T HE DECLARATION that "this is a white man's country" has echoed time and again down the corridors of America's past, and expresses with appalling succinctness the fusion of racial and male chauvinisms and American nationality. Recently, due to the social ferment of our times, scholars have begun to give unprecedented attention to the oppression of American minorities, especially racial minorities and women. Long overdue, these studies have helped to fill very basic gaps in our knowledge of the total American experience. But one of the effects of these studies has been evasionary: they have tended to focus on the minorities rather than those responsible for the plight of the outgroups. While studies by scholars like C. Wright Mills and G. William Domhoff have demonstrated that power in America has been almost exclusively a monopoly of white men, they have neither analyzed the relationships of the oppressions of different outgroups nor explored adequately the motivations of white men in America. While studies by historians like Winthrop Jordan and Eleanor Flexnor have respectively analyzed the subordination of blacks and women, they have been fragmented by the specialization inherent in academic disciplines. Such a fragmented approach has discouraged comparative analysis of the stereotypes applied to blacks and women, and fails to recognize how the oppression of different groups served common needs of white men. Thus a fascinating and disturbing question still remains largely unanswered: Why have white men historically relegated people unlike themselves to specially defined "places"? Possibly a study of the admissions controversy at Harvard Medical School in 1850 can serve as a test to probe the linkages between racial and sexual oppression in American culture. Traditionally Harvard Medical School had been an institution for white men only. But in November 1850, the faculty admitted three black men Martin Delany, Daniel Laing, and Isaac Snowden, and a white woman Harriot K. Hunt.1 Actually the admission was hardly an expression of enlightened views on race and sex. The faculty understood that the black students would emigrate and practice medicine in Africa. Their application for admission probably would have been denied had they wished to remain in America. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Dean of the Harvard Medical School, asked Dr. H. H. Childs of the Pittsfield Medical School for advice on the admission of black, students. In his reply, dated December 12, 1850, Dr. Childs wrote that he was willing to train blacks sponsored by the American Colonization Society. "We For the debate on Martin Delany and whether or not he received a degree from Harvard Medical School, see Theodore Draper, "Martin Delany: The Father of American Black Nationalism," New York Review of Books, March 12, 1970; "An Exchange on Black History," Ibid., May 21, 1970; "Writing Black History," Ibid., July 2, 1970. 128
“这是一个白人的国家”的宣言在美国过去的走廊里一次又一次地回响，以惊人的简洁表达了种族主义、大男子主义和美国国籍的融合。近年来，由于时代的社会动荡，学者们开始对美国少数民族，特别是少数种族和妇女所受的压迫给予前所未有的关注。这些早该进行的研究帮助我们填补了对美国整体经验的基本了解。但这些研究的影响之一是模棱两可的:它们倾向于关注少数群体，而不是那些对外部群体的困境负有责任的人。虽然c·赖特·米尔斯(C. Wright Mills)和g·威廉·多姆霍夫(G. William Domhoff)等学者的研究表明，美国的权力几乎完全是白人男性的垄断，但他们既没有分析不同外部群体的压迫关系，也没有充分探讨美国白人男性的动机。虽然温斯洛普·乔丹(Winthrop Jordan)和埃莉诺·弗莱克斯诺(Eleanor Flexnor)等历史学家的研究分别分析了黑人和女性的从属地位，但他们的研究被学术学科固有的专业化所分割。这种支离破碎的方法阻碍了对适用于黑人和妇女的刻板印象的比较分析，也未能认识到对不同群体的压迫是如何满足白人男性的共同需求的。因此，一个引人入胜而又令人不安的问题在很大程度上仍未得到解答:为什么白人历史上把与自己不同的人贬到特别定义的“地方”?或许，对1850年哈佛医学院(Harvard Medical School)招生争议的研究可以作为一种检验，来探究美国文化中种族压迫和性压迫之间的联系。传统上，哈佛医学院是一所只招收白人男性的机构。但在1850年11月，学院录取了三名黑人男子马丁·德拉尼、丹尼尔·莱恩和艾萨克·斯诺登，以及一名白人女子哈里奥特·k·亨特。实际上，这一录取很难表达对种族和性别的开明观点。教师们知道黑人学生将移民到非洲行医。如果他们希望留在美国，他们的入学申请可能会被拒绝。哈佛医学院院长奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯(Oliver Wendell Holmes)向皮茨菲尔德医学院(pittsburgh Medical School)的h·h·蔡尔兹博士(Dr. H. H. Childs)征求关于招收黑人学生的建议。蔡尔兹博士在1850年12月12日的回信中写道，他愿意培训由美国殖民协会赞助的黑人。关于马丁·德拉尼的争论以及他是否获得哈佛医学院的学位，见西奥多·德雷珀，《马丁·德拉尼:美国黑人民族主义之父》，《纽约书评》1970年3月12日;“黑人历史交流”，同上，1970年5月21日;“书写黑人历史”，同上，1970年7月2日。128
{"title":"Aesculapius was a white man: antebellum racism and male chauvinism at Harvard Medical School.","authors":"R. Takaki","doi":"10.2307/274507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/274507","url":null,"abstract":"T HE DECLARATION that \"this is a white man's country\" has echoed time and again down the corridors of America's past, and expresses with appalling succinctness the fusion of racial and male chauvinisms and American nationality. Recently, due to the social ferment of our times, scholars have begun to give unprecedented attention to the oppression of American minorities, especially racial minorities and women. Long overdue, these studies have helped to fill very basic gaps in our knowledge of the total American experience. But one of the effects of these studies has been evasionary: they have tended to