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Myeloid and lymphoid neoplasm with novel complex translocation: unusual case report with T-lymphoblastic lymphoma, myeloid hyperplasia, eosinophilia, basophilia, and t(1;8;10)( (p31;q24;q11.2). 伴有新型复合易位的骨髓和淋巴肿瘤:伴有T淋巴细胞淋巴瘤、骨髓增生症、嗜酸性粒细胞增多症、嗜碱性粒细胞增多症和t(1;8;10)((p31;q24;q11.2)的罕见病例报告。
IF 0.6 Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2022-12-29 DOI: 10.1007/s12308-022-00528-1
Mansour S Aljabry

Myeloid and lymphoid neoplasms with eosinophilia (M/Ls-Eo) encompass heterogeneous but aggressive hematopoietic disorders triggered by fusion genes or mutations that typically lead to constitutive overexpression of tyrosine kinase. The occurrence of T-lymphoblastic lymphoma in the setting of M/Ls-Eo has been reported rarely in the literature. Herein, we present an unusual case of a 28-year-old male patient who presented with massive lymphadenopathy and T-lymphoblastic lymphoma in the lymph node occurring concurrently with myeloid hyperplasia, eosinophilia and basophilia in peripheral blood and bone marrow biopsy. The syndrome was associated with a novel complex karyotype involving der(8)t(1;8;10)(p31;q24;q11.2). The FISH study was negative for BCR::ABL1, JAK2, PDGFRA, PDGFRB, and FGFR1 rearrangements. The patient's clinical course was aggressive and resistant to multiple lines of intensive chemotherapy regimens. Therefore, he underwent allogenic stem cell transplantation with a fully matched donor. A brief review of the occurrence of T-LBL in conjunction with M/Ls-Eo neoplasm was made with a special focus on molecular aspects.

嗜酸性粒细胞和淋巴细胞肿瘤(M/Ls-Eo)包括由融合基因或突变引发的异质性侵袭性造血疾病,这些基因或突变通常会导致酪氨酸激酶的组成性过表达。文献中很少报道在M/Ls-Eo的情况下发生T淋巴细胞淋巴瘤。在此,我们介绍了一例不寻常的病例:一名 28 岁的男性患者出现大量淋巴结肿大,淋巴结中出现 T 淋巴细胞淋巴瘤,同时外周血和骨髓活检中出现骨髓增生、嗜酸性粒细胞增多和嗜碱性粒细胞增多。该综合征与新的复杂核型有关,涉及der(8)t(1;8;10)(p31;q24;q11.2)。FISH检查结果显示,BCR::ABL1、JAK2、PDGFRA、PDGFRB和FGFR1重排均为阴性。患者的临床病程具有侵袭性,对多线强化化疗方案产生耐药性。因此,他接受了完全匹配供体的异基因干细胞移植。本文简要回顾了T-LBL与M/Ls-Eo肿瘤的结合情况,并特别关注了分子方面的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Democratization Through Peace: The Difficult Case of Guatemala 通过和平实现民主化:危地马拉的困难案例
Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1548-2456.2000.TB00158.X
S. Jonas
The Guatemalan peace process -- the negotiation and initial implementation of far-reaching peace accords ending the countrys 36 year civil war -- provides an excellent opportunity to revisit a number of ongoing discussions about political democratization and social justice in Latin America. The first part of this article summarizes how beyond ending the war this peace process contributed significantly to the democratization of Guatemala; how it opened up political space and what gains have (and have not) been achieved in the content of the accords signed. The rest of the article analyzes the Guatemalan experience from the early 1980s to the present as a means to address some of those broad theoretical debates about democratization and social justice. (excerpt)
危地马拉和平进程--结束该国36年内战的意义深远的和平协定的谈判和初步执行--提供了一个极好的机会来重新审议关于拉丁美洲政治民主化和社会正义的一些正在进行的讨论。本文的第一部分概述了除了结束战争之外,这一和平进程如何对危地马拉的民主化作出重大贡献;它是如何开辟政治空间的,以及在签署的协议的内容中取得了哪些成果(以及没有取得哪些成果)。文章的其余部分分析了危地马拉从20世纪80年代早期到现在的经验,作为解决一些关于民主化和社会正义的广泛理论辩论的手段。(摘录)
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引用次数: 49
Global Forces and Regime Change: Guatemala in the Central American Context 全球力量和政权更迭:中美洲背景下的危地马拉
Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1548-2456.2000.TB00160.X
J. Booth
