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John A. AdamsJr. , Mexican Banking and Investment in Transition. Westport: Quorum Books, 1997. Map, tables, figures, appendixes, glossary, notes, bibliography, index, xix, 238 pages; hardcover $69.50. 小约翰·亚当斯,墨西哥银行和投资转型。Westport: Quorum Books, 1997。地图、表格、图表、附录、词汇表、注释、参考书目、索引,共19页,238页;精装书69.50美元。
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166388
Miguel D. Ramirez
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引用次数: 0
Ariel C. Armony Argentina, the United States, and the Anti-Communist Crusade in Central America, 1977-1984. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1977. Maps, photographs, acronyms, chronology, notes, bibliography, index, 301 pages; paperback $26. 阿根廷、美国和中美洲的反共运动,1977-1984。雅典:俄亥俄大学出版社,1977。地图、照片、缩略语、年表、注释、参考书目、索引,共301页;平装26美元。
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166381
W. Walker
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引用次数: 0
Peter Lambert, and Andrew Nickson, eds. The Transition to Democracy in Paraguay. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997. Tables, notes, bibliography, index, xiv, 230 pages; hardcover $69.95. 彼得·兰伯特和安德鲁·尼克森主编。巴拉圭向民主的过渡。纽约:圣马丁出版社,1997。表格、注释、参考书目、索引,十四,230页;精装书69.95美元。
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166390
Frank O. Mora
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引用次数: 1
The Commission for Environmental Cooperation and Environmental Management in the Americas 美洲环境合作和环境管理委员会
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166423
S. Mumme, P. Duncan
environmental management in North America and the hemisphere at large. The agreement has spawned a series of new institutions that are already reshaping current practices and that have considerable promise for broadening the range of international commitments to environmental management in the Americas. The most prominent and most relevant of these is the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC).
北美和整个半球的环境管理。该协定催生了一系列新的机构,这些机构已经改变了目前的做法,并有很大希望扩大美洲环境管理方面的国际承诺范围。其中最突出和最相关的是环境合作委员会(CEC)。
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引用次数: 15
Kurt Weyland. Democracy Without Equity: Failures of Reform in Brazil. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. Tables, figures, appendix, notes, acronyms, bibliography, index, 293 pages; hardcover $49.95, paperback $22.95 。库尔特。维兰德提出没有公平的民主:巴西改革的失败。匹兹堡:匹兹堡大学出版社,1996。表格、图表、附录、注释、缩略语、参考书目、索引,293页;精装本49.95美元,平装本22.95美元
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166383
Anthony W. Pereira
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Sustainable Development Environmental Policy Making in Four Brazilian States 巴西四个州的可持续发展环境政策制定的政治
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166422
B. Ames, M. Keck
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引用次数: 57
The Brazilian State in the New Democracy 新民主主义下的巴西国家
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166424
Kurt Weyland
This paper analyzes the contradictory impact of democratization on the Brazilian state. The return of democracy initially reinforced the efforts of clientelist politicians and "special interest" groups to win influence inside the state. Yet the resulting corrosion of state autonomy and capacity exacerbated Brazil's severe economic problems, which discredited established elites. In this crisis situation, democratic elections produced a renovation in political leadership and allowed determined reformers-first Fernando Collor, then Fernando Henrique Cardoso--to win office and try to rebuild the state, for instance through tax reform. Under democracy, the initial deterioration of state capacity thus triggered efforts to jump-start economic development and strengthen the state. How does a country's transition to democracy affect its state? This question is of great importance, 1 given the crucial role that the state has played in the economic, social, and political development of most countries affected by the "third wave" of democratization. Yet this topic has received insufficient scholarly attention. In fact, definitional assumptions may make this question appear as 2 a non-issue: Because the state is regarded as more permanent than a political