Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.103
Jeeyun Yoon, Kyoungmi Lee, J. Kim, Jae-Suk Yang
Recently companies are complying with ESG, a social responsibility, and corporate stakeholders are using it as a standard for corporate evaluation. In a situation where unexpected social and economic uncertainty is rapidly increasing, corporate managers expect that ESG activities will increase their organizational resilience. In this study, we test whether Korean companies’ ESG activities affect their resilience in a market with increased uncertainty by the outbreak of COVID-19. We analyze the relationship between ESG ratings and corporate stock values and volatility for 640 companies listed in the KOSPI and KOSDAQ at a time when the financial market collapsed due to the initial spread of COVID-19. We find that the governance(G) index and the economic value of a company had a positive correlation and the social(S) index had a negative relationship. In the case of Korea, since active discussion on ESG began from 2020, the effect of ESG was not significant compared to overseas cases.
{"title":"Influence of ESG on corporate resilience in hyper-uncertainty markets like early COVID-19","authors":"Jeeyun Yoon, Kyoungmi Lee, J. Kim, Jae-Suk Yang","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.103","url":null,"abstract":"Recently companies are complying with ESG, a social responsibility, and corporate stakeholders are using it as a standard for corporate evaluation. In a situation where unexpected social and economic uncertainty is rapidly increasing, corporate managers expect that ESG activities will increase their organizational resilience. \u0000In this study, we test whether Korean companies’ ESG activities affect their resilience in a market with increased uncertainty by the outbreak of COVID-19. \u0000We analyze the relationship between ESG ratings and corporate stock values and volatility for 640 companies listed in the KOSPI and KOSDAQ at a time when the financial market collapsed due to the initial spread of COVID-19. We find that the governance(G) index and the economic value of a company had a positive correlation and the social(S) index had a negative relationship. In the case of Korea, since active discussion on ESG began from 2020, the effect of ESG was not significant compared to overseas cases.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85446076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.5
Myungsoon Shin
This article analyzes the change and development of comparative political studies in Korea from 1955 to 2020. The study analyzes 6,753 research articles published in 277 academic journals. Firstly, the number of articles was fairly low at 547 and the number of researchers was 327 during the period from 1955 to 1980. Then it increased to 1,965 and 1,084 during the period from 1981 to 2000. It has now increased immensely to 4,241 and 1,789 from 2001 to 2020. Secondly, when we divide the research period by decade, the most productive researcher published 6 articles during the 1950 60s and 8 articles during the 1970s. The numbers were 8 articles during the 1980s and 9 articles during the 1990s. Remarkably, this number has increased up to 37 articles during the 2000s and 28 articles during the 2010s. Thirdly, when we investigate whether a productive researcher publishes a numerous number of articles consecutively over two decades, 36.6% of productive researchers during the 1950 60s continuously published a similar number of articles in the 1970s The percentages were 25% in the 1980s, 12.73% in the 1990s, and 20.75% in the 2000s. This percentage has increased incredibly to 45% during the 2010s. In conclusion, comparative political studies in Korea expanded in the number of articles and researchers during the 1980s and has optimistically developed and matured into higher quantity research since 2000s.
{"title":"A Study on the Change and Development of Comparative Political Studies in Korea(1955-2020): Focused on Researchers","authors":"Myungsoon Shin","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the change and development of comparative political studies in Korea from 1955 to 2020. The study analyzes 6,753 research articles published in 277 academic journals. Firstly, the number of articles was fairly low at 547 and the number of researchers was 327 during the period from 1955 to 1980. \u0000Then it increased to 1,965 and 1,084 during the period from 1981 to 2000. It has now increased immensely to 4,241 and 1,789 from 2001 to 2020. Secondly, when we divide the research period by decade, the most productive researcher published 6 articles during the 1950 60s and 8 articles during the 1970s. The numbers were 8 articles during the 1980s and 9 articles during the 1990s. \u0000Remarkably, this number has increased up to 37 articles during the 2000s and 28 articles during the 2010s. Thirdly, when we investigate whether a productive researcher publishes a numerous number of articles consecutively over two decades, 36.6% of productive researchers during the 1950 60s continuously published a similar number of articles in the 1970s The percentages were 25% in the 1980s, 12.73% in the 1990s, and 20.75% in the 2000s. This percentage has increased incredibly to 45% during the 2010s. In conclusion, comparative political studies in Korea expanded in the number of articles and researchers during the 1980s and has optimistically developed and matured into higher quantity research since 2000s.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84960571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.71
Joonseok Yang
This study analyzes the development process of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77 and Korean perceptions of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement in 1977 based on media materials. Charta 77, published on January 1977, was a Czechoslovak dissident movement that emphasized non-political purposes and human rights motives. The media of the Republic of Korea(ROK) quickly and concretely reported on the suppression of the human rights of those involved in Charta 77 by the Czechoslovak government, with particular attention to the reactions of countries around the world to human rights issues in Eastern Europe. The People’s Republic of China supported Charta 77 and called it a “new Prague Spring.” The United States also broke with the principle of nonintervention in human rights issues in Eastern Europe and strongly criticized violations of human rights and freedoms there. The media of the ROK continued to report on the trend toward liberalization from Charta 77 until the Velvet Revolution in 1989. In particular, in analyzing the causes of Charta 77, ROK media cited Czech intellectuals’ longing for democracy and internal conflicts within the communist forces that resisted the dictatorship of the proletariat. While multi-layered reports on Charter 77 in the ROK progressed quickly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) reported in detail on the 1968 Prague Spring, but there were no reports in DPRK on Charta 77 during the worsening economic crisis of the late 1970s.
