Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.06
O. Irene
ABSTRACT:This briefing paper reports the impact of peace club infrastructure in the eight schools where such peace infrastructures were established in Nigeria. The study adopts an action research design and thematic approach in data analysis. The pre- and post-training test results and the focus group discussions point to a very positive outcome for the peace clubs. The study contributes to improving participants’ knowledge in anger management and conflict resolution and builds participants’ skills in anger management and in resolving their own conflicts amicably. It promotes a positive attitudinal change of participants and ensures a peaceful learning environment, which in turn enhances students’ academic performance in schools. It provides a forum where students and even teachers express themselves on peace and conflict issues. It recommends peace clubs to school administrators, community managers, and policymakers as a viable policy option for sustainable peace in schools.
ABSTRACT:This briefing paper reports the impact of peace club infrastructure in the eight schools where such peace infrastructures were established in Nigeria.研究采用了行动研究设计和专题数据分析方法。培训前后的测试结果和焦点小组讨论表明,和平俱乐部取得了非常积极的成果。这项研究有助于提高参与者在愤怒管理和解决冲突方面的知识,培养参与者在愤怒管理和友好解决自身冲突方面的技能。它促进了参与者态度的积极转变,确保了和平的学习环境,进而提高了学生在学校的学习成绩。它为学生甚至教师提供了一个就和平与冲突问题发表意见的论坛。本报告向学校管理者、社区管理者和政策制定者推荐和平俱乐部,将其作为实现学校可持续和平的可行政策选择。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.01
O. Adigun
ABSTRACT:This study dissects the patterns and trends of communal violence in Nigeria with the need to watch out for emerging predictors. Using variables like ethno-religious polarization, lootable resources, and climate vulnerability, the article dissects their impacts on the trends of communal violence in Nigeria. Based on data from the Nigerian Security Tracker, Nigeria Watch, and the Federal Ministry of Environment (2014 to 2021), this study uses cluster analyses of the conflicts using maps and tables to analyze the patterns and new dimensions of conflicts. The study found evidence that ethno-religious polarization is a predictor of trends of communal violence in Nigeria. The weakest predictor of communal violence, according to the model, is climate vulnerability in Nigeria.
ABSTRACT:This study dissects the patterns and trends of communal violence in Nigeria with the need to watch out of emerging predictors.文章利用民族宗教两极分化、可掠夺资源和气候脆弱性等变量,剖析了它们对尼日利亚社区暴力趋势的影响。根据尼日利亚安全追踪、尼日利亚观察和联邦环境部提供的数据(2014 年至 2021 年),本研究使用地图和表格对冲突进行聚类分析,以分析冲突的模式和新层面。研究发现,有证据表明,民族宗教两极分化是尼日利亚社区暴力趋势的预测因素。根据模型,对族群暴力最弱的预测因素是尼日利亚的气候脆弱性。
{"title":"Communal Violence in Nigeria, 2014–21: Mapping, Modeling, and Trends","authors":"O. Adigun","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.01","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:This study dissects the patterns and trends of communal violence in Nigeria with the need to watch out for emerging predictors. Using variables like ethno-religious polarization, lootable resources, and climate vulnerability, the article dissects their impacts on the trends of communal violence in Nigeria. Based on data from the Nigerian Security Tracker, Nigeria Watch, and the Federal Ministry of Environment (2014 to 2021), this study uses cluster analyses of the conflicts using maps and tables to analyze the patterns and new dimensions of conflicts. The study found evidence that ethno-religious polarization is a predictor of trends of communal violence in Nigeria. The weakest predictor of communal violence, according to the model, is climate vulnerability in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"25 1","pages":"1 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139344053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.04
Abdulrauf El-Geroshi
ABSTRACT: This briefing evaluates the role of international intervention in prolonging the Libyan conflict, from financial, logistical, and military support. The briefing concludes that foreign interference interest was not necessarily the direct reason for protracting the Libyan conflict but played an essential role in strengthening the presence of the parties in the field. The regional countries showed different interests related to the Libyan conflict, including the interests of Egypt and the UAE, which harmonized with the eastern side led by Haftar’s forces ideologically in their hostility to political Islam. Conversely, the interests of Qatar and Turkey with the western side and political Islam contributed to supporting this party. Accordingly, the international intervention did not take a unified position, whether supporting conflict or peace. This led to the dispersion of international support between the conflicting parties, creating an imbalance of power to settle the conflict militarily. Moreover, some foreign parties tried to spoil the peace by biasing mediations such as the Skhirat Agreement and broadcasting their goals through internal spoilers, such as Haftar when he started the Tripoli war.