regime, which can change with disturbing frequency, democratic transitions are often assumed to leave the state unchanged. Latin America's "politicized states" (Chalmers 1977; Power 1991), however, lack institutional stability. Given the fluidity of state structures in the region, democratization may have a profound effect upon the state: It may help institutionalize the state and turn it more autonomous from established social forces, or by contrast, it may further corrode the internal unity and undermine the strength of the state. Since the state has assumed an enormously wide range of responsibilities in Brazil, this country constitutes an especially good case for analysis. At the outset, a clarification of key concepts is in order. Following Weber (1976: 29), I define the state as the territorially based institution that "successfully claims the monopoly of legitimate physical coercion for the execution of its orders". The core of the state--and the focus of the following analysis--is the complex bureaucratic apparatus dedicated to administration, coercion, and fiscal extraction. To the extent that the state "formulate[s] and pursue[s] goals that are not simply reflective of the demands or interests of social groups, classes, or society" (Skocpol 1985: 9), state autonomy prevails. State capacity, in turn, denotes the state's ability to attain these goals and implement its decisions; the more institutionalized state structures are, the more the state can sustain this ability. Finally, state strength is the combination of state autonomy and state capacity. Due to the dearth of scholarly attention, theoretical guidance on the impact of democratization on the state is scarce. The sporadic hints in the litera
本文分析了民主化对巴西国家的矛盾影响。民主的回归最初加强了庇护主义政客和“特殊利益”集团在国家内部赢得影响力的努力。然而,由此导致的对国家自主权和能力的侵蚀加剧了巴西严重的经济问题,使既有精英们失去了信誉。在这种危机形势下,民主选举产生了政治领导层的革新,并让坚定的改革者——首先是费尔南多·科洛尔,然后是费尔南多·恩里克·卡多佐——赢得了职位,并试图重建国家,比如通过税收改革。在民主制度下,国家能力的最初恶化因此引发了启动经济发展和加强国家的努力。一个国家向民主的过渡如何影响它的国家?鉴于国家在大多数受“第三波”民主化影响的国家的经济、社会和政治发展中所发挥的关键作用,这个问题非常重要。然而,这个话题没有得到足够的学术关注。事实上,定义上的假设可能会使这个问题看起来不是问题:因为国家被认为比政治政权更持久,而政治政权的变化频率令人不安,民主转型通常被认为不会改变国家。拉丁美洲的“政治化国家”(Chalmers 1977;然而,权力(1991)缺乏制度稳定性。鉴于该地区国家结构的流动性,民主化可能对国家产生深远的影响:它可能有助于国家制度化,使其更加独立于既定的社会力量,或者相反,它可能进一步侵蚀内部团结,破坏国家的力量。由于巴西政府承担了极为广泛的责任,这个国家构成了一个特别好的分析案例。首先,有必要澄清一些关键概念。继韦伯(1976:29)之后,我将国家定义为基于领土的机构,它“成功地要求对执行其命令的合法物理强制的垄断”。国家的核心——也是下面分析的重点——是致力于管理、强制和财政榨取的复杂官僚机构。在某种程度上,国家“制定和追求的目标不只是反映社会群体、阶级或社会的需求或利益”(Skocpol 1985: 9),国家自治盛行。国家能力,反过来,表示国家实现这些目标和执行其决策的能力;国家结构越是制度化,国家就越能维持这种能力。最后,国家实力是国家自主性和国家能力的结合。由于缺乏学术关注,关于民主化对国家影响的理论指导是稀缺的。文献中零星的线索围绕着两个不同的猜想。一些作者预计,民主转型将把国家变成一个更自主、更强大的利维坦,而另一些人则预见到,一个格列佛(Gulliver)将被一个日益密集的、与狭隘社会群体有着特殊联系的网络所束缚。第一组论点声称,民主化赋予国家更高层次的制度化,使其组织机构更具凝聚力,并使其更加独立于强大的社会阶级和群体。民主提高了决策的透明度,从而使公众对政府更加负责。公民社会的加强控制促使国家官员采取更统一的姿态,避免不断的争吵和官僚内斗(Hintze 1981: 142-56)。加强问责制还消除了私人团体在威权统治下通常对国家施加的阴暗影响。由于民主化为受军事政权严格控制的大众行动者打开了利益代表的渠道,它也使政治参与更加广泛,在社会方面的倾斜更少。对政治平等的肯定,允许“大众部门”去垄断特权群体进入国家的特权。因此,国家从占统治地位的群体和阶级那里获得了更大的自主权。外部影响的减少使国家内部的团结得以加强。民主化也可能通过使政客们远离裙带关系而加强国家。在独裁统治下继续进行选举政治的国家,如巴西,政治家被排除在重要的政策决定之外,并且仍然局限于通过向国家官僚机构提出特殊要求来赢得支持。随着民主化,政治家们重新获得了制定中央政策的权力。 本文分析了民主化对巴西国家的矛盾影响。民主的回归最初加强了庇护主义政客和“特殊利益”集团在国家内部赢得影响力的努力。然而,由此导致的对国家自主权和能力的侵蚀加剧了巴西严重的经济问题,使既有精英们失去了信誉。在这种危机形势下,民主选举产生了政治领导层的革新,并让坚定的改革者——首先是费尔南多·科洛尔,然后是费尔南多·恩里克·卡多佐——赢得了职位,并试图重建国家,比如通过税收改革。在民主制度下,国家能力的最初恶化因此引发了启动经济发展和加强国家的努力。一个国家向民主的过渡如何影响它的国家?鉴于国家在大多数受“第三波”民主化影响的国家的经济、社会和政治发展中所发挥的关键作用,这个问题非常重要。然而,这个话题没有得到足够的学术关注。事实上,定义上的假设可能会使这个问题看起来不是问题:因为国家被认为比政治政权更持久,而政治政权的变化频率令人不安,民主转型通常被认为不会改变国家。拉丁美洲的“政治化国家”(Chalmers 1977;然而,权力(1991)缺乏制度稳定性。鉴于该地区国家结构的流动性,民主化可能对国家产生深远的影响:它可能有助于国家制度化,使其更加独立于既定的社会力量,或者相反,它可能进一步侵蚀内部团结,破坏国家的力量。由于巴西政府承担了极为广泛的责任,这个国家构成了一个特别好的分析案例。首先,有必要澄清一些关键概念。继韦伯(1976:29)之后,我将国家定义为基于领土的机构,它“成功地要求对执行其命令的合法物理强制的垄断”。国家的核心——也是下面分析的重点——是致力于管理、强制和财政榨取的复杂官僚机构。在某种程度上,国家“制定和追求的目标不只是反映社会群体、阶级或社会的需求或利益”(Skocpol 1985: 9),国家自治盛行。国家能力,反过来,表示国家实现这些目标和执行其决策的能力;国家结构越是制度化,国家就越能维持这种能力。最后,国家实力是国家自主性和国家能力的结合。由于缺乏学术关注,关于民主化对国家影响的理论指导是稀缺的。文献中零星的线索围绕着两个不同的猜想。一些作者预计,民主转型将把国家变成一个更自主、更强大的利维坦,而另一些人则预见到,一个格列佛(Gulliver)将被一个日益密集的、与狭隘社会群体有着特殊联系的网络所束缚。第一组论点声称,民主化赋予国家更高层次的制度化,使其组织机构更具凝聚力,并使其更加独立于强大的社会阶级和群体。民主提高了决策的透明度,从而使公众对政府更加负责。公民社会的加强控制促使国家官员采取更统一的姿态,避免不断的争吵和官僚内斗(Hintze 1981: 142-56)。加强问责制还消除了私人团体在威权统治下通常对国家施加的阴暗影响。由于民主化为受军事政权严格控制的大众行动者打开了利益代表的渠道,它也使政治参与更加广泛,在社会方面的倾斜更少。对政治平等的肯定,允许“大众部门”去垄断特权群体进入国家的特权。因此,国家从占统治地位的群体和阶级那里获得了更大的自主权。外部影响的减少使国家内部的团结得以加强。民主化也可能通过使政客们远离裙带关系而加强国家。在独裁统治下继续进行选举政治的国家,如巴西,政治家被排除在重要的政策决定之外,并且仍然局限于通过向国家官僚机构提出特殊要求来赢得支持。随着民主化,政治家们重新获得了制定中央政策的权力。 因此,他们可能会更关心纲领性问题,而不是特殊待遇。这种远离裙带关系的转变使国家机构能够在不受数十名渴望庇护的政客持续干扰的情况下完成其行政任务。由于在威权统治下,这些政客也试图让自己的亲信被任命为公职,以控制国家资源的分配,远离裙带关系使公共官僚机构能够建立更多基于绩效的招聘和晋升制度,从而提高国家官员的能力,增强国家机器的凝聚力。此外,在军事政权下被排除在权力之外,因此没有使用赞助的政治家可能会在新民主主义中赢得职位。他们习惯于通过方案性的呼吁来获得支持,因而避免诉诸客户主义策略(谢夫特1994:27-34)。因此,民主化所刺激的更替进一步削弱了政治庇护的作用