Democratization %rough Peace: T%e DifJcult Case of Guatemala The Guatemalan peace process provides an excellent opportunity to revisit a number of discussions about political democratization and social justice in Latin America. It is the premise of this article that fulfillment of the peace accords, particularly on demilitarization, is the necessary precondition for full development of political democracy in Guatemala. The article first summarizes how, beyond ending the war, the peace process has contributed to Guatemala's democratization, and then analyzes the Guatemalan experience since the early 1980s as a means to address some of the broad theoretical debates. Demilitarization and Security in El Salvador and Guatemala: Convergences of Success and Crisis The Salvadoran and Guatemalan cases correspond to a new model of public security that is widely shared across Latin America. The more localized processes of demilitarization in the two countries, moreover, appear to share a similar dynamic. In the midst of real reforms, however, the deterioration of public security as directly experienced by much of the population is cause for worry. An examination of the reforms established in the peace accords leads to an interpretation of these experiences in a comparative regional framework. Global Forces and Regime Change: Guatemala in the Central
民主化艰难的和平:危地马拉的艰难案例危地马拉的和平进程提供了一个极好的机会,让我们重新审视有关拉丁美洲政治民主化和社会正义的一些讨论。这条的前提是,履行和平协定,特别是关于非军事化的协定,是危地马拉充分发展政治民主的必要先决条件。本文首先总结了和平进程除了结束战争之外,对瓜地马拉民主化的贡献,然后分析瓜地马拉自1980年代初以来的经验,以回应一些广泛的理论辩论。萨尔瓦多和危地马拉的非军事化与安全:成功与危机的汇合萨尔瓦多和危地马拉的案例符合整个拉丁美洲广泛共享的一种新的公共安全模式。此外,这两个国家更加地方化的非军事化进程似乎具有类似的动力。然而,在真正的改革过程中,许多人直接经历的公共安全恶化令人担忧。对和平协定中规定的改革的审查导致在比较区域框架内对这些经验作出解释。全球力量和政权更迭:中部的危地马拉
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引用次数: 20
Neoliberalism, the Global Elite, and the Guatemalan Transition: A Critical Macrosocial Analysis 新自由主义、全球精英和危地马拉转型:一个关键的宏观社会分析
Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1548-2456.2000.TB00161.X
W. Robinson
A Critical Macrosocial Analysis Recent change in Guatemala is part of a complex transition that has continued in Central America since the 1960s. It involves the region's ongoing, gradual, highly conflictive, and contradictory entrance into the global economy and society. The transnational model of society in the Isthmus is inherently unstable, with contradictions internal to global capitalism. The constraints of the exclusionary socioeconomic system undermine efforts to open up the political system as contemplated in the peace accords. Authentic democratization requires a radical redistribution of wealth and power toward the poor majority; but the accords ratify existing property relations and rule out such a redistribution.
关键的宏观社会分析危地马拉最近的变化是中美洲自1960年代以来持续的复杂过渡的一部分。它涉及到该地区持续的、渐进的、高度冲突的和矛盾的进入全球经济和社会。地峡的跨国社会模式本质上是不稳定的,全球资本主义内部存在矛盾。排他性社会经济制度的限制破坏了和平协定所设想的开放政治制度的努力。真正的民主化需要将财富和权力彻底重新分配给贫穷的大多数;但协议批准了现有的财产关系,排除了这种再分配的可能性。
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引用次数: 46
Demilitarization and Security in El Salvador and Guatemala: Convergences of Success and Crisis 萨尔瓦多和危地马拉的非军事化与安全:成功与危机的汇合
Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1548-2456.2000.TB00159.X
A. D. Kincaid