{"title":"The Role of Foreign Intervention in Prolonging the Libyan Conflict in the Post-Gaddafi Period","authors":"Abdulrauf El-Geroshi","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT: This briefing evaluates the role of international intervention in prolonging the Libyan conflict, from financial, logistical, and military support. The briefing concludes that foreign interference interest was not necessarily the direct reason for protracting the Libyan conflict but played an essential role in strengthening the presence of the parties in the field. The regional countries showed different interests related to the Libyan conflict, including the interests of Egypt and the UAE, which harmonized with the eastern side led by Haftar’s forces ideologically in their hostility to political Islam. Conversely, the interests of Qatar and Turkey with the western side and political Islam contributed to supporting this party. Accordingly, the international intervention did not take a unified position, whether supporting conflict or peace. This led to the dispersion of international support between the conflicting parties, creating an imbalance of power to settle the conflict militarily. Moreover, some foreign parties tried to spoil the peace by biasing mediations such as the Skhirat Agreement and broadcasting their goals through internal spoilers, such as Haftar when he started the Tripoli war.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"13 1","pages":"102 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139345697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.05
Promise Frank Ejiofor
ABSTRACT:Since 2011, criminal activities of armed bandits in Northwest Nigeria have skyrocketed with enormous impact on lives and livelihoods. In the first seven months of 2019, the Nigerian government recorded over 330 attacks from armed bandits that resulted in the death of about 1,460 civilians. This briefing paper—which draws on relative deprivation theory— provides an account of the increasing cases of rampant banditry in the region, focusing on the motives and drives of armed bandits in the Northwest geopolitical zone in Nigeria. The account suggests a way forward to help resolve the disconcerting increase in conflict that has the potential to destabilize not only Nigeria but also the Sahel region.
{"title":"Criminal Enterprise: Explaining the Emergence of Bandit Gangs in Nigeria","authors":"Promise Frank Ejiofor","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Since 2011, criminal activities of armed bandits in Northwest Nigeria have skyrocketed with enormous impact on lives and livelihoods. In the first seven months of 2019, the Nigerian government recorded over 330 attacks from armed bandits that resulted in the death of about 1,460 civilians. This briefing paper—which draws on relative deprivation theory— provides an account of the increasing cases of rampant banditry in the region, focusing on the motives and drives of armed bandits in the Northwest geopolitical zone in Nigeria. The account suggests a way forward to help resolve the disconcerting increase in conflict that has the potential to destabilize not only Nigeria but also the Sahel region.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"58 1","pages":"113 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139345731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.08
Joseph Kaifala
{"title":"Forgive and for—What? How Sierra Leone Has Tried to Ignore Eleven Years of Traumatic Experience","authors":"Joseph Kaifala","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.08","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"46 1","pages":"141 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139344582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.07
J. Kufandirori, Tawanda Ray Bvirindi
ABSTRACT:The mass killings in the southern part of Zimbabwe from 1983 to 1987, which are commonly known as the Gukurahundi massacres, raise a number of issues, including the need to exhume bodies of those killed in order to bury them in a proper way. This article contributes to the debates on exhumations of mass graves in an African context by examining the connection between avenging spirits and transitional justice through a detailed discussion of Bantu cosmology. The article argues that though the exhumation of the graves of those killed during the Gukurahundi massacres is resisted by those in power, exhumations are pertinent and in line with the Bantu traditions of properly re-burying the dead. Doing so fills a need to appease avenging spirits in order to achieve proper transitional justice and closure.
{"title":"African Spirituality and the Gukurahundi Mass Grave Exhumations in Zimbabwe","authors":"J. Kufandirori, Tawanda Ray Bvirindi","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.07","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:The mass killings in the southern part of Zimbabwe from 1983 to 1987, which are commonly known as the Gukurahundi massacres, raise a number of issues, including the need to exhume bodies of those killed in order to bury them in a proper way. This article contributes to the debates on exhumations of mass graves in an African context by examining the connection between avenging spirits and transitional justice through a detailed discussion of Bantu cosmology. The article argues that though the exhumation of the graves of those killed during the Gukurahundi massacres is resisted by those in power, exhumations are pertinent and in line with the Bantu traditions of properly re-burying the dead. Doing so fills a need to appease avenging spirits in order to achieve proper transitional justice and closure.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"35 1","pages":"101 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139344835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.02
John Sunday Ojo
ABSTRACT:North Central Nigeria has experienced a series of deadly conflicts between Fulani herders and farmers. Contestation over ecological space and natural resources, prompted by climate- induced drought, has promoted a migratory form of pastoralism. The influx of Fulani herders in the region has triggered deadly eco-related conflicts between the host communities and the Fulani herders. Consequently, the RUGA settlement policy was unilaterally introduced to prevent migratory pastoralism, including, among others, to provide an immobile or stationary system of pastoralism in the host communities. This paper explains why and how host communities opposed the RUGA settlement policy in North Central Nigeria. As a significant contribution to the literature, its findings align with some theories that inform the possibility of host communities’ resistance to top-down government policies, some of which are highlighted as implementation barriers to the RUGA settlement scheme. The paper acknowledges the relevance of participatory, inclusive, and consensus-based conflict resolution strategies, particularly at local community levels.