{"title":"The Brazilian State in the New Democracy","authors":"Kurt Weyland","doi":"10.2307/166424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/166424","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the contradictory impact of democratization on the Brazilian state. The return of democracy initially reinforced the efforts of clientelist politicians and \"special interest\" groups to win influence inside the state. Yet the resulting corrosion of state autonomy and capacity exacerbated Brazil's severe economic problems, which discredited established elites. In this crisis situation, democratic elections produced a renovation in political leadership and allowed determined reformers-first Fernando Collor, then Fernando Henrique Cardoso--to win office and try to rebuild the state, for instance through tax reform. Under democracy, the initial deterioration of state capacity thus triggered efforts to jump-start economic development and strengthen the state. How does a country's transition to democracy affect its state? This question is of great importance, 1 given the crucial role that the state has played in the economic, social, and political development of most countries affected by the \"third wave\" of democratization. Yet this topic has received insufficient scholarly attention. In fact, definitional assumptions may make this question appear as 2 a non-issue: Because the state is regarded as more permanent than a political regime, which can change with disturbing frequency, democratic transitions are often assumed to leave the state unchanged. Latin America's \"politicized states\" (Chalmers 1977; Power 1991), however, lack institutional stability. Given the fluidity of state structures in the region, democratization may have a profound effect upon the state: It may help institutionalize the state and turn it more autonomous from established social forces, or by contrast, it may further corrode the internal unity and undermine the strength of the state. Since the state has assumed an enormously wide range of responsibilities in Brazil, this country constitutes an especially good case for analysis. At the outset, a clarification of key concepts is in order. Following Weber (1976: 29), I define the state as the territorially based institution that \"successfully claims the monopoly of legitimate physical coercion for the execution of its orders\". The core of the state--and the focus of the following analysis--is the complex bureaucratic apparatus dedicated to administration, coercion, and fiscal extraction. To the extent that the state \"formulate[s] and pursue[s] goals that are not simply reflective of the demands or interests of social groups, classes, or society\" (Skocpol 1985: 9), state autonomy prevails. State capacity, in turn, denotes the state's ability to attain these goals and implement its decisions; the more institutionalized state structures are, the more the state can sustain this ability. Finally, state strength is the combination of state autonomy and state capacity. Due to the dearth of scholarly attention, theoretical guidance on the impact of democratization on the state is scarce. The sporadic hints in the litera","PeriodicalId":81666,"journal":{"name":"Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs","volume":"39 1","pages":"63-94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/166424","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68533011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 41
Nancy Caro Hollander. Love in a Time of Hate: Liberation Psychology in Latin America. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Notes, index, 270 pages; hardcover $50, paperback $21.95. 南希·卡罗·霍兰德。仇恨时代的爱:拉丁美洲的解放心理学。新布伦瑞克:罗格斯大学出版社,1997。注释,索引,270页;精装本50美元,平装本21.95美元。
