Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.59
Eunjung Lim
This study comparatively analyzes the capabilities and national interests of the US, China, and Russia in the field of natural gas and nuclear power using Randall Schweller’s tripolarity as the analytical framework. Through this comparative analysis, this study aims to infer how the structure of the US-China-Russia tripolarity will affect energy security in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on the results of a comparative analysis of the capabilities and national interests of the three superpowers in the natural gas and nuclear power fields, this paper argues that the structure of the US-China-Russia tripolarity can further accelerate power restructuring in the Indo-Pacific region through energy. It is predicted that in both the natural gas and nuclear power fields, where none of the three superpowers has an overwhelming advantage, there is room for energy security issues to be used as a means to accelerate power restructuring, as the wills to revise the status quo are colliding. This is also a warning that the energy issues may eventually escalate into a factor that could shake peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.
{"title":"U.S.-China-Russia Tripolarity and Energy Security in the Indo-Pacific: Focusing on Natural Gas and Nuclear Power","authors":"Eunjung Lim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.59","url":null,"abstract":"This study comparatively analyzes the capabilities and national interests of the US, China, and Russia in the field of natural gas and nuclear power using Randall Schweller’s tripolarity as the analytical framework. Through this comparative analysis, this study aims to infer how the structure of the US-China-Russia tripolarity will affect energy security in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on the results of a comparative analysis of the capabilities and national interests of the three superpowers in the natural gas and nuclear power fields, this paper argues that the structure of the US-China-Russia tripolarity can further accelerate power restructuring in the Indo-Pacific region through energy. It is predicted that in both the natural gas and nuclear power fields, where none of the three superpowers has an overwhelming advantage, there is room for energy security issues to be used as a means to accelerate power restructuring, as the wills to revise the status quo are colliding. This is also a warning that the energy issues may eventually escalate into a factor that could shake peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84466764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.201
The need for an energy transition from fossil fuel to cleaner energy sources has been widely recognized as climate change has increased the intensity of extreme weather events and posed a severe threat to human beings over time. As a result, many countries, including South Korea, have deliberately considered nuclear energy a safe and economical alternative to fossil fuels. Nevertheless, there has been a long-running debate about whether nuclear power is a clean and sustainable energy source. In this paper, we investigate whether individuals with a higher level of environmental perception and cognition are more likely to have less favorable attitudes toward nuclear energy. Specifically, utilizing 2021 Korean General Social Survey data, we construct the ‘environmental perception index’ by conducting a principal component analysis based on various questions about environmental issues and estimate its impacts on attitudes toward nuclear energy policy−stay the same/increase/decrease nuclear reactors−and on opinions about the safety of nuclear energy. We find evidence that respondents with a higher level of the ‘environmental perception index’ are more likely to support the policy to decommission nuclear facilities and be concerned about the safety of nuclear energy. Hence, additional analyses revealed that the effects of the environmental perception index are more evident for the non-partisan respondents, who may be less affected by the political discourses about nuclear energy. The findings of this paper have academic and policy implications by emphasizing the importance of environmental perceptions in evaluating energy policy.
{"title":"Environmental Perception and Public Attitudes toward Nuclear Energy","authors":"","doi":"10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.201","url":null,"abstract":"The need for an energy transition from fossil fuel to cleaner energy sources has been widely recognized as climate change has increased the intensity of extreme weather events and posed a severe threat to human beings over time. As a result, many countries, including South Korea, have deliberately considered nuclear energy a safe and economical alternative to fossil fuels. Nevertheless, there has been a long-running debate about whether nuclear power is a clean and sustainable energy source. In this paper, we investigate whether individuals with a higher level of environmental perception and cognition are more likely to have less favorable attitudes toward nuclear energy. Specifically, utilizing 2021 Korean General Social Survey data, we construct the ‘environmental perception index’ by conducting a principal component analysis based on various questions about environmental issues and estimate its impacts on attitudes toward nuclear energy policy−stay the same/increase/decrease nuclear reactors−and on opinions about the safety of nuclear energy. We find evidence that respondents with a higher level of the ‘environmental perception index’ are more likely to support the policy to decommission nuclear facilities and be concerned about the safety of nuclear energy. Hence, additional analyses revealed that the effects of the environmental perception index are more evident for the non-partisan respondents, who may be less affected by the political discourses about nuclear energy. The findings of this paper have academic and policy implications by emphasizing the importance of environmental perceptions in evaluating energy policy.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83008614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.151
This paper attempts to investigate if a significant increase in foreign asset purchases by domestic investors(i.e., a flight) is detrimental to emerging markets’ growth and investment using a panel data set that covers 56 emerging markets between 1990 and 2014. Furthermore, it studies the effect of a flight when it occurs simultaneously with a significant decrease in domestic asset purchases by foreign investors(i.e., a stop) using an interaction model. A key difference of our study is that we estimate this interaction effect using three generalized method of moments estimators(difference GMM, system GMM, and orthogonal deviation GMM) to address the causal effects rather than the associations between them. The results suggest that a flight alone is not harmful whereas simultaneous flights and stops could depress growth and investment. Therefore, the results of this paper complement the empirical evidence of the existing literature.
