significant exceptions, notably Pakistan. Regime change plays a major role in de/centralization but not always in line with the usual expectation that authoritarian regimes centralize and democratic ones decentralize. Other factors that cut across the authoritarianism/democracy divide, notably ideological orientations, have substantial impacts on de/centralization. By investigating long-run patterns of de/centralization in federations that have experienced democracy/authoritarianism regime change, the article sheds light on how federalism operates beyond consolidated democracies.
{"title":"Authoritarianism, democracy and de/Centralization in federations: what connections?","authors":"Paolo Dardanelli, John Kincaid, Katharine Adeney, Lorena Moscovich, Juan Cruz Olmeda, Rogerio Schlegel, Rotimi Suberu, Filippo Boni, Santiago Lacroix Eussler","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2274861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2274861","url":null,"abstract":"What is the impact of democracy/authoritarianism regime change on de/centralization in federations? Based on the annual coding of three politico-institutional aspects, 22 policy fields, and five fiscal categories, this article maps de/centralization in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Nigeria and Pakistan from the establishment of their respective federal orders to 2020. It shows that de/centralization varies greatly across its different dimensions as well as between systems, with centralization being the dominant long-term trend but with significant exceptions, notably Pakistan. Regime change plays a major role in de/centralization but not always in line with the usual expectation that authoritarian regimes centralize and democratic ones decentralize. Other factors that cut across the authoritarianism/democracy divide, notably ideological orientations, have substantial impacts on de/centralization. By investigating long-run patterns of de/centralization in federations that have experienced democracy/authoritarianism regime change, the article sheds light on how federalism operates beyond consolidated democracies.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136381168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2271413
Chin-Huat Wong
ABSTRACTThis election article explains Malaysia’s winding democratization trajectory from one-coalition predominance (1957–1990) to aggregated bipartism (1990–2015, with intermissions) to fluid multipartism (particularly in the aftermath of 2020 to the present day), with the help of multilevel party system framework. The findings demonstrate that state-level dynamics can facilitate or impede the formation and sustenance of aggregated bipartism, known as the Two-Coalition System, in Malaysia. I identify the state-level factors that affect the emergence of, and disruptions to, aggregated bipartism in 1990-2015, and analyse the outcome of 16 state elections held between May 2018 and March 2022 amidst Malaysia’s transition from aggregated bipartism.KEYWORDS: Malaysiamultilevel party systemaggregated bipartismstate electionsethnic politicsparty reduction Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For simplicity and consistency, election years are used to demarcate phases or periods, except for the starting of fluid multipartism in 2015.2 The unsustainability of this brief revival of BN’s hegemony is explained in Wong (Citation2018).3 The details of parties and coalitions mentioned in this article are provided in Appendix 1 in the online depository.4 An extended bibliography on Malaysian party politics is provided in Appendix 2 in the online depository.5 The current names of MCA and other parties are used here for ease of reference.6 Some may argue that bipartism emerged only in 1999 when the major opposition parties formally formed one coalition, BA, or only existed between 2008 and 2015 when PR competed rigorously against BN as a unified bloc controlling at least three states. However, as explained later, the formations and disintegrations of GR-APU, BA and PR were too similar for the quarter century (1990–2015) to not be seen as a party system distinctive from the periods before and after, notwithstanding the two intermissions in 1995–1999 and 2004–2008 which saw a brief revival of one-coalition predominance.7 GRS eventually evolved to exclude BN and national parties except Bersatu’s Sabah chapter.