{"title":"Korean Perceptions of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77: Focusing on Korean Media Reports","authors":"Joonseok Yang","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.71","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes the development process of Czechoslovakia’s Charta 77 and Korean perceptions of the Czechoslovak liberalization movement in 1977 based on media materials. Charta 77, published on January 1977, was a Czechoslovak dissident movement that emphasized non-political purposes and human rights motives. The media of the Republic of Korea(ROK) quickly and concretely reported on the suppression of the human rights of those involved in Charta 77 by the Czechoslovak government, with particular attention to the reactions of countries around the world to human rights issues in Eastern Europe. The People’s Republic of China supported Charta 77 and called it a “new Prague Spring.” The United States also broke with the principle of nonintervention in human rights issues in Eastern Europe and strongly criticized violations of human rights and freedoms there. The media of the ROK continued to report on the trend toward liberalization from Charta 77 until the Velvet Revolution in 1989. In particular, in analyzing the causes of Charta 77, ROK media cited Czech intellectuals’ longing for democracy and internal conflicts within the communist forces that resisted the dictatorship of the proletariat. While multi-layered reports on Charter 77 in the ROK progressed quickly, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) reported in detail on the 1968 Prague Spring, but there were no reports in DPRK on Charta 77 during the worsening economic crisis of the late 1970s.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90388451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.37
Tae Yon Kim
The aim of this article is to analyze the processes in which the Ukrainian oligarchs have come to gain political influence and the characteristics that the Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence has exhibited in these processes. The Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence began to evolve since the late Soviet era and at first it was defensive against and dependent upon state power, but from the late 1990s it began to convert into powerful one that was exercised behind the scenes in formal politics. The Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence reveals the following characteristics: initially its development was affected by the Soviet heritage; it has mediational, indirect and informal characters since the late 1990s; and it is based upon the oligarchs’ flexible coalition or connections formation.
{"title":"The Evolution and Characteristics of the Ukrainian Oligarchs’ Political Influence","authors":"Tae Yon Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.37","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to analyze the processes in which the Ukrainian oligarchs have come to gain political influence and the characteristics that the Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence has exhibited in these processes. The Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence began to evolve since the late Soviet era and at first it was defensive against and dependent upon state power, but from the late 1990s it began to convert into powerful one that was exercised behind the scenes in formal politics. The Ukrainian oligarchs’ political influence reveals the following characteristics: initially its development was affected by the Soviet heritage; it has mediational, indirect and informal characters since the late 1990s; and it is based upon the oligarchs’ flexible coalition or connections formation.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87490878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.199
Suyoung Hwang, Seung-Hwan Suh
What is the strategy that made the Moon Jae-in administration maintain a 'balanced diplomacy', thus far? Regarding this, the views of Seoul's allies were negative and sometimes harsh. This paper tries to reveal the substance of Seoul's strategic position and its China policy by analyzing Moon's perception of national security. Here, the term of national security is assumed to have four aspects: existential threat, structural threat, economic secutiry, and political security. As a research methodology, we mainly used discourse and big data analysis. The results revealed that Moon's perception of China stood out for his pragmatism in flexibly responding to the external changes. In terms of national interests, he wanted to secure China's cooperation on the Korean Peninsula issue, ensure diplomatic and security autonomy against the US-China competition, hedge against various economic threats, and overcome domestic confrontation between progressives and conservatives. If we look at Moon's perception considering the meanings of balance, he shows a strong reluctance to outright power politics by great powers, an unexpectedly indifferent attitude toward the negative impact of the US-China competition on the stability and peace of Northeast Asian and the peninsula, and a strong desire to improve the poor distribution of power through national capacity building.
