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The Temple of Leniency 宽大之殿
Pub Date : 2020-05-18 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v37i1.4147
S. Waller
This short article mourns the loss of Laura Guttuso, celebrates her contributions and accomplishments as a scholar, and comments on one of her final publications which appeared as a chapter in a fascinating book entitled Anti-Cartel Enforcement in a Contemporary Age: Leniency Religion (‘Leniency Religion’).  In this article, I discuss many of the general themes presented in the book as a whole and then turn to the specifics of Laura’s chapter on the role of leniency and the intersection of private and public enforcement of competition law.
这篇简短的文章哀悼Laura Guttuso的去世,赞扬她作为学者的贡献和成就,并评论她最后的一篇出版物,这篇文章作为一本引人入胜的书的一章出现在《当代反卡特尔执法:宽大宗教》(“宽大宗教”)中。在这篇文章中,我将从整体上讨论书中提出的许多主题,然后转向劳拉关于宽大处理的作用以及私人和公共执行竞争法的交叉章节的具体内容。
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引用次数: 0
Antitrust Damages in EU Law 欧盟法中的反垄断损害赔偿
Pub Date : 2020-05-18 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v37i1.4143
Albertina Albors-Llorens
The adoption of Directive 2014/104/EU on actions for damages for infringements of the competition rules has marked the beginning of a new era in the field of the private enforcement of the EU competition rules. The arduous legislative journey leading to the adoption of the Directive, the specific aspects pertaining to the exercise of damages actions covered by it and its attempt to establish an effective coordination between the systems of public and private enforcement have already received intense attention by antitrust scholars. However, this contribution will focus on the study of the Directive’s significance as a novel legal instrument in both the fields of EU competition law and EU law in general.
2014/104/EU指令关于违反竞争规则的损害赔偿诉讼的通过标志着欧盟竞争规则私人执行领域新时代的开始。导致通过该指示的艰巨立法过程、该指示所涵盖的损害赔偿诉讼的具体方面以及该指示试图在公共和私人执法制度之间建立有效协调的努力,已经受到反垄断学者的密切注意。然而,这一贡献将侧重于研究该指令作为欧盟竞争法和一般欧盟法领域的新法律文书的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Deterrent Penalties for Corporate Colluders 对企业串通的威慑性处罚
Pub Date : 2020-05-18 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v37i1.4139
Caron Beaton-Wells, J. Clarke
A critical review of corporate pecuniary penalties for cartel conduct in Australia is timely if not overdue. Debates about the role of individual sanctions notwithstanding, financial penalties against corporations remain the predominant means of sanctioning cartel conduct in this country as elsewhere. These sanctions are therefore the primary mechanism by which deterrence is sought to be achieved. Consistent with the international position, deterrence has long been accepted as the primary, if not exclusive, rationale for cartel sanctions in Australia.
对澳大利亚企业因卡特尔行为而受到的罚款进行严格审查,即使不是早就应该进行,也是及时的。尽管对个人制裁的作用存在争议,但对企业的经济处罚仍然是美国和其他地方制裁卡特尔行为的主要手段。因此,这些制裁是寻求实现威慑的主要机制。与国际立场一致,威慑长期以来一直被认为是澳大利亚制裁卡特尔的主要(如果不是唯一的话)理由。
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引用次数: 0
Heydon on Contract 海顿合同
Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.3899
L. Aitken
This eponymous book on the general part of the law of contract will be the standard Australian work for some time to come. It aims to provide a guide to that legion of legal readers ‘who are searching for basic statements of contract law’.
这本关于合同法一般部分的同名著作将在未来一段时间内成为澳大利亚的标准著作。它旨在为那些“正在寻找合同法基本陈述”的大量法律读者提供指南。
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引用次数: 0
The Mistake of Fact Excuse in Queensland Rape Law 昆士兰强奸法中的事实辩解错误
Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.2993
J. Crowe, Bri Lee
This article considers the role of the excuse of mistake of fact in Queensland rape and sexual assault law. We argue that the excuse has undesirable and socially regressive consequences by allowing reference to factors such as the complainant’s social behaviour, relationship to the defendant or lack of overt resistance that are at odds with the definition of free and voluntary consent. The excuse has also led to problematic results in cases involving impaired capacity (such as intoxication, mental incapacity or linguistic incapacity) by the defendant or the complainant. We canvass two potential reforms aimed at addressing these issues. The first would render the excuse inapplicable to the issue of consent in rape and sexual assault cases, while the second would limit the excuse to address its most troubling outcomes.
本文探讨了事实错误借口在昆士兰强奸和性侵犯法中的作用。我们认为,该借口允许提及申诉人的社会行为、与被告的关系或缺乏公开抵抗等与自由和自愿同意的定义不符的因素,从而产生了不良和社会倒退的后果。在涉及被告或申诉人能力受损(如醉酒、精神丧失能力或语言丧失能力)的案件中,这种借口也导致了有问题的结果。我们探讨了旨在解决这些问题的两项可能的改革。第一种将使该借口不适用于强奸和性侵案件中的同意问题,而第二种将限制该借口以解决其最令人不安的结果。
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引用次数: 4
Commercial Issues in Private International law 国际私法中的商事问题
Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.3897
Sarah McKibbin
Interest in Australian private international law has rekindled over the past decade. Australian courts are contending with more transnational litigation than ever before, facilitated by the ease with which people, business and information now cross borders.
