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Peace Clubs in Nigerian Schools: Impact and Policy Implications 尼日利亚学校的和平俱乐部:影响和政策含义
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.06
O. Irene
ABSTRACT:This briefing paper reports the impact of peace club infrastructure in the eight schools where such peace infrastructures were established in Nigeria. The study adopts an action research design and thematic approach in data analysis. The pre- and post-training test results and the focus group discussions point to a very positive outcome for the peace clubs. The study contributes to improving participants’ knowledge in anger management and conflict resolution and builds participants’ skills in anger management and in resolving their own conflicts amicably. It promotes a positive attitudinal change of participants and ensures a peaceful learning environment, which in turn enhances students’ academic performance in schools. It provides a forum where students and even teachers express themselves on peace and conflict issues. It recommends peace clubs to school administrators, community managers, and policymakers as a viable policy option for sustainable peace in schools.
ABSTRACT:This briefing paper reports the impact of peace club infrastructure in the eight schools where such peace infrastructures were established in Nigeria.研究采用了行动研究设计和专题数据分析方法。培训前后的测试结果和焦点小组讨论表明,和平俱乐部取得了非常积极的成果。这项研究有助于提高参与者在愤怒管理和解决冲突方面的知识,培养参与者在愤怒管理和友好解决自身冲突方面的技能。它促进了参与者态度的积极转变,确保了和平的学习环境,进而提高了学生在学校的学习成绩。它为学生甚至教师提供了一个就和平与冲突问题发表意见的论坛。本报告向学校管理者、社区管理者和政策制定者推荐和平俱乐部,将其作为实现学校可持续和平的可行政策选择。
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引用次数: 0
Communal Violence in Nigeria, 2014–21: Mapping, Modeling, and Trends 2014-21 年尼日利亚的族群暴力:绘图、建模和趋势
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.01
O. Adigun
ABSTRACT:This study dissects the patterns and trends of communal violence in Nigeria with the need to watch out for emerging predictors. Using variables like ethno-religious polarization, lootable resources, and climate vulnerability, the article dissects their impacts on the trends of communal violence in Nigeria. Based on data from the Nigerian Security Tracker, Nigeria Watch, and the Federal Ministry of Environment (2014 to 2021), this study uses cluster analyses of the conflicts using maps and tables to analyze the patterns and new dimensions of conflicts. The study found evidence that ethno-religious polarization is a predictor of trends of communal violence in Nigeria. The weakest predictor of communal violence, according to the model, is climate vulnerability in Nigeria.
ABSTRACT:This study dissects the patterns and trends of communal violence in Nigeria with the need to watch out of emerging predictors.文章利用民族宗教两极分化、可掠夺资源和气候脆弱性等变量,剖析了它们对尼日利亚社区暴力趋势的影响。根据尼日利亚安全追踪、尼日利亚观察和联邦环境部提供的数据(2014 年至 2021 年),本研究使用地图和表格对冲突进行聚类分析,以分析冲突的模式和新层面。研究发现,有证据表明,民族宗教两极分化是尼日利亚社区暴力趋势的预测因素。根据模型,对族群暴力最弱的预测因素是尼日利亚的气候脆弱性。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Foreign Intervention in Prolonging the Libyan Conflict in the Post-Gaddafi Period 外国干预在延长后卡扎菲时期利比亚冲突中的作用
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.04
Abdulrauf El-Geroshi
ABSTRACT: This briefing evaluates the role of international intervention in prolonging the Libyan conflict, from financial, logistical, and military support. The briefing concludes that foreign interference interest was not necessarily the direct reason for protracting the Libyan conflict but played an essential role in strengthening the presence of the parties in the field. The regional countries showed different interests related to the Libyan conflict, including the interests of Egypt and the UAE, which harmonized with the eastern side led by Haftar’s forces ideologically in their hostility to political Islam. Conversely, the interests of Qatar and Turkey with the western side and political Islam contributed to supporting this party. Accordingly, the international intervention did not take a unified position, whether supporting conflict or peace. This led to the dispersion of international support between the conflicting parties, creating an imbalance of power to settle the conflict militarily. Moreover, some foreign parties tried to spoil the peace by biasing mediations such as the Skhirat Agreement and broadcasting their goals through internal spoilers, such as Haftar when he started the Tripoli war.