{"title":"South Korea’s Evolving Balanced Diplomacy and China: A Discourse and Big Data Analysis of President Moon Jae-in’s Perception","authors":"Suyoung Hwang, Seung-Hwan Suh","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.199","url":null,"abstract":"What is the strategy that made the Moon Jae-in administration maintain a 'balanced diplomacy', thus far? Regarding this, the views of Seoul's allies were negative and sometimes harsh. This paper tries to reveal the substance of Seoul's strategic position and its China policy by analyzing Moon's perception of national security. Here, the term of national security is assumed to have four aspects: existential threat, structural threat, economic secutiry, and political security. As a research methodology, we mainly used discourse and big data analysis. The results revealed that Moon's perception of China stood out for his pragmatism in flexibly responding to the external changes. In terms of national interests, he wanted to secure China's cooperation on the Korean Peninsula issue, ensure diplomatic and security autonomy against the US-China competition, hedge against various economic threats, and overcome domestic confrontation between progressives and conservatives. If we look at Moon's perception considering the meanings of balance, he shows a strong reluctance to outright power politics by great powers, an unexpectedly indifferent attitude toward the negative impact of the US-China competition on the stability and peace of Northeast Asian and the peninsula, and a strong desire to improve the poor distribution of power through national capacity building.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84291815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.123
Su-Hyun Cho, Yongho Kim
This article concludes that UNSC economic sanctions on Byungjin Policy were effective in US-North Korea Hanoi Summit, investigating Kim Jong Un’s decision making to pursuit summit diplomacy was motivated by the urgency of sanctions lift. It can be presumed that Kim’s cost-benefit calculation pursuing his political survival, which is the top priority of the North Korean foreign policy, can be worked via not a nuclear programme but an economic improvement along with US-NK normalization. To empirically confirm research hypothesis whether UNSC sanctions coerced the failure of Byungjin Policy, this article investigated the correlation both Byungjin Policy and UNSC sanctions in 2013-2019. As a result, it is probable that dictator Kim would determine a strategic trade-off between dismantling Yongbyon nuclear facility and UNSC sanctions lift to secure economic improvement, which is a preliminary affair to prolonging his tenure in office. Given the effectiveness of UNSC sanctions on Byungjin policy, economic pressure on North Korean regime was at least effective to induce Kim’s recalibration as to political survival although economic sanctions hardly coerce North Korea’s denuclearization.
{"title":"The Effectiveness of UNSC Economic Sanctions on Byungjin Policy, 2013-2019","authors":"Su-Hyun Cho, Yongho Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.123","url":null,"abstract":"This article concludes that UNSC economic sanctions on Byungjin Policy were effective in US-North Korea Hanoi Summit, investigating Kim Jong Un’s decision making to pursuit summit diplomacy was motivated by the urgency of sanctions lift. It can be presumed that Kim’s cost-benefit calculation pursuing his political survival, which is the top priority of the North Korean foreign policy, can be worked via not a nuclear programme but an economic improvement along with US-NK normalization. \u0000To empirically confirm research hypothesis whether UNSC sanctions coerced the failure of Byungjin Policy, this article investigated the correlation both Byungjin Policy and UNSC sanctions in 2013-2019. As a result, it is probable that dictator Kim would determine a strategic trade-off between dismantling Yongbyon nuclear facility and UNSC sanctions lift to secure economic improvement, which is a preliminary affair to prolonging his tenure in office. Given the effectiveness of UNSC sanctions on Byungjin policy, economic pressure on North Korean regime was at least effective to induce Kim’s recalibration as to political survival although economic sanctions hardly coerce North Korea’s denuclearization.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88642909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.5
Youngin Kim
The Iraq war led by the United States in 2003 was a war that failed to secure a UN Security Council resolution. As a result, countries that were asked to send multinational forces from the United States had difficulty in dispatch policy processes. This study paid attention to ‘alliance relationship’ and ‘security orientation’ as determinants of multinational forces dispatch policy. In addition, empirical case analysis was conducted on Japan, Korea, Canada, and Germany, which were requested to dispatch multinational forces during the Iraq War. As a result of the analysis, the alliance relationship factor determined whether countries would participate in multinational forces dispatch, and the security orientation factor determined the actual aspect of multinational forces dispatch.