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166379
A. Yamin
{"title":"Nancy Caro Hollander. Love in a Time of Hate: Liberation Psychology in Latin America. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Notes, index, 270 pages; hardcover $50, paperback $21.95.","authors":"A. Yamin","doi":"10.2307/166379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/166379","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81666,"journal":{"name":"Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"137-141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/166379","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68532847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Horace A. Bartilow. The Debt Dilemma: IMF Negotiations in Jamaica, Grenada, and Guyana. Warwick University Caribbean Studies. London: Macmillan, 1997. v, 187 pp.; paperback. 贺拉斯A.巴提洛。债务困境:IMF在牙买加、格林纳达和圭亚那的谈判。华威大学加勒比研究。伦敦:麦克米伦出版社,1997。V, 187页;平装书。
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166210
D. Felix
{"title":"Horace A. Bartilow. The Debt Dilemma: IMF Negotiations in Jamaica, Grenada, and Guyana. Warwick University Caribbean Studies. London: Macmillan, 1997. v, 187 pp.; paperback.","authors":"D. Felix","doi":"10.2307/166210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/166210","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81666,"journal":{"name":"Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"149-154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/166210","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68531759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Organized Business Politics in Democratic Brazil 民主巴西有组织的商业政治
Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/166425
B. Schneider
n May 1996 Brazil's National Confederation of Industry (CNI) convened a meeting of industrialists in Brasilia for a mass show of unity and focused lobbying in favor of constitutional reform. Industrialists large and small heeded the call. Nearly three thousand of them from all over Brazil chartered planes and packed shuttles. Fortified by a morning of speeches demanding constitutional reforms, the industrialists fanned out over Brasilia in the afternoon to argue their case to members of the national congress. As if to demonstrate that it could not be intimidated, however, Congress chose that very afternoon to vote down a reform proposal backed by business. By the end of that year, it was clear that business had made little progress in pushing several amendments it supported.
1996年5月,巴西全国工业联合会(CNI)在巴西利亚召开了一次工业家会议,展示了大规模的团结和集中游说,以支持宪法改革。大大小小的实业家都响应了这一号召。来自巴西各地的近3000人包租了飞机和拥挤的班车。经过上午要求宪法改革的演讲,实业家们在下午分散到巴西利亚,向国会议员们陈述他们的观点。然而,就在当天下午,国会投票否决了一项由商界支持的改革提案,这似乎是为了表明它不会被吓倒。到那年年底,很明显,企业界在推动其支持的几项修正案方面进展甚微。
{"title":"Organized Business Politics in Democratic Brazil","authors":"B. Schneider","doi":"10.2307/166425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/166425","url":null,"abstract":"n May 1996 Brazil's National Confederation of Industry (CNI) convened a meeting of industrialists in Brasilia for a mass show of unity and focused lobbying in favor of constitutional reform. Industrialists large and small heeded the call. Nearly three thousand of them from all over Brazil chartered planes and packed shuttles. Fortified by a morning of speeches demanding constitutional reforms, the industrialists fanned out over Brasilia in the afternoon to argue their case to members of the national congress. As if to demonstrate that it could not be intimidated, however, Congress chose that very afternoon to vote down a reform proposal backed by business. By the end of that year, it was clear that business had made little progress in pushing several amendments it supported.","PeriodicalId":81666,"journal":{"name":"Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs","volume":"39 1","pages":"95-127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/166425","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68533028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 43
期刊
Journal of interamerican studies and world affairs
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