{"title":"플라이트와 스톱의 동시 발생이 경제 성장과 투자에 미치는 영향: 신흥 시장의 증거를 중심으로","authors":"","doi":"10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.151","url":null,"abstract":"This paper attempts to investigate if a significant increase in foreign asset purchases by domestic investors(i.e., a flight) is detrimental to emerging markets’ growth and investment using a panel data set that covers 56 emerging markets between 1990 and 2014. Furthermore, it studies the effect of a flight when it occurs simultaneously with a significant decrease in domestic asset purchases by foreign investors(i.e., a stop) using an interaction model. A key difference of our study is that we estimate this interaction effect using three generalized method of moments estimators(difference GMM, system GMM, and orthogonal deviation GMM) to address the causal effects rather than the associations between them. The results suggest that a flight alone is not harmful whereas simultaneous flights and stops could depress growth and investment. Therefore, the results of this paper complement the empirical evidence of the existing literature.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84018440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.5
This study focuses on the descriptions of North Korean history textbooks about the Japanese colonial period(1905-1945) in the Korean Peninsula, and aims to analyze North Korean textbooks by utilizing four materials including the ‘Joseon Ryeoksa’(Joseon History) and ‘Hyeongmyeong Ryeoksa’(History of the Revolutionary) published under the Kim Jong-il regime and the ‘Ryeoksa’ (History) and ‘Hyeongmyeong Ryeoksa’(History of the Revolutionary) under the Kim Jong-un regime. This study also focuses on their descriptions about the empires and the revolutionary struggle, and examines differences and changes between the Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un regimes. Findings of this study are summarized as follows: North Korean history has been a history of ‘resistance,’ of struggle against the imperialism. Their values had been suppressed by the empires and their resistance was sublimated into a revolutionary struggle. Kim Il-song led their history and he was the only figure who could legitimize the North Korean history. The North Korean historical identity, which legitimates resistance history against the empires, was projected through its national, social, and cultural learning materials.
{"title":"Historical Identity in North Korea’s History Textbooks: Description about Empires and Revolutionary Struggle(1905-1945)","authors":"","doi":"10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2023.35.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on the descriptions of North Korean history textbooks about the Japanese colonial period(1905-1945) in the Korean Peninsula, and aims to analyze North Korean textbooks by utilizing four materials including the ‘Joseon Ryeoksa’(Joseon History) and ‘Hyeongmyeong Ryeoksa’(History of the Revolutionary) published under the Kim Jong-il regime and the ‘Ryeoksa’ (History) and ‘Hyeongmyeong Ryeoksa’(History of the Revolutionary) under the Kim Jong-un regime. This study also focuses on their descriptions about the empires and the revolutionary struggle, and examines differences and changes between the Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un regimes. Findings of this study are summarized as follows: North Korean history has been a history of ‘resistance,’ of struggle against the imperialism. Their values had been suppressed by the empires and their resistance was sublimated into a revolutionary struggle. Kim Il-song led their history and he was the only figure who could legitimize the North Korean history. The North Korean historical identity, which legitimates resistance history against the empires, was projected through its national, social, and cultural learning materials.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79277982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.5
Hoon Jaung
This article attempts to critically revisit such comparative works which are in vogue in recent years. First, this article argues that extant studies’ comparative focus on Kant’s peace federation with Ahn’s Oriental peace conference elaborate only half of their peace theory. It is reasonable attempt to compare Kant’s emphasis on free nations’ membership of federation with Ahn’s peace conference with a certain degree of authority on the supranational peace conference. Second, extant comparative studies have neglected the other crucial dimension of Kant and Ahn’s peace thought, that is, the centrality of national states’ sovereignty and non-intervention principle. The so-called democratic peace theorists, who claimed their inheritance of Kantian legacy and Ahn’-Kant comparativists shared such intellectual negligence. Contrary to this theoretical distortion, both Kant and Ahn have placed prominent meaning to the principle of sovereignty and non-intervention. They both believed that such principles were not only preconditions but also consequences of peace federation. In this sense, this article reveals key intellectual loopholes and distortion among extant studies on Kantian legacy and Ahn’s peace thought.