focus on the minorities rather than those responsible for the plight of the outgroups. While studies by scholars like C. Wright Mills and G. William Domhoff have demonstrated that power in America has been almost exclusively a monopoly of white men, they have neither analyzed the relationships of the oppressions of different outgroups nor explored adequately the motivations of white men in America. While studies by historians like Winthrop Jordan and Eleanor Flexnor have respectively analyzed the subordination of blacks and women, they have been fragmented by the specialization inherent in academic disciplines. Such a fragmented approach has discouraged comparative analysis of the stereotypes applied to blacks and women, and fails to recognize how the oppression of different groups served common needs of white men. Thus a fascinating and disturbing question still remains largely unanswered: Why have white men historically relegated people unlike themselves to specially defined \"places\"? Possibly a study of the admissions controversy at Harvard Medical School in 1850 can serve as a test to probe the linkages between racial and sexual oppression in American culture. Traditionally Harvard Medical School had been an institution for white men only. But in November 1850, the faculty admitted three black men Martin Delany, Daniel Laing, and Isaac Snowden, and a white woman Harriot K. Hunt.1 Actually the admission was hardly an expression of enlightened views on race and sex. The faculty understood that the black students would emigrate and practice medicine in Africa. Their application for admission probably would have been denied had they wished to remain in America. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Dean of the Harvard Medical School, asked Dr. H. H. Childs of the Pittsfield Medical School for advice on the admission of black, students. In his reply, dated December 12, 1850, Dr. Childs wrote that he was willing to train blacks sponsored by the American Colonization Society. \"We For the debate on Martin Delany and whether or not he received a degree from Harvard Medical School, see Theodore Draper, \"Martin Delany: The Father of American Black Nationalism,\" New York Review of Books, March 12, 1970; \"An Exchange on Black History,\" Ibid., May 21, 1970; \"Writing Black History,\" Ibid., July 2, 1970. 128","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"34 1","pages":"128-34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1978-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83913668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A VARIETY OF SIMPLE and complex techniques have been developed for J,Athe screening of genetic disorders before and after birth. Unfortunately, new technology and the enthusiasm of scientists and entrepreneurs have influenced public policy to such an extent that in some genetic programs crucial economic, social and legal considerations have been ignored. The special problems and implications associated with the genetic screening of blacks in the United States have also rarely been deliberated, even though there are many models in our history and in the present which should alert us to the potential harm of some genetic programs. And too often we forget that racists under the disguise of scholarship are ever vigilant to influence public policy in favor of their precepts. In a recent publication entitled Who Should Have Children' Ingle remarks:
{"title":"Genetic screening programs and public policy.","authors":"J. Bowman","doi":"10.2307/274676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/274676","url":null,"abstract":"A VARIETY OF SIMPLE and complex techniques have been developed for J,Athe screening of genetic disorders before and after birth. Unfortunately, new technology and the enthusiasm of scientists and entrepreneurs have influenced public policy to such an extent that in some genetic programs crucial economic, social and legal considerations have been ignored. The special problems and implications associated with the genetic screening of blacks in the United States have also rarely been deliberated, even though there are many models in our history and in the present which should alert us to the potential harm of some genetic programs. And too often we forget that racists under the disguise of scholarship are ever vigilant to influence public policy in favor of their precepts. In a recent publication entitled Who Should Have Children' Ingle remarks:","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"39 1","pages":"117-42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1977-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80600743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1977-01-01DOI: 10.1007/978-1-4613-2886-5_12
L. Sullivan