{"title":"Migratory Pastoralism, Herders-Farmers Conflicts, and the Ruga Settlement Policy in North Central Nigeria","authors":"John Sunday Ojo","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.13.2.02","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:North Central Nigeria has experienced a series of deadly conflicts between Fulani herders and farmers. Contestation over ecological space and natural resources, prompted by climate- induced drought, has promoted a migratory form of pastoralism. The influx of Fulani herders in the region has triggered deadly eco-related conflicts between the host communities and the Fulani herders. Consequently, the RUGA settlement policy was unilaterally introduced to prevent migratory pastoralism, including, among others, to provide an immobile or stationary system of pastoralism in the host communities. This paper explains why and how host communities opposed the RUGA settlement policy in North Central Nigeria. As a significant contribution to the literature, its findings align with some theories that inform the possibility of host communities’ resistance to top-down government policies, some of which are highlighted as implementation barriers to the RUGA settlement scheme. The paper acknowledges the relevance of participatory, inclusive, and consensus-based conflict resolution strategies, particularly at local community levels.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"49 1","pages":"32 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139345126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.04
Melvis Ndiloseh
ABSTRACT:Justice was one of the three pillars that formed the slogan—“Freedom, Peace, Justice”—of the 2019 Sudanese revolution that ushered in the current transition process. It is central to peacebuilding. The Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) affirms that “accountability, reconciliation, and justice are critical for ensuring durable peace and security in Sudan.” This is further expounded in the National Agreement and the Darfur, Eastern, and Two Areas tracks of the JPA. However, skepticism about its ambition and implementation is as strong as its prospects for peace and reconciliation. Previous peace agreements, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005), the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006), and the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (2011), had engaged with justice issues without success, as evidenced by conflict intractability and abuse. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, this article critically analyzes the human rights and justice provisions of the JPA, their implementation mechanisms, and policy pathways for their effectiveness. It argues that although the JPA casts an ambitiously comprehensive and innovative vision of transformative justice, the attendant implementation mechanisms invoke a more retributive outlook that is likely to jeopardize the peace process.
{"title":"Transitional Justice Provisions in the Juba Peace Agreement: A Critical and Prospective Overview","authors":"Melvis Ndiloseh","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.04","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Justice was one of the three pillars that formed the slogan—“Freedom, Peace, Justice”—of the 2019 Sudanese revolution that ushered in the current transition process. It is central to peacebuilding. The Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) affirms that “accountability, reconciliation, and justice are critical for ensuring durable peace and security in Sudan.” This is further expounded in the National Agreement and the Darfur, Eastern, and Two Areas tracks of the JPA. However, skepticism about its ambition and implementation is as strong as its prospects for peace and reconciliation. Previous peace agreements, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005), the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006), and the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (2011), had engaged with justice issues without success, as evidenced by conflict intractability and abuse. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, this article critically analyzes the human rights and justice provisions of the JPA, their implementation mechanisms, and policy pathways for their effectiveness. It argues that although the JPA casts an ambitiously comprehensive and innovative vision of transformative justice, the attendant implementation mechanisms invoke a more retributive outlook that is likely to jeopardize the peace process.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"29 1","pages":"49 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86517940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.07
Walters Samah
ABSTRACT:A major strength of the historic Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) lies in its specific provisions relating to the displacement crisis in Sudan, particularly its commitment to tackling both its root causes and consequences. Nevertheless, even before the JPA was signed, there were questions from various stakeholders, including displaced persons, protesting their exclusion from the negotiations. This article examines the peace deal’s provisions relating to displaced persons, looking at the prospects, expected outcomes, gaps and challenges, and focusing on Darfur, a region with a long history of conflict-induced displacement. Examining the JPA within the framework of the new wars and new humanitarianism, it argues that for the agreement to achieve its stated goals, the issue of displacement must remain front and center throughout the implementation phase. Notably, the comprehensive character of the JPA, coupled with the multifaceted and “glocalized” nature of the crisis in Sudan, presents an ideal context for the Sudanese state and its international partners to work collaboratively to operationalize the much-vaunted security-humanitarian-development nexus approach, through which the plight of displaced persons can be effectively addressed.
{"title":"The Juba Peace Agreement and the Protection of Displaced Persons: Between Regional Migratory Routes and IDP Camps","authors":"Walters Samah","doi":"10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.12.2.07","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:A major strength of the historic Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) lies in its specific provisions relating to the displacement crisis in Sudan, particularly its commitment to tackling both its root causes and consequences. Nevertheless, even before the JPA was signed, there were questions from various stakeholders, including displaced persons, protesting their exclusion from the negotiations. This article examines the peace deal’s provisions relating to displaced persons, looking at the prospects, expected outcomes, gaps and challenges, and focusing on Darfur, a region with a long history of conflict-induced displacement. Examining the JPA within the framework of the new wars and new humanitarianism, it argues that for the agreement to achieve its stated goals, the issue of displacement must remain front and center throughout the implementation phase. Notably, the comprehensive character of the JPA, coupled with the multifaceted and “glocalized” nature of the crisis in Sudan, presents an ideal context for the Sudanese state and its international partners to work collaboratively to operationalize the much-vaunted security-humanitarian-development nexus approach, through which the plight of displaced persons can be effectively addressed.","PeriodicalId":7615,"journal":{"name":"African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review","volume":"108 1 1","pages":"106 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82803746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}