For most of the past quarter-century, social scientists endeavoring to analyze the prolonged crises afflicting the Central American region shared a common problematic: how to explain the extraordinary range of variation in political processes within a confined and relatively homogeneous geographic space. For the majority of scholars, independent of their political outlooks, the analytical task was to identify the mix of variables that might simultaneously explain Costa Rica's democratic stability, Nicaragua's revolution, civil war in El Salvador that was not quite a revolution, Guatemala's insurgency and repression that was not quite a civil war, and none of the above in Honduras (see, inter alia, Brockett 1998; Vilas 1995; Torres Rivas 1993; Williams 1986). Among the many dramatic changes of the last decade of the twentieth century, therefore, the political panorama of Central America provides another: the challenge of accounting for convergence and similarity rather than divergence and variation. The two exemplary processes in this regard (and for Latin America in general, not just Central America) are democratic transitions and market-oriented economic policies (Korzeniewicz and Smith 1996; Smith et al. 1994). Not that national and local differences in culture and social structure have dissolved or ceased to matter, of course; but in many ways, the Central American countries today are as noteworthy for what unites them as for what divides them. The themes of this essay, demilitarization and security, fit well in the new context of convergence. Contemporary security challenges are similar from one end of Central America to the other; this essay will argue that the Salvadoran and Guatemalan cases correspond to a new model of public security that is widely shared across Latin America. The more localized processes of demilitarization in the two countries, moreover, appear to share a similar dynamic, once allowances are made for a five-year offset in the signing of the respective peace accords. Any effort to examine the reasons for these wider processes of convergence would go well beyond the scope of this work, but they are worth noting as a means of locating a discussion of security issues in close relationship to other aspects of contemporary Central American development. Too often, discussions of security issues such as demilitarization or civil-military relations proceed as if they were self-contained
在过去25年的大部分时间里,致力于分析困扰中美洲地区的长期危机的社会科学家们面临着一个共同的问题:如何解释在一个有限和相对同质的地理空间内政治进程的巨大变化。对于大多数独立于其政治观点的学者来说,分析任务是确定可能同时解释哥斯达黎加的民主稳定,尼加拉瓜的革命,萨尔瓦多的内战(不完全是革命),危地马拉的叛乱和镇压(不完全是内战)以及洪都拉斯的上述所有变量的混合(除其他外,见Brockett 1998;维拉斯1995;托雷斯·里瓦斯1993;威廉姆斯1986)。因此,在二十世纪最后十年的许多戏剧性变化中,中美洲的政治全景提供了另一种变化:考虑到趋同和相似而不是分歧和差异的挑战。在这方面(不仅是中美洲,而且是整个拉丁美洲)的两个典型进程是民主过渡和面向市场的经济政策(Korzeniewicz和Smith 1996;Smith et al. 1994)。当然,这并不是说国家和地方在文化和社会结构上的差异已经消失或不再重要;但在许多方面,今天的中美洲国家的团结与分裂同样值得注意。这篇文章的主题,非军事化和安全,非常适合融合的新背景。当代的安全挑战从中美洲的一端到另一端都是相似的;本文将论证萨尔瓦多和危地马拉的案例符合拉丁美洲广泛共享的一种新的公共安全模式。此外,如果考虑到在签署各自的和平协定期间有五年的抵销期,两国较地方化的非军事化进程似乎也具有类似的动力。审查这些更广泛的趋同进程的原因的任何努力都远远超出了这项工作的范围,但值得注意的是,这些努力是将安全问题的讨论与当代中美洲发展的其他方面密切联系起来的一种手段。在讨论诸如非军事化或军民关系等安全问题时,往往表现得好像它们是独立的
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引用次数: 55
Guatemala in the Global System 全球系统中的危地马拉
Pub Date : 2000-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1548-2456.2000.TB00162.X
C. Chase-Dunn
A Critical Macrosocial Analysis Recent change in Guatemala is part of a complex transition that has continued in Central America since the 1960s. It involves the region's ongoing, gradual, highly conflictive, and contradictory entrance into the global economy and society. The transnational model of society in the Isthmus is inherently unstable, with contradictions internal to global capitalism. The constraints of the exclusionary socioeconomic system undermine efforts to open up the political system as contemplated in the peace accords. Authentic democratization requires a radical redistribution of wealth and power toward the poor majority; but the accords ratify existing property relations and rule out such a redistribution.