{"title":"The education of black health professionals.","authors":"L. Sullivan","doi":"10.1007/978-1-4613-2886-5_12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4613-2886-5_12","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"20 1","pages":"181-93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1977-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84880192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The health of slaves and the health of freedmen: a Savannah study.","authors":"A. S. Lee, E. Lee","doi":"10.2307/274680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/274680","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"145 1","pages":"170-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1977-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73243559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
DEATH is, contrary to the proverbial wisdom, a respecter of persons. It comes earlier to the poor than to the rich, earlier to the illiterate than to the lettered, earlier to the laborer than to the lawyer, earlier to the divorced and separated than to the married. For these and for other reasons it comes earlier to blacks than to whites. The disadvantage of blacks is apparent even before birth. The death of the fetus within the womb is more common among blacks than among whites, and newly born black babies are more likely than white babies to die during that dangerous first year. As they grow up, black children are faced with more dangers than other children, both from parasites and from society. Adulthood makes matters worse, and it is not until old age that the greatly thinned black survivors are as likely to live from one year to the next as are other Americans. For all of the major groupings of causes of death save one, blacks have relatively high rates. Blacks are more likely than the general population to die from heart attacks or from strokes. Though a darker skin protects against skin cancer, neoplasms in general claim more black than white victims. One of the mysteries of modern medicine is the great incidence of hypertension among black Americans. Infectious diseases, once the greatest killer of blacks, are no longer of such import, but influenza and pneumonia still wreak havoc, as do venereal diseases. Of special importance to blacks are accidents and homicide, the latter of which increases yearly. The one exception to this gloomy litany is suicide. Blacks, male and female, are still more reluctant than whites to perform this final act, but rates of self-destruction among blacks are moving toward those of whites. Age by age, and almost cause by cause, death is more common among black males than among black females, and this in itself is a deterrant to economic improvement. Even in the womb death is selective of the
{"title":"Trends in black health.","authors":"J. Reid, D. Jedlicka, E. Lee, Y. Shin","doi":"10.2307/274675","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/274675","url":null,"abstract":"DEATH is, contrary to the proverbial wisdom, a respecter of persons. It comes earlier to the poor than to the rich, earlier to the illiterate than to the lettered, earlier to the laborer than to the lawyer, earlier to the divorced and separated than to the married. For these and for other reasons it comes earlier to blacks than to whites. The disadvantage of blacks is apparent even before birth. The death of the fetus within the womb is more common among blacks than among whites, and newly born black babies are more likely than white babies to die during that dangerous first year. As they grow up, black children are faced with more dangers than other children, both from parasites and from society. Adulthood makes matters worse, and it is not until old age that the greatly thinned black survivors are as likely to live from one year to the next as are other Americans. For all of the major groupings of causes of death save one, blacks have relatively high rates. Blacks are more likely than the general population to die from heart attacks or from strokes. Though a darker skin protects against skin cancer, neoplasms in general claim more black than white victims. One of the mysteries of modern medicine is the great incidence of hypertension among black Americans. Infectious diseases, once the greatest killer of blacks, are no longer of such import, but influenza and pneumonia still wreak havoc, as do venereal diseases. Of special importance to blacks are accidents and homicide, the latter of which increases yearly. The one exception to this gloomy litany is suicide. Blacks, male and female, are still more reluctant than whites to perform this final act, but rates of self-destruction among blacks are moving toward those of whites. Age by age, and almost cause by cause, death is more common among black males than among black females, and this in itself is a deterrant to economic improvement. Even in the womb death is selective of the","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"21 1","pages":"105-16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1977-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74072769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Doctor Thomas Hamilton: two views of a gentleman of the Old South.","authors":"F N Boney","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":" 3","pages":"288-92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1967-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"28294633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1960-12-31DOI: 10.1515/9783112519981-004