{"title":"Transitioning from aggregated bipartism: state elections in Malaysia, May 2018–March 2022","authors":"Chin-Huat Wong","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2271413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2271413","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis election article explains Malaysia’s winding democratization trajectory from one-coalition predominance (1957–1990) to aggregated bipartism (1990–2015, with intermissions) to fluid multipartism (particularly in the aftermath of 2020 to the present day), with the help of multilevel party system framework. The findings demonstrate that state-level dynamics can facilitate or impede the formation and sustenance of aggregated bipartism, known as the Two-Coalition System, in Malaysia. I identify the state-level factors that affect the emergence of, and disruptions to, aggregated bipartism in 1990-2015, and analyse the outcome of 16 state elections held between May 2018 and March 2022 amidst Malaysia’s transition from aggregated bipartism.KEYWORDS: Malaysiamultilevel party systemaggregated bipartismstate electionsethnic politicsparty reduction Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For simplicity and consistency, election years are used to demarcate phases or periods, except for the starting of fluid multipartism in 2015.2 The unsustainability of this brief revival of BN’s hegemony is explained in Wong (Citation2018).3 The details of parties and coalitions mentioned in this article are provided in Appendix 1 in the online depository.4 An extended bibliography on Malaysian party politics is provided in Appendix 2 in the online depository.5 The current names of MCA and other parties are used here for ease of reference.6 Some may argue that bipartism emerged only in 1999 when the major opposition parties formally formed one coalition, BA, or only existed between 2008 and 2015 when PR competed rigorously against BN as a unified bloc controlling at least three states. However, as explained later, the formations and disintegrations of GR-APU, BA and PR were too similar for the quarter century (1990–2015) to not be seen as a party system distinctive from the periods before and after, notwithstanding the two intermissions in 1995–1999 and 2004–2008 which saw a brief revival of one-coalition predominance.7 GRS eventually evolved to exclude BN and national parties except Bersatu’s Sabah chapter.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"23 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135273218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2272129
Alberto González Fernández
{"title":"The state <b>The state</b> , by Philip Pettit, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2023, 360 pp., £35 (hardcover), ISBN 9780691182209","authors":"Alberto González Fernández","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2272129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2272129","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2268532
Martin Gross, Jochen Müller, Christian Stecker, Marc Debus
ABSTRACTState elections in Germany’s multi-level polity have important implications for politics at both the regional and the federal level: state governments’ composition makes a difference for both policy outputs and the federal government’s political leeway. We provide novel insights into long-term trends in state elections, including aspects of voting behavior, party systems, and government formations, covering elections between 1946 and 2023. We argue that the commonly held belief that state parties try to avoid coalitions bridging the government-opposition divide at the federal level is dependent on the level of legislative party system fragmentation. Furthermore, we argue that fragmentation influences the formation likelihood of ‘grand coalitions’ between CDU/CSU and SPD. Using conditional logit models, we find empirical support for our theoretical arguments. We contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities of Germany’s multi-level polity and emphasize the need to consider evolving voting behavior and party competition patterns in coalition analyses.KEYWORDS: Regional electionsgovernment formationGermanycongruence Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Scholars used the German case to study party systems and their changes (e.g. Wagner Citation2023), voting behavior (e.g. Müller Citation2018), parties’ policy positions and issue emphasis (e.g. Bräuninger et al. Citation2020; Gross, Krauss, and Praprotnik Citation2023), government formation and coalition politics (e.g. Debus Citation2008; Gross and Krauss Citation2021), and the policy-effects of different political constellations (e.g. Jeffery et al. Citation2014).2 Federal- and state-level electoral institutions are quite similar