{"title":"International Politics of Multinational Forces Dispatch in Iraq War: Focusing on ‘Alliance Relationship’ and ‘Security Orientation’","authors":"Youngin Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"The Iraq war led by the United States in 2003 was a war that failed to secure a UN Security Council resolution. As a result, countries that were asked to send multinational forces from the United States had difficulty in dispatch policy processes. This study paid attention to ‘alliance relationship’ and ‘security orientation’ as determinants of multinational forces dispatch policy. In addition, empirical case analysis was conducted on Japan, Korea, Canada, and Germany, which were requested to dispatch multinational forces during the Iraq War. As a result of the analysis, the alliance relationship factor determined whether countries would participate in multinational forces dispatch, and the security orientation factor determined the actual aspect of multinational forces dispatch.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85759474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.93
Kyung-Mi Kim
This paper analyzes the consolidation of liberal democracy in Poland after 2005 based on the system transition stage theory. The nine indicators are selected for it: the guarantee of basic rights, the separation of powers, the government changes by elections, the existence of non-official power groups, the stabilization of the political party system, the operation of the market, the guarantee of private property rights, economic development, the development of civil society, the spread of democratic political culture, and a fair free media. Since PiS took power in 2015, the independence of the judiciary has been greatly threatened through reforms to the constitutional order. The basic rights guaranteed in the constitution were also limited by the enactment and revision of the Police Act, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Assembly Act. The changes of government through elections have been successfully implemented since the system transition in 1989, but the party system has not been stabilized due to the merger and division between parties. Almost all economic indicators in the economic sphere show that Poland has succeeded in its transition to the market economy system. Polish civil society has gradually increased its power. PiS is increasing its control over the media through the amendments of related laws. Overall, during the PiS rule, the consolidation of liberal democracy is regressing.
{"title":"The Strategies and Policies for Consolidation of the Liberal Democracy in Poland since 2005: Focusing on the Governments of PiS and PO","authors":"Kyung-Mi Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.93","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the consolidation of liberal democracy in Poland after 2005 based on the system transition stage theory. The nine indicators are selected for it: the guarantee of basic rights, the separation of powers, the government changes by elections, the existence of non-official power groups, the stabilization of the political party system, the operation of the market, the guarantee of private property rights, economic development, the development of civil society, the spread of democratic political culture, and a fair free media. Since PiS took power in 2015, the independence of the judiciary has been greatly threatened through reforms to the constitutional order. The basic rights guaranteed in the constitution were also limited by the enactment and revision of the Police Act, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Assembly Act. The changes of government through elections have been successfully implemented since the system transition in 1989, but the party system has not been stabilized due to the merger and division between parties. Almost all economic indicators in the economic sphere show that Poland has succeeded in its transition to the market economy system. Polish civil society has gradually increased its power. PiS is increasing its control over the media through the amendments of related laws. Overall, during the PiS rule, the consolidation of liberal democracy is regressing.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"61 25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88897863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.33
Jung-Joon Choi
This study firstly identified the key subjects and contents of education of the Korea Military Academy(KMA) from 1946 to the present and analyzed by applying the elements of Samuel P. Huntington's military professionalization. The training process for cadets of the KMA can be divided into four periods. First, the introduction period of professionalization(1946-1950) continued its efforts to train elite officers as a regular Military Academy despite poor conditions for professionalization. However, due to the outbreak of the Korean War, these efforts were stopped and did not bear fruit. Second, the beginning of professionalization(1951-1960) was the first step toward professionalization when the regular four-year Military Academy was reopened during the Korean War. Although it began by imitating the system of the U.S. Military Academy(USMA), an educational system for military schools with military expertise as a beginner commander and national guardianship began to be established. Third, in the period of professionalization development(1961-1980), due to North Korea's frequent armed provocations and participation in the Vietnam War, graduates of the military history had the opportunity to participate in the war, and their experience factors were reflected in the military history curriculum. The spirit of sacrifice and patriotism shown by the graduates of the KMA served as an example for the cadets to establish a view of the state and life. Fourth, in the period of settlement(1981-present), various educational programs were implemented to establish new education courses to keep pace with the rapidly changing security environment, internationalization, and information age. As such, it can be seen that the training process of the KMA has gradually changed from simply training officers to systematic education for professionalization. Based on the results of future research, it will be possible to more clearly see the impact of each military academy's education on professionalization by comparing and analyzing the training education system of Naval and Air Force academies.