{"title":"Ahn Joonggeun’s Thoughts on Peace and Kant: Comparing Kant’s Perpetual Peace with Ahn’s Oriental Peace","authors":"Hoon Jaung","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to critically revisit such comparative works which are in vogue in recent years. First, this article argues that extant studies’ comparative focus on Kant’s peace federation with Ahn’s Oriental peace conference elaborate only half of their peace theory. It is reasonable attempt to compare Kant’s emphasis on free nations’ membership of federation with Ahn’s peace conference with a certain degree of authority on the supranational peace conference. Second, extant comparative studies have neglected the other crucial dimension of Kant and Ahn’s peace thought, that is, the centrality of national states’ sovereignty and non-intervention principle. The so-called democratic peace theorists, who claimed their inheritance of Kantian legacy and Ahn’-Kant comparativists shared such intellectual negligence. Contrary to this theoretical distortion, both Kant and Ahn have placed prominent meaning to the principle of sovereignty and non-intervention. They both believed that such principles were not only preconditions but also consequences of peace federation. In this sense, this article reveals key intellectual loopholes and distortion among extant studies on Kantian legacy and Ahn’s peace thought.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"43 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91552666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.81
HoeJeong Yang, H. Jeong
The purpose of this study is to analyze whether youth lawmakers represent young people in the 21st National Assembly. In other words, it was intended to check whether the increase in the nominal representation of young people in the National Assembly leads to an increase in substansive representation. To this end, a total of 275 youth-related bills proposed from the opening of the 21st National Assembly(May 30, 2020) to August 31, 2022 were thoroughly investigated with quantitative and qualitative analysis conducted simultaneously. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the younger members of the legislature are more likely to initiate youth-related bills. In addition, it was confirmed that party membership and seniority have impacts on bill initiation. The results of the qualitative analysis of the youth-related bills showed that the 21st National Assembly members wanted to effectively represent the youth, particularly focusing on the issues of job(28.36%, 78 cases) and politics(23.63%, 65 cases). Although the number of youth lawmakers is small, they were found to make efforts to guarantee the political, social, cultural, and economic rights of young people and to represent the youth group by proposing bills that are different from non-youth members.