across states regarding their mixed electoral systems, electoral thresholds, and electoral terms. Since these aspects are covered extensively by Müller (Citation2018) and because none of the respective factors have been changed in the last years, we do not explain them in great detail here.3 The smoothing line represents a curve generated using a local regression technique known as loess, implemented in ggplot’s geom_smooth-function in R.4 The NPD narrowly did not make it into the Bundestag in 1969, was voted out of the state parliaments and it only had a short-lived revival 35 years later.5 Besides the SED, the ‘block parties’ consisted of the East German CDU, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPD), the National Democratic Party of Germany (NDPD) and the Democratic Farmers’ Party of Germany (DBD).6 Except from the CSU the PDS has been regarded as the most successful regionalist party between 1990 and 2005 (Hepburn and Hough Citation2012).7 This period is also marked by the lowest electoral volatility scores (see Figure 1).8 Yet, a pure policy-seeking perspective finds little surprise in this government as all three parties have been ideologically closer to each other compared to all other (majority) coali
摘要德国多层次政体中的州选举对地区和联邦层面的政治都有重要的影响:州政府的组成对政策产出和联邦政府的政治回旋余地都有影响。我们对州选举的长期趋势提供了新颖的见解，包括投票行为、政党制度和政府组成等方面，涵盖1946年至2023年之间的选举。我们认为，人们普遍认为，各州政党试图避免联盟弥合联邦一级的政府-反对派分歧，这取决于立法政党制度分裂的程度。此外，我们认为分裂影响了基民盟/基社盟和社民党之间形成“大联盟”的可能性。使用条件logit模型，我们为我们的理论论点找到了实证支持。我们有助于更深入地理解德国多层次政治的复杂性，并强调在联盟分析中考虑不断演变的投票行为和政党竞争模式的必要性。关键词:地区选举;政府组建;一致性披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。注1学者使用德国案例研究政党制度及其变化(如Wagner Citation2023)、投票行为(如m<e:1>勒Citation2018)、政党的政策立场和问题重点(如Bräuninger等)。Citation2020;Gross, Krauss, and Praprotnik Citation2023)，政府组建和联合政治(如Debus Citation2008;Gross and Krauss citation(2021))，以及不同政治星座的政策效应(如Jeffery等)。Citation2014)。2联邦和州一级的选举机构在各州的混合选举制度、选举门槛和选举期限方面非常相似。由于m<e:1>勒(Citation2018)对这些方面进行了广泛的介绍，并且由于在过去几年中各自的因素都没有改变，因此我们在这里不详细解释它们这条平滑线代表了一条曲线，该曲线是由一种名为黄土的局部回归技术生成的，该技术在ggplot的geom_smooth函数中实现。1969年，新民主党以微弱优势未能进入联邦议院，在州议会中被投票淘汰，35年后才短暂复苏5 .除了德国战略经济联盟之外，“街区党”还包括东德的基民盟、自由民主党(LDPD)、德国国家民主党(NDPD)和德国民主农民党(DBD)除了基社盟，民主党被认为是1990年至2005年间最成功的地方主义政党(Hepburn and Hough citation, 2012)这一时期的选举波动性得分也最低(见图1)然而，从纯粹的政策寻求角度来看，本届政府并不令人惊讶，因为与所有其他(多数)联盟选项相比，这三个政党在意识形态上彼此更接近(Bräuninger等)。Citation2020)。9总理Reiner Haseloff(基民盟)一直担心议会中的一些基民盟成员(MPs)宁愿投票给AfD议员，而不是联合伙伴如果我们参考当事人的原始数量而不是当事人的有效数量，我们会发现类似的效果，而其他联系在经验模型中基本上保持不变并非所有在州议会中有代表的政党都包括在原始数据中。因此，我们使用其他政党的立场作为近似值:基民盟的立场用于近似值基社盟、基民盟、自由选民党和国家党的立场;社民党的立场被用作不莱梅和不来梅港自治委员会的代理。联盟90(绿党的立场)、BDV(自由民主党的立场)和DDU(德民党的立场)也采用了类似的方法。对于几个右翼政党(德国民主党、德国民主党、德国国家民主党、共和党、席尔党和社会主义帝国党)，我们使用的立场与德国新选择党相同如果一个潜在的联盟包括德国新选择党、德国民主党、德国民主党、德国国家民主党、共和党、席尔党或社会主义帝国党，我们将“贱民党”的值设置为“1”。13由于第一届联邦政府是在1949年成立的，因此在1949年之前的州政府中，可变的跨部门政府的值为0。剔除1949年以前的州政府并不会改变模型的实质性结果1.14。注意，两极分化主要影响国家和次国家一级政府组建的持续时间(Bäck, Debus和Imre Citation2022;Ecker & Meyer Citation2020;高德Citation2010)。 分析州一级(议会)政党制度的极化程度是否对影响德国各州政府组建模式的因素具有中介作用，需要一个不同的理论框架，因此是未来研究的任务(例如，参见Indridason Citation2011)。本研究由我校优秀博士后资助基金资助。
{"title":"Navigating complexity: exploring the changing dynamics of coalition avoidance in Germany, 1946–2023","authors":"Martin Gross, Jochen Müller, Christian Stecker, Marc Debus","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2268532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2268532","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTState elections in Germany’s multi-level polity have important implications for politics at both the regional and the federal level: state governments’ composition makes a difference for both policy outputs and the federal government’s political leeway. We provide novel insights into long-term trends in state elections, including aspects of voting behavior, party systems, and government formations, covering elections between 1946 and 2023. We argue that the commonly held belief that state parties try to avoid coalitions bridging the government-opposition divide at the federal level is dependent on the level of legislative party system fragmentation. Furthermore, we argue that fragmentation influences the formation likelihood of ‘grand coalitions’ between CDU/CSU and SPD. Using conditional logit models, we find empirical support for our theoretical arguments. We contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities of Germany’s multi-level polity and emphasize the need to consider evolving voting behavior and party competition patterns in coalition analyses.KEYWORDS: Regional electionsgovernment formationGermanycongruence Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Scholars used the German case to study party systems and their changes (e.g. Wagner Citation2023), voting behavior (e.g. Müller Citation2018), parties’ policy positions and issue emphasis (e.g. Bräuninger et al. Citation2020; Gross, Krauss, and