{"title":"A Study on the Transition of Training Program in Korea Military Academy(KMA) : Focusing on the Professionalization of Samuel P. Huntington","authors":"Jung-Joon Choi","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.33","url":null,"abstract":"This study firstly identified the key subjects and contents of education of the Korea Military Academy(KMA) from 1946 to the present and analyzed by applying the elements of Samuel P. Huntington's military professionalization. The training process for cadets of the KMA can be divided into four periods. First, the introduction period of professionalization(1946-1950) continued its efforts to train elite officers as a regular Military Academy despite poor conditions for professionalization. However, due to the outbreak of the Korean War, these efforts were stopped and did not bear fruit. Second, the beginning of professionalization(1951-1960) was the first step toward professionalization when the regular four-year Military Academy was reopened during the Korean War. Although it began by imitating the system of the U.S. Military Academy(USMA), an educational system for military schools with military expertise as a beginner commander and national guardianship began to be established. Third, in the period of professionalization development(1961-1980), due to North Korea's frequent armed provocations and participation in the Vietnam War, graduates of the military history had the opportunity to participate in the war, and their experience factors were reflected in the military history curriculum. The spirit of sacrifice and patriotism shown by the graduates of the KMA served as an example for the cadets to establish a view of the state and life. Fourth, in the period of settlement(1981-present), various educational programs were implemented to establish new education courses to keep pace with the rapidly changing security environment, internationalization, and information age. As such, it can be seen that the training process of the KMA has gradually changed from simply training officers to systematic education for professionalization. Based on the results of future research, it will be possible to more clearly see the impact of each military academy's education on professionalization by comparing and analyzing the training education system of Naval and Air Force academies.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85948999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-30DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.165
J. Suk, Chang-Gun Park
This study sheds light on what forms have been developed to institutionalized collaboration over both governments over the maritime boundaries between Korea and China, private maritime cooperation, and the policy network. The focus of this study is to analyze the governments and the main areas and actors of the cooperation of private organizations through the concept of the policy network and suggests the policy measures for the association. Specifically, the process of discussion or policy implementation related to the maritime cooperation between Korea and China led to the following results. First, the maritime cooperation between Korea and China has been promoted by regular conferences and accords between both governments. The discussion of the maritime cooperation between both countries has been diversified in areas and objects, such as regular conferences for the maritime boundaries, and the debate being prompted for the maritime business, science, technologies, nature, and environmental cooperation. Second, the various associates not only the central government but also non-government and private organizations have attempted to seek marine cooperation. According to the private marine organizations, they established marine cooperation comprehensively through long-term joint research and interactions between researchers. This is because private cooperation including the governments has prompted multilateral cooperation and manifested the specific outcomes in the marine science-technology. In other words, this study argues that it is needed to establish a mid-to-long-term and comprehensive maritime government, noting that the areas and actors in marine cooperation in government and private organizations are diversified.
{"title":"The Marine Cooperation between Korea and China as a Policy Network: Focusing on the Maritime Boundaries","authors":"J. Suk, Chang-Gun Park","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.2.165","url":null,"abstract":"This study sheds light on what forms have been developed to institutionalized collaboration over both governments over the maritime boundaries between Korea and China, private maritime cooperation, and the policy network. The focus of this study is to analyze the governments and the main areas and actors of the cooperation of private organizations through the concept of the policy network and suggests the policy measures for the association. Specifically, the process of discussion or policy implementation related to the maritime cooperation between Korea and China led to the following results. First, the maritime cooperation between Korea and China has been promoted by regular conferences and accords between both governments. The discussion of the maritime cooperation between both countries has been diversified in areas and objects, such as regular conferences for the maritime boundaries, and the debate being prompted for the maritime business, science, technologies, nature, and environmental cooperation. Second, the various associates not only the central government but also non-government and private organizations have attempted to seek marine cooperation. According to the private marine organizations, they established marine cooperation comprehensively through long-term joint research and interactions between researchers. This is because private cooperation including the governments has prompted multilateral cooperation and manifested the specific outcomes in the marine science-technology. In other words, this study argues that it is needed to establish a mid-to-long-term and comprehensive maritime government, noting that the areas and actors in marine cooperation in government and private organizations are diversified.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89750892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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