关键的宏观社会分析危地马拉最近的变化是中美洲自1960年代以来持续的复杂过渡的一部分。它涉及到该地区持续的、渐进的、高度冲突的和矛盾的进入全球经济和社会。地峡的跨国社会模式本质上是不稳定的,全球资本主义内部存在矛盾。排他性社会经济制度的限制破坏了和平协定所设想的开放政治制度的努力。真正的民主化需要将财富和权力彻底重新分配给贫穷的大多数;但协议批准了现有的财产关系,排除了这种再分配的可能性。
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引用次数: 21
The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy 恰帕斯叛乱:争取土地和民主的斗争
Pub Date : 2000-01-24 DOI: 10.1215/9780822398301
Neil Harvey
In 1994 the Zapatista rebellion brought international attention to the southern Mexican state of Chiapas. Neil Harvey combines ten years of field work in Chiapas with extensive historical and political research to provide a comprehensive history of conflict in this region and a nuanced analysis of this rural uprising against federal bureaucracy and landed elites.Beginning with an exploration of the history of ethnic and class conflict in Chiapas since the Conquest, Harvey moves specifically to trace the development of peasant and indigenous organizations in Chiapas since the early 1970s. He compares the struggles for agrarian rights of three grassroots movements facing hostility from both local elites and federal bureaucrats. His examination of the complexities of political change in Chiapas includes the impact of neoliberal economic policies, the origins of the Zapatista army of National Liberation (EZLN), and the political impact of the rebellion itself. Engaging with current theoretical debates on the role and significance of social movements in Mexico and Latin America, Harvey focuses on the primacy of political struggle and on the importance of these movements in the construction and meaning of citizenship. While suggesting that the Zapatista revolution has heightened awareness among the people of Chiapas of such democratic issues as ethnicity, gender, and land distribution, he concludes with an analysis of the obstacles to peace in the region today.This unprecedented study of the Zapatista rebellion will provoke discussion among students and scholars of contemporary Mexico, political science, Latin American studies, history, sociology, and anthropology.
1994年,萨帕塔叛乱引起了国际社会对墨西哥南部恰帕斯州的关注。尼尔·哈维(Neil Harvey)将在恰帕斯州(Chiapas)的十年实地工作与广泛的历史和政治研究相结合,提供了该地区冲突的全面历史,并对这场反对联邦官僚主义和地主精英的农村起义进行了细致入细的分析。哈维从探索征服以来恰帕斯州种族和阶级冲突的历史开始,特别追溯了自20世纪70年代初以来恰帕斯州农民和土著组织的发展。他比较了三场草根运动争取土地权利的斗争,这些运动面临着当地精英和联邦官僚的敌意。他对恰帕斯州政治变化复杂性的研究包括新自由主义经济政策的影响,萨帕塔民族解放军(EZLN)的起源,以及叛乱本身的政治影响。参与当前关于墨西哥和拉丁美洲社会运动的作用和意义的理论辩论,哈维专注于政治斗争的首要地位,以及这些运动在公民身份的建设和意义中的重要性。虽然他认为萨帕塔革命提高了恰帕斯人民对种族、性别和土地分配等民主问题的认识,但他最后分析了该地区今天和平的障碍。这项史无前例的萨帕塔叛乱研究将引发当代墨西哥、政治科学、拉丁美洲研究、历史、社会学和人类学的学生和学者之间的讨论。
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引用次数: 492
Death squads in global perspective : murder with deniability 全球视角下的敢死队:可推诿的谋杀
Pub Date : 2000-01-24 DOI: 10.2307/166345
Bruce B. Campbell, Art Brenner
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引用次数: 77
Los Partidos Politicos en la Republica Dominicana: Actividad Electoral y Desarrollo Organizativo 多米尼加共和国的政党:选举活动和组织发展
Pub Date : 2000-01-24 DOI: 10.2307/166350
Jonathan Hartlyn, Jacqueline Jiménez Polanco
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引用次数: 7
Institutional adaptation and innovation in rural Mexico 墨西哥农村的制度适应与创新
Pub Date : 2000-01-22 DOI: 10.2307/166293
R. Snyder
This volume explores the complex processes of institutional transformation that were unleashed in rural Mexico by the government's massive program of market-oriented economic reforms in the 1990s, creating new pressures for campesinos to make their production choices individually. Instead of paving the way for the triumph of free market forces, neoliberal reforms in rural Mexico tiggered a creative episode of institutional reconstruction and innovation. As a result, instead of focusing on how the old institutions of statism were dismantled, students of rural Mexico should shift their attention to understanding the new institutions that have replaced those destroyed or displaced by the neoliberal reforms.
这本书探讨了制度转型的复杂过程,这一过程是由政府在20世纪90年代大规模的市场导向经济改革计划在墨西哥农村释放出来的,为农民个体做出生产选择创造了新的压力。墨西哥农村的新自由主义改革非但没有为自由市场力量的胜利铺平道路,反而引发了制度重建和创新的创造性事件。因此,墨西哥农村的学生不应该把注意力集中在旧的国家主义制度是如何被拆除的,而应该把注意力转移到理解新制度上,这些新制度取代了那些被新自由主义改革摧毁或取代的制度。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs
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