Praprotnik Citation2023), government formation and coalition politics (e.g. Debus Citation2008; Gross and Krauss Citation2021), and the policy-effects of different political constellations (e.g. Jeffery et al. Citation2014).2 Federal- and state-level electoral institutions are quite similar across states regarding their mixed electoral systems, electoral thresholds, and electoral terms. Since these aspects are covered extensively by Müller (Citation2018) and because none of the respective factors have been changed in the last years, we do not explain them in great detail here.3 The smoothing line represents a curve generated using a local regression technique known as loess, implemented in ggplot’s geom_smooth-function in R.4 The NPD narrowly did not make it into the Bundestag in 1969, was voted out of the state parliaments and it only had a short-lived revival 35 years later.5 Besides the SED, the ‘block parties’ consisted of the East German CDU, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDPD), the National Democratic Party of Germany (NDPD) and the Democratic Farmers’ Party of Germany (DBD).6 Except from the CSU the PDS has been regarded as the most successful regionalist party between 1990 and 2005 (Hepburn and Hough Citation2012).7 This period is also marked by the lowest electoral volatility scores (see Figure 1).8 Yet, a pure policy-seeking perspective finds little surprise in this government as all three parties have been ideologically closer to each other compared to all other (majority) coali","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135617820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2267990
Andreas Ladner, Nicolas Keuffer, Alexander Bastianen
This paper presents an extension and update of the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) under the name LAI 2.0. It applies the comprehensive methodology of the LAI 1.0 to 57 countries over 30 years (1990–2020), including almost all EU, CoE and OECD member states. Looking at the overall results, over thirty years, the LAI has increased around 7–8%, albeit less important in the most recent period of 2015–2020. The biggest increase is to be found in the Central and Eastern European countries. Conversely, some countries (e.g. Hungary and Belarus) have seen a decrease in local autonomy. The highest ranking countries include the Nordic countries and Switzerland, whereas South-Eastern European countries generally score the lowest. We view the LAI as a springboard to academics and policymakers for a more comprehensive and empirically based understanding of local autonomy over time.
{"title":"Local autonomy around the world: the updated and extended Local Autonomy Index (LAI 2.0)","authors":"Andreas Ladner, Nicolas Keuffer, Alexander Bastianen","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2267990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2267990","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents an extension and update of the Local Autonomy Index (LAI) under the name LAI 2.0. It applies the comprehensive methodology of the LAI 1.0 to 57 countries over 30 years (1990–2020), including almost all EU, CoE and OECD member states. Looking at the overall results, over thirty years, the LAI has increased around 7–8%, albeit less important in the most recent period of 2015–2020. The biggest increase is to be found in the Central and Eastern European countries. Conversely, some countries (e.g. Hungary and Belarus) have seen a decrease in local autonomy. The highest ranking countries include the Nordic countries and Switzerland, whereas South-Eastern European countries generally score the lowest. We view the LAI as a springboard to academics and policymakers for a more comprehensive and empirically based understanding of local autonomy over time.","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135995316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-17DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2269859
Elena Semenova, Keith Dowding
ABSTRACTWe introduce the special issue and provide an extensive review of the career patterns of politicians in twenty-seven multi-level countries worldwide, the largest number ever analyzed. Based on the wider evidence we provide a new synthesis and explanation of those patterns. While supporting previous claims on some of those factors our analysis shows that political, party, and electoral system features provide the strongest explanations for divergence in the development of career movement patterns in multi-level systems worldwide. We also introduce a set of novel factors, most notably, the existence of a dominant party, power-sharing agreements, and asymmetrical federal design. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our research and identify new avenues of research on political careers and comparative federalism.KEYWORDS: Political careerspolitical elitesfederalismmultilevel governanceambitionmultilevel countries AcknowledgementsThe data collection was partly conducted within The Australia–Germany Joint Research Cooperation Scheme project ‘Political careers in federal countries: methodological and theoretical challenges’, which was financially supported by the German Academic Exchange Service and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (PIs: Elena Semenova and Keith Dowding; project number: 57217420) and the Universities Australia.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 However, while true of some countries (such as Argentina), it is not so in the Mexican case (Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000; Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006).2 Other researchers also use this typology (e.g., Botella et al. Citation2010; Stolz Citation2015; Grimaldi and Vercesi Citation2018).3 In this review, we do not cover careers in the European Union, focusing rather on careers in individual countries.4 For countries of South Asia and Southeast Asia, the influence of British parliamentarism led to the establishment of a specific type of a political system (Eastminster parliamentarism), which differs from the British Westminster system (for a post-colonial perspective on Eastminster systems, see Kumarasingham Citation2016).5 This decision, among others, was a catalyst for the Tigray War (see Gemechu Citation2023).6 Of course, in addition to legally binding power-sharing agreements, political families come to informal agreements about contesting political offices at various territorial levels. More than 60 percent of Pakistani federal politicians belong to a political family – that is, have relatives with experience in the federal and/or provincial legislature (Mufti and Mohsin Ali Citationthis issue). Political families also install their relatives at the local level, helping to control financial resources distributed for constituency-level work: e.g., in Venezuela (Morgan Citation2018) and the United Arab Emirates (Yaghi and Antwi-Boateng Citation2015).Additional informationFund
摘要本文介绍了专刊，对全球27个多层次国家的政治家职业模式进行了广泛的回顾，这是迄今为止分析数量最多的国家。基于更广泛的证据，我们对这些模式提供了一个新的综合和解释。虽然我们的分析支持了先前关于这些因素的一些主张，但我们的分析表明，政治、政党和选举制度的特征为全球多层次系统中职业运动模式发展的差异提供了最有力的解释。我们还引入了一系列新的因素，最值得注意的是，一个主导政党的存在、权力分享协议和不对称的联邦设计。我们讨论了我们研究的理论和实践意义，并确定了政治生涯和比较联邦制研究的新途径。数据收集部分是在澳大利亚-德国联合研究合作计划项目“联邦国家的政治生涯:方法论和理论挑战”中进行的，该项目由德国学术交流中心和德国联邦教育和研究部提供资金支持(PIs: Elena Semenova和Keith Dowding;项目编号:57217420)和澳大利亚大学。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1然而，尽管某些国家(如阿根廷)是如此，但墨西哥的情况并非如此(Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000;Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006)。2其他研究人员也使用这种类型(例如，博特拉等人)。Citation2010;Stolz Citation2015;2 . Grimaldi and Vercesi citation (2018)在本次审查中，我们不涉及欧盟的职业，而是侧重于单个国家的职业对于南亚和东南亚国家来说，英国议会制的影响导致了一种特定类型的政治制度(Eastminster parliamentary arism)的建立，这种政治制度不同于英国的威斯敏斯特制度(关于Eastminster制度的后殖民视角，参见Kumarasingham Citation2016)这一决定，除其他外，是提格雷战争的催化剂(见Gemechu Citation2023)当然，除了具有法律约束力的权力分享协议外，政治家族还会就争夺不同地区的政治职位达成非正式协议。超过60%的巴基斯坦联邦政治家属于一个政治家族——也就是说，他们的亲戚在联邦和/或省立法机构有经验(穆夫提和莫赫辛·阿里引证本问题)。政治家族还在地方一级安插其亲属，帮助控制分配给选区一级工作的财政资源:例如在委内瑞拉(Morgan Citation2018)和阿拉伯联合酋长国(Yaghi and anttwi - boateng Citation2015)。本研究得到了德国联邦政府建设和研究基金会的支持[资助号57217420];德国科学学会:[资助号57217420];澳大利亚大学[资助号57217420]。
{"title":"Patterns of political career movements in multi-level systems: a cross-national comparison of twenty-seven countries","authors":"Elena Semenova, Keith Dowding","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2269859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2269859","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWe introduce the special issue and provide an extensive review of the career patterns of politicians in twenty-seven multi-level countries worldwide, the largest number ever analyzed. Based on the wider evidence we provide a new synthesis and explanation of those patterns. While supporting previous claims on some of those factors our analysis shows that political, party, and electoral system features provide the strongest explanations for divergence in the development of career movement patterns in multi-level systems worldwide. We also introduce a set of novel factors, most notably, the existence of a dominant party, power-sharing agreements, and asymmetrical federal design. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our research and identify new avenues of research on political careers and comparative federalism.KEYWORDS: Political careerspolitical elitesfederalismmultilevel governanceambitionmultilevel countries AcknowledgementsThe data collection was partly conducted within The Australia–Germany Joint Research Cooperation Scheme project ‘Political careers in federal countries: methodological and theoretical challenges’, which was financially supported by the German Academic Exchange Service and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (PIs: Elena Semenova and Keith Dowding; project number: 57217420) and the Universities Australia.