在过去十年中,人们对澳大利亚国际私法的兴趣重新燃起。由于人们、企业和信息现在可以轻松跨境,澳大利亚法院正在与比以往任何时候都多的跨国诉讼作斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Thinking Allowed in the Academy 学院允许思考
Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.3893
Paul M. Taylor
The recent Review of Freedom of Speech in Australian Higher Education Providers ('the Review'), overseen by the Hon Robert French AC, identified areas for improving freedom of speech and academic freedom, and to that end proposed the adoption of umbrella principles embedded in a Model Code. The Review's engagement with international human rights law standards was confined, even though many are binding on Australia. As universities consider implementing the Review's recommendations, this article reflects on the Model Code in the light particularly of the standards established by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ('ICCPR'). If the drafters of the Model Code had paid closer regard to the ICCPR and other international standards, the result may have been a scheme that more clearly and predictably distinguishes permissible from impermissible restriction on free speech and academic freedom, and gives greater priority to promoting the human rights of those in the academic community than to the institutional power to limit them.
最近由Robert French AC议员监督的澳大利亚高等教育机构言论自由审查(“审查”)确定了改善言论自由和学术自由的领域,并为此建议采用包含在示范守则中的总括原则。该报告与国际人权法标准的接触受到限制,尽管其中许多标准对澳大利亚具有约束力。在各大学考虑落实《审查报告》的建议之际,本文特别参照《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》确立的标准,对《示范法典》进行了反思。如果《示范法》的起草者更加注意到《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》和其他国际标准,其结果可能是制订一种办法,更清楚和可预见地区分对言论自由和学术自由的允许和不允许的限制,并更优先地促进学术界人士的人权,而不是重视限制他们的体制权力。
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引用次数: 2
The Three Queenslands 三个昆士兰
Pub Date : 2020-03-28 DOI: 10.38127/uqlj.v39i1.3889
G. Taylor
From 1890 to 1892, Sir Samuel Griffith, as Premier of Queensland, promoted a scheme under which Queensland would itself have been divided into a federation of initially three provinces — North, Central and South Queensland — and then two provinces, North and South Queensland. This startling idea would certainly have changed the map of Australia, probably permanently. At least at some points, the idea was expressed that each province would enter the Australian federation as a separate State and the Queensland federal government would simply be dissolved upon federation. The Bill to divide Queensland into a federation of two provinces passed the lower House of State Parliament but was defeated in the nominee Legislative Council. It then fell victim to the change of government consequent upon Griffith’s appointment as Chief Justice of Queensland, to the urgent problems presented by the economic depression, and even, from the conservative point of view, to the rise of labour in politics. Little has been known about this nearly successful plan until now. This article attempts to close that gap.
从1890年到1892年,塞缪尔·格里菲斯爵士(Sir Samuel Griffith)作为昆士兰州的总理,推动了一项计划,根据该计划,昆士兰州本身将被划分为一个联邦,最初由三个省组成——北昆士兰、中昆士兰和南昆士兰——然后是两个省,北昆士兰和南昆士兰。这个惊人的想法肯定会改变澳大利亚的地图,可能是永久的。至少在某些情况下,每个省将作为一个独立的州加入澳大利亚联邦,而昆士兰联邦政府将在联邦成立后解散。将昆士兰州划分为两个省的联邦的法案在州议会下院获得通过,但在提名的立法委员会中被否决。随后,由于格里菲斯被任命为昆士兰州首席大法官而导致的政府更迭,由于经济萧条带来的紧迫问题,甚至从保守的角度来看,由于劳工在政治上的崛起,它成为了受害者。直到现在,人们对这个几乎成功的计划知之甚少。本文试图弥补这一差距。
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引用次数: 0
ANTITRUST DAMAGES IN EU LAW: THE INTERFACE OF MULTIFARIOUS HARMONISATION AND NATIONAL PROCEDURAL AUTONOMY 欧盟法律中的反垄断损害:多种协调与国家程序自治的界面
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.17863/CAM.27824
Albertina Albors-Llorens
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引用次数: 0
Judicial Power and the United Kingdom's Changing Constitution 司法权与英国不断变化的宪法
Pub Date : 2017-10-19 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3055862
M. Elliott
Judicial power, in any rule of law-based system, is a given. But how much is too much? That question has risen to particular prominence in recent years in the United Kingdom, where the judicial role has changed and grown in notable ways. In doing so, it has attracted criticism from some quarters, with charges of judicial overreach being made. This paper charts the growth of judicial power in the UK and considers how, given the particularities of the UK’s constitutional system, one might go about identifying the proper limits of judicial power. The paper begin by addressing the key constitutional parameters by reference to which the notions of judicial power and overreach have traditionally been calibrated in the UK. It then proceeds to trace the many senses in which the exercise of judicial power has grown, and considers the forces that have brought such developments about. Against that background, the paper contends that while the evolution of the judicial role evidences a reconceptualization, as distinct from the repudiation, of relevant fundamental constitutional principles, it should not be assumed that the UK constitution’s famous flexibility is limitless. To that end, the paper concludes by examining the recent and controversial judgments of the UK Supreme Court in the Evans and Miller cases, in which, in different ways, the proper limits of judicial power have been tested.
在任何法治体系中,司法权都是既定的。但多少才算太多呢?近年来,这个问题在联合王国变得尤为突出,在那里,司法的作用发生了显著的变化和发展。在这样做的过程中,它招致了一些方面的批评,有人指责它司法越权。本文描绘了英国司法权的增长,并考虑到英国宪法制度的特殊性,人们如何确定司法权的适当限制。本文首先通过参考传统上在英国校准的司法权和越权概念来解决关键的宪法参数。然后,它继续追溯司法权力的行使已经增长的许多意义,并考虑带来这种发展的力量。在此背景下,本文认为,虽然司法角色的演变证明了对相关基本宪法原则的重新概念化,而不是对其的否定,但不应认为英国宪法著名的灵活性是无限的。为此,本文最后考察了英国最高法院最近在埃文斯和米勒案中有争议的判决,这些判决以不同的方式检验了司法权的适当限制。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
The University of Queensland law journal
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