摘要:本简报从财政、后勤和军事支持等方面评估了国际干预在延长利比亚冲突中所起的作用。简报认为,外国干涉利益不一定是利比亚冲突旷日持久的直接原因,但在加强各方在当地的存在方面发挥了重要作用。地区国家在利比亚冲突中表现出不同的利益诉求,包括埃及和阿联酋的利益诉求,它们在意识形态上与哈夫塔尔领导的东线部队保持一致,敌视政治伊斯兰教。相反,卡塔尔和土耳其与西方势力和政治伊斯兰的利益关系则有助于支持该党。因此,无论是支持冲突还是支持和平,国际干预都没有采取统一的立场。这导致国际支持在冲突各方之间分散,造成军事解决冲突的力量失衡。此外,一些外国方面试图破坏和平,对《斯基拉特协定》等调解产生偏见,并通过内部破坏者(如发动的黎波里战争时的哈夫塔尔)散布其目标。
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引用次数: 0
Criminal Enterprise: Explaining the Emergence of Bandit Gangs in Nigeria 犯罪企业:解释尼日利亚匪帮的出现
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.05
Promise Frank Ejiofor
ABSTRACT:Since 2011, criminal activities of armed bandits in Northwest Nigeria have skyrocketed with enormous impact on lives and livelihoods. In the first seven months of 2019, the Nigerian government recorded over 330 attacks from armed bandits that resulted in the death of about 1,460 civilians. This briefing paper—which draws on relative deprivation theory— provides an account of the increasing cases of rampant banditry in the region, focusing on the motives and drives of armed bandits in the Northwest geopolitical zone in Nigeria. The account suggests a way forward to help resolve the disconcerting increase in conflict that has the potential to destabilize not only Nigeria but also the Sahel region.
ABSTRACT:2011 年以来,尼日利亚西北部的武装匪徒犯罪活动激增,对生命和生计造成了巨大影响。在 2019 年的前七个月中,尼日利亚政府记录了 330 多起武装匪徒袭击事件,造成约 1,460 名平民死亡。本简报借鉴相对剥夺理论,介绍了该地区日益猖獗的土匪活动,重点关注尼日利亚西北地缘政治区武装土匪的动机和驱动力。该论述为帮助解决令人不安的冲突增加问题提出了一个前进方向,这种冲突不仅有可能破坏尼日利亚的稳定,还有可能破坏萨赫勒地区的稳定。
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引用次数: 0
Forgive and for—What? How Sierra Leone Has Tried to Ignore Eleven Years of Traumatic Experience 塞拉利昂如何无视十一年的创伤经历?
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.08
Joseph Kaifala
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引用次数: 0
African Spirituality and the Gukurahundi Mass Grave Exhumations in Zimbabwe 非洲灵性与津巴布韦古库拉胡迪乱埋乱葬坑事件
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.07
J. Kufandirori, Tawanda Ray Bvirindi
ABSTRACT:The mass killings in the southern part of Zimbabwe from 1983 to 1987, which are commonly known as the Gukurahundi massacres, raise a number of issues, including the need to exhume bodies of those killed in order to bury them in a proper way. This article contributes to the debates on exhumations of mass graves in an African context by examining the connection between avenging spirits and transitional justice through a detailed discussion of Bantu cosmology. The article argues that though the exhumation of the graves of those killed during the Gukurahundi massacres is resisted by those in power, exhumations are pertinent and in line with the Bantu traditions of properly re-burying the dead. Doing so fills a need to appease avenging spirits in order to achieve proper transitional justice and closure.
摘要:1983 年至 1987 年在津巴布韦南部发生的大规模屠杀事件(通常被称为 "古库拉洪迪屠杀")引发了一系列问题,其中包括需要挖掘被害者的尸体,以便以适当的方式埋葬。本文通过对班图宇宙论的详细讨论,研究了复仇之灵与过渡时期司法之间的联系,为非洲背景下挖掘万人坑问题的讨论做出了贡献。文章认为,尽管当权者抵制挖掘在古库拉洪迪大屠杀中遇害者的坟墓,但挖掘坟墓是有意义的,而且符合班图人妥善安葬死者的传统。这样做是为了满足安抚复仇之魂的需要,以实现适当的过渡时期司法和结束。
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引用次数: 0
Migratory Pastoralism, Herders-Farmers Conflicts, and the Ruga Settlement Policy in North Central Nigeria 尼日利亚中北部的迁徙放牧、牧民与农民冲突以及鲁加定居政策
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.02
John Sunday Ojo
ABSTRACT:North Central Nigeria has experienced a series of deadly conflicts between Fulani herders and farmers. Contestation over ecological space and natural resources, prompted by climate- induced drought, has promoted a migratory form of pastoralism. The influx of Fulani herders in the region has triggered deadly eco-related conflicts between the host communities and the Fulani herders. Consequently, the RUGA settlement policy was unilaterally introduced to prevent migratory pastoralism, including, among others, to provide an immobile or stationary system of pastoralism in the host communities. This paper explains why and how host communities opposed the RUGA settlement policy in North Central Nigeria. As a significant contribution to the literature, its findings align with some theories that inform the possibility of host communities’ resistance to top-down government policies, some of which are highlighted as implementation barriers to the RUGA settlement scheme. The paper acknowledges the relevance of participatory, inclusive, and consensus-based conflict resolution strategies, particularly at local community levels.