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 However, while true of some countries (such as Argentina), it is not so in the Mexican case (Jones, Sanguinetti, and Tommasi Citation2000; Diaz-Cayeros Citation2006).2 Other researchers also use this typology (e.g., Botella et al. Citation2010; Stolz Citation2015; Grimaldi and Vercesi Citation2018).3 In this review, we do not cover careers in the European Union, focusing rather on careers in individual countries.4 For countries of South Asia and Southeast Asia, the influence of British parliamentarism led to the establishment of a specific type of a political system (Eastminster parliamentarism), which differs from the British Westminster system (for a post-colonial perspective on Eastminster systems, see Kumarasingham Citation2016).5 This decision, among others, was a catalyst for the Tigray War (see Gemechu Citation2023).6 Of course, in addition to legally binding power-sharing agreements, political families come to informal agreements about contesting political offices at various territorial levels. More than 60 percent of Pakistani federal politicians belong to a political family – that is, have relatives with experience in the federal and/or provincial legislature (Mufti and Mohsin Ali Citationthis issue). Political families also install their relatives at the local level, helping to control financial resources distributed for constituency-level work: e.g., in Venezuela (Morgan Citation2018) and the United Arab Emirates (Yaghi and Antwi-Boateng Citation2015).Additional informationFund","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135994893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-13DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2268524
Matteo Boldrini, Selena Grimaldi
Models of political representation and selection in the Italian regions have undergone major changes since the mid-1990s, due to the new framework of opportunities based on a presidential form of government and a new party system. We aim to understand the extent to which certain socio-economic characteristics and political profiles influence the stability of the tenure of Regional Ministers (RMs), using an original dataset of 1121 RMs in ordinary statute regions. Our results show that political affiliation and regional political experience are crucial for holding office and even certain socio-economic features such as gender and age. Indeed, centrist politicians are less likely to remain in office than those who belong to other parties. Furthermore, they are more likely to stay in office longer if they have a high level of regional experience.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2023.2263834
Joan Enguer, Rosa M. Navarrete
ABSTRACTClimate policy is mostly ruled by national governments, which in multi-level systems creates tensions with sub-national tiers. Recent research has suggested that political parties’ climate policy preferences and their stances on decentralisation are associated as pro-peripheral parties tend to assume the role of climate pioneers not solely due to environmental concerns, but also as a means to challenge the central authority of the state. In this research, we analyse whether the salience of climate change in the manifestos of parties competing in the 2017 and 2021 Catalan regional elections varies between them and if these differences are associated with the aforementioned cleavage. Our empirical findings reveal that the prominence given to climate change in the manifestos of the parties studied tends to be higher the more pro-periphery the positions of parties are, and the more salient decentralisation and independence.KEYWORDS: Climate policysubnational electionscentre–peripherygreen nationalismregional parties AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank Professor Dr. Jale Tosun for her helpful comments and recommendations to previous versions of this article. Likewise, we appreciate the feedback received from the members of the research team ‘DeepDCarb’ (https://www.deepdcarb.org) as well as from various participants at the Council for European Studies’ Twenty-Eighth International Conference of Europeanists. Finally, we would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation to the editor, Christina Zuber, for her diligent work in reviewing our manuscript and her constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The coding of the manifestos was carried out by the first author, followed by an intra-coder reliability check to ensure