K. Busch
Bis zur Mitte des 19 . Jahrhunderts erfolgte die Untersuchung des Zentralnervensystems ausschließlich makroskopisch. In diese Epoche fiel z. B. die Entdeckung des uns bekannten Hirnrindenstreifens im Bereiche der Fissura calcarina durch Gennari und Vicq D'Azyr (1781) . Histologische Untersuchungen zunächst an ungefärbten Gehirnschnitten begannen 1850 durch K ö 11 i k e r . Die Einführung histologischer Färbemethoden, wie wir sie in den Arbeiten von v . Gerlach und Berlin (1858) niedergelegt finden, gab der Histologie, speziell der Neurohistologie, einen starken Aufschwung . Dadurch wurden die grundlegenden Forschungen Meynerts (1868-1872) sowie Arndts (1867, 1868 und 1869) möglich, welche als Begründer der Cytoarchitektonik der Großhirnrinde anzusprechen sind . M e y n e r t beschäftigte sich u. a . mit der feineren Struktur der Sehrinde . In den folgenden Jahrzehnten sehen wir eine große Reihe von Forschern cytoarchitektonisch arbeiten . Als wichtigste im Rahmen des Themas seien genannt Henschen (1890-1896), der mit Bolton (1900) und Campbell (1905) die Rinde der Fissura calcarina als sensorisches Zentrum auffaßte . Ferner Brodmann (1903), der die Großhirnrinde in cytoarchitektonisch unterscheidbare Areae einteilte und die heute am meisten gebrauchte Hirnkarte schuf . Besonderen Wert für die Vertiefung der um die Jahrhundertwende aufgekommenen Lokalisationslehre erbrachten die Arbeiten von C. und O. Vogt, die grundlegende reizphysiologische und anatomische Untersuchungen mit dem Ziele durchführten, für bestimmte Funktionen das anatomische Substrat aufzudecken . C . und U. Vogt fanden eine große Zahl von Nervenzellarten, die sich durch bauliche Merkmale voneinander unterscheiden und die an bestimmte Hirngebiete gebunden sind. Eine oder mehrere Nervenzellarten bilden ein meist gegen die Umgebung gut abgegrenztes Einzelgrau, das in zwei
{"title":"Individuelle architektonische Differenzen der Area striata","authors":"K. Busch","doi":"10.1515/9783112519981-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783112519981-004","url":null,"abstract":"Bis zur Mitte des 19 . Jahrhunderts erfolgte die Untersuchung des Zentralnervensystems ausschließlich makroskopisch. In diese Epoche fiel z. B. die Entdeckung des uns bekannten Hirnrindenstreifens im Bereiche der Fissura calcarina durch Gennari und Vicq D'Azyr (1781) . Histologische Untersuchungen zunächst an ungefärbten Gehirnschnitten begannen 1850 durch K ö 11 i k e r . Die Einführung histologischer Färbemethoden, wie wir sie in den Arbeiten von v . Gerlach und Berlin (1858) niedergelegt finden, gab der Histologie, speziell der Neurohistologie, einen starken Aufschwung . Dadurch wurden die grundlegenden Forschungen Meynerts (1868-1872) sowie Arndts (1867, 1868 und 1869) möglich, welche als Begründer der Cytoarchitektonik der Großhirnrinde anzusprechen sind . M e y n e r t beschäftigte sich u. a . mit der feineren Struktur der Sehrinde . In den folgenden Jahrzehnten sehen wir eine große Reihe von Forschern cytoarchitektonisch arbeiten . Als wichtigste im Rahmen des Themas seien genannt Henschen (1890-1896), der mit Bolton (1900) und Campbell (1905) die Rinde der Fissura calcarina als sensorisches Zentrum auffaßte . Ferner Brodmann (1903), der die Großhirnrinde in cytoarchitektonisch unterscheidbare Areae einteilte und die heute am meisten gebrauchte Hirnkarte schuf . Besonderen Wert für die Vertiefung der um die Jahrhundertwende aufgekommenen Lokalisationslehre erbrachten die Arbeiten von C. und O. Vogt, die grundlegende reizphysiologische und anatomische Untersuchungen mit dem Ziele durchführten, für bestimmte Funktionen das anatomische Substrat aufzudecken . C . und U. Vogt fanden eine große Zahl von Nervenzellarten, die sich durch bauliche Merkmale voneinander unterscheiden und die an bestimmte Hirngebiete gebunden sind. Eine oder mehrere Nervenzellarten bilden ein meist gegen die Umgebung gut abgegrenztes Einzelgrau, das in zwei","PeriodicalId":82317,"journal":{"name":"Phylon (1960)","volume":"109 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1960-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85222007","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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