摘要:尼日利亚中北部经历了一系列富拉尼牧民与农民之间的致命冲突。气候干旱引发的对生态空间和自然资源的争夺促进了迁徙形式的畜牧业。富拉尼牧民大量涌入该地区,引发了当地社区与富拉尼牧民之间与生态有关的致命冲突。因此,RUGA 定居政策被单方面引入,以防止迁徙性畜牧业,其中包括在东道社区提供一种固定或固定的畜牧业体系。本文解释了尼日利亚中北部收容社区反对 RUGA 定居政策的原因和方式。作为对文献的重要贡献,本文的研究结果与一些理论相吻合,这些理论说明了东道社区抵制自上而下的政府政策的可能性,其中一些政策被强调为 RUGA 定居计划的实施障碍。本文承认参与性、包容性和基于共识的冲突解决策略的相关性,特别是在地方社区层面。
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引用次数: 0
A Comprehensive Path to Peace in Sudan 苏丹全面和平之路
Pub Date : 2022-10-22 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.4257358
Andrea de Guttry, Melvis Ndiloseh, Alessandro Mario Amoroso
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引用次数: 0
Transitional Justice Provisions in the Juba Peace Agreement: A Critical and Prospective Overview 《朱巴和平协定》中的过渡时期司法规定:批判性和前瞻性概述
Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.04
Melvis Ndiloseh
ABSTRACT:Justice was one of the three pillars that formed the slogan—“Freedom, Peace, Justice”—of the 2019 Sudanese revolution that ushered in the current transition process. It is central to peacebuilding. The Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) affirms that “accountability, reconciliation, and justice are critical for ensuring durable peace and security in Sudan.” This is further expounded in the National Agreement and the Darfur, Eastern, and Two Areas tracks of the JPA. However, skepticism about its ambition and implementation is as strong as its prospects for peace and reconciliation. Previous peace agreements, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005), the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006), and the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (2011), had engaged with justice issues without success, as evidenced by conflict intractability and abuse. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, this article critically analyzes the human rights and justice provisions of the JPA, their implementation mechanisms, and policy pathways for their effectiveness. It argues that although the JPA casts an ambitiously comprehensive and innovative vision of transformative justice, the attendant implementation mechanisms invoke a more retributive outlook that is likely to jeopardize the peace process.
摘要:正义是构成2019年苏丹革命口号“自由、和平、正义”的三大支柱之一,这场革命开启了当前的过渡进程。它是建设和平的核心。《朱巴和平协定》(JPA)确认“问责制、和解和正义对于确保苏丹的持久和平与安全至关重要。”这在《全国协议》和《JPA》的达尔富尔、东部和两个地区轨道中得到了进一步阐述。然而,人们对其雄心和执行情况的怀疑和其和平与和解的前景一样强烈。以前的和平协定,包括《全面和平协定》(2005年)、《达尔富尔和平协定》(2006年)和《多哈达尔富尔和平文件》(2011年),都涉及司法问题,但没有取得成功,冲突的棘手性和滥用行为就是明证。本文从第一手资料和第二手资料中,批判性地分析了JPA的人权和司法规定、它们的实现机制以及其有效性的政策途径。它认为,尽管JPA对变革正义提出了一个雄心勃勃的全面和创新的愿景,但随之而来的实施机制引发了一种更有可能危及和平进程的报复性观点。
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引用次数: 0
The Juba Peace Agreement and the Protection of Displaced Persons: Between Regional Migratory Routes and IDP Camps 《朱巴和平协定》与保护流离失所者:在区域移徙路线和国内流离失所者营地之间
Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.07
Walters Samah
ABSTRACT:A major strength of the historic Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) lies in its specific provisions relating to the displacement crisis in Sudan, particularly its commitment to tackling both its root causes and consequences. Nevertheless, even before the JPA was signed, there were questions from various stakeholders, including displaced persons, protesting their exclusion from the negotiations. This article examines the peace deal’s provisions relating to displaced persons, looking at the prospects, expected outcomes, gaps and challenges, and focusing on Darfur, a region with a long history of conflict-induced displacement. Examining the JPA within the framework of the new wars and new humanitarianism, it argues that for the agreement to achieve its stated goals, the issue of displacement must remain front and center throughout the implementation phase. Notably, the comprehensive character of the JPA, coupled with the multifaceted and “glocalized” nature of the crisis in Sudan, presents an ideal context for the Sudanese state and its international partners to work collaboratively to operationalize the much-vaunted security-humanitarian-development nexus approach, through which the plight of displaced persons can be effectively addressed.
摘要:具有历史意义的《朱巴和平协定》(JPA)的一个主要优势在于其对苏丹流离失所危机的具体规定,特别是其对解决其根源和后果的承诺。然而,甚至在JPA签署之前,包括流离失所者在内的各种利益攸关方提出了问题,抗议他们被排除在谈判之外。本文考察了和平协议中有关流离失所者的条款,展望了前景、预期结果、差距和挑战,并将重点放在达尔富尔这个长期因冲突而流离失所的地区。在新战争和新人道主义的框架内审查JPA,它认为,为了实现协议的既定目标,流离失所问题必须在整个实施阶段保持前沿和中心地位。值得注意的是,JPA的全面性,加上苏丹危机的多面性和“全球本地化”的性质,为苏丹政府及其国际伙伴提供了一个理想的环境,可以共同努力,实施备受吹嘘的安全-人道主义-发展联系方法,通过这种方法,流离失所者的困境可以得到有效解决。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review
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