consistency in the coding process. In a subsequent step, the quasi-sentences within the manifestos written in Spanish Castilian were independently coded by the second author to assess inter-coder reliability. It is worth noting that any misclassifications primarily affected sub-categories and did not significantly impact the overall outcome.2 ‘Pro environment’, ‘pro-climate policy’, ‘pro lower carbon energy’, ‘pro lower carbon transport’, ‘pro carbon sinks’, ‘planning’, ‘agriculture and food’, ‘waste’, and ‘anti-growth’.3 ’Pro roads’, ‘pro aviation and shipping’, ‘pro fossil fuel’, ‘anti-environment’, ‘anti climate’, ‘anti-nuclear’, ‘pro-growth’, ‘anti-taxes’, ‘pro tourism’, and ‘pro global free trade’.4 Original text: ‘Des de les mateixes institucions catalanes caldrà garantir que els projectes de reconstrucció derivats de la pandèmia estiguin alineats amb els objectius socials, econòmics, i climàtics que contempla el European Green Deal, i que una part d’ells siguin directament impulsats pel món local’.5 Original text: ‘Hem de ser capaços, a través del nou planejament d’ordenació territorial, d’identificar a escala territorial els principals riscos climàtics
joan Enguer感谢ERC对DeepDCarb项目的财政支持[授权号882601]。欲了解更多详细信息，请参阅DeepDCarb网站(https://www.deepdcarb.org)。
{"title":"Protecting the climate to challenge the centre? Secessionism and climate policy preferences in Catalonia","authors":"Joan Enguer, Rosa M. Navarrete","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2023.2263834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2023.2263834","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTClimate policy is mostly ruled by national governments, which in multi-level systems creates tensions with sub-national tiers. Recent research has suggested that political parties’ climate policy preferences and their stances on decentralisation are associated as pro-peripheral parties tend to assume the role of climate pioneers not solely due to environmental concerns, but also as a means to challenge the central authority of the state. In this research, we analyse whether the salience of climate change in the manifestos of parties competing in the 2017 and 2021 Catalan regional elections varies between them and if these differences are associated with the aforementioned cleavage. Our empirical findings reveal that the prominence given to climate change in the manifestos of the parties studied tends to be higher the more pro-periphery the positions of parties are, and the more salient decentralisation and independence.KEYWORDS: Climate policysubnational electionscentre–peripherygreen nationalismregional parties AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank Professor Dr. Jale Tosun for her helpful comments and recommendations to previous versions of this article. Likewise, we appreciate the feedback received from the members of the research team ‘DeepDCarb’ (https://www.deepdcarb.org) as well as from various participants at the Council for European Studies’ Twenty-Eighth International Conference of Europeanists. Finally, we would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation to the editor, Christina Zuber, for her diligent work in reviewing our manuscript and her constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The coding of the manifestos was carried out by the first author, followed by an intra-coder reliability check to ensure consistency in the coding process. In a subsequent step, the quasi-sentences within the manifestos written in Spanish Castilian were independently coded by the second author to assess inter-coder reliability. It is worth noting that any misclassifications primarily affected sub-categories and did not significantly impact the overall outcome.2 ‘Pro environment’, ‘pro-climate policy’, ‘pro lower carbon energy’, ‘pro lower carbon transport’, ‘pro carbon sinks’, ‘planning’, ‘agriculture and food’, ‘waste’, and ‘anti-growth’.3 ’Pro roads’, ‘pro aviation and shipping’, ‘pro fossil fuel’, ‘anti-environment’, ‘anti climate’, ‘anti-nuclear’, ‘pro-growth’, ‘anti-taxes’, ‘pro tourism’, and ‘pro global free trade’.4 Original text: ‘Des de les mateixes institucions catalanes caldrà garantir que els projectes de reconstrucció derivats de la pandèmia estiguin alineats amb els objectius socials, econòmics, i climàtics que contempla el European Green Deal, i que una part d’ells siguin directament impulsats pel món local’.5 Original text: ‘Hem de ser capaços, a través del nou planejament d’ordenació territorial, d’identificar a escala territorial els principals riscos climàtics ","PeriodicalId":74654,"journal":{"name":"Regional & federal studies","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135425341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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