{"title":"Does the youth member represent the youth?: Focusing on the 21st National Assembly","authors":"HoeJeong Yang, H. Jeong","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.81","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to analyze whether youth lawmakers represent young people in the 21st National Assembly. In other words, it was intended to check whether the increase in the nominal representation of young people in the National Assembly leads to an increase in substansive representation. To this end, a total of 275 youth-related bills proposed from the opening of the 21st National Assembly(May 30, 2020) to August 31, 2022 were thoroughly investigated with quantitative and qualitative analysis conducted simultaneously. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the younger members of the legislature are more likely to initiate youth-related bills. In addition, it was confirmed that party membership and seniority have impacts on bill initiation. The results of the qualitative analysis of the youth-related bills showed that the 21st National Assembly members wanted to effectively represent the youth, particularly focusing on the issues of job(28.36%, 78 cases) and politics(23.63%, 65 cases). Although the number of youth lawmakers is small, they were found to make efforts to guarantee the political, social, cultural, and economic rights of young people and to represent the youth group by proposing bills that are different from non-youth members.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72680526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.105
Ha-Hyun Jo, Seung-jin Kim
This study is to measure the impact of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism by the European Union and the United States on South Korea. Five products of the EU CBAM are selected for this analysis: iron and steel, organic chemicals, plastic, aluminum, and cement. To evaluate the impact, this paper used carbon intensity, export value, and carbon emission price data. The additional burden on the products is expected to cost 531 billion KRW by the EU CBAM implementation. In the case of the US implementation, the additional burden is expected to reach 214 billion KRW when the social cost of carbon(SCC) is used for the carbon price. These estimates are different from the results of previous studies, as the calculation in this study is based on HS codes. In fact, the estimates are larger than previous results, since the gap between carbon prices has grown in recent months. Among products, iron and steel products bear the largest proportion of the burden. However, the influence of the CBAM may become more extensive with an extended range of products and an increased price of carbon emissions. In order to respond to the CBAM effectively, it is necessary for the government to stimulate the de-carbonization of industry and incentivize investment in renewable energy. Corporations are also required to actively invest in low-carbon technologies and improve the capacity for climate change adaptation.
{"title":"Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism of the EU and the US: the Impact on South Korea","authors":"Ha-Hyun Jo, Seung-jin Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.105","url":null,"abstract":"This study is to measure the impact of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism by the European Union and the United States on South Korea. Five products of the EU CBAM are selected for this analysis: iron and steel, organic chemicals, plastic, aluminum, and cement. To evaluate the impact, this paper used carbon intensity, export value, and carbon emission price data. The additional burden on the products is expected to cost 531 billion KRW by the EU CBAM implementation. In the case of the US implementation, the additional burden is expected to reach 214 billion KRW when the social cost of carbon(SCC) is used for the carbon price. These estimates are different from the results of previous studies, as the calculation in this study is based on HS codes. In fact, the estimates are larger than previous results, since the gap between carbon prices has grown in recent months. Among products, iron and steel products bear the largest proportion of the burden. However, the influence of the CBAM may become more extensive with an extended range of products and an increased price of carbon emissions. In order to respond to the CBAM effectively, it is necessary for the government to stimulate the de-carbonization of industry and incentivize investment in renewable energy. Corporations are also required to actively invest in low-carbon technologies and improve the capacity for climate change adaptation.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74197263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.31
S. Yoo, Taewoo Lim, Yiyeon Kim
The purpose of this study is to examine what factors China’s foreign aid allocation affected based on the case of Mozambique. Dreher et al.(2018), the most pioneering research on Chinese aid argue that China’s foreign policy interests determine its allocation of Official Development Assistance(ODA) flows and that economic considerations determine less concessional forms of official financing(Other Official Flows, OOF). However, existing studies examining the factors of aid allocation in Western donor countries show a mixture of factors such as donors’ interest and recipients’ development. This study argues that through the Mozambique case, China’s aid is also allocated by the interaction of various factors. Utilizing the Granger Causality test, we find that while ODA flows affect exports from China to Mozambique, exports do not cause ODA. In terms of OOF, the argument of Dreher et al.(2018) was not supported. OOF is not distributed according to economic purpose. Investigating aid to the agriculture, social infrastructure, health, and education sectors, this study shows that aid is distributed for different purposes depending the sector.
本文以莫桑比克为例，探讨中国对外援助分配的影响因素。Dreher等人(2018)是对中国援助最具开创性的研究，他们认为中国的外交政策利益决定了其官方发展援助(ODA)流量的分配，经济考虑决定了不太优惠的官方融资形式(其他官方流量，OOF)。然而，审查西方捐助国援助分配因素的现有研究表明，诸如捐助者的兴趣和受援国的发展等因素混合在一起。本研究认为，通过莫桑比克案例，中国的援助也是通过各种因素的相互作用来分配的。利用格兰杰因果检验，我们发现虽然官方发展援助流量影响中国对莫桑比克的出口，但出口不影响官方发展援助。在OOF方面，Dreher et al.(2018)的论点没有得到支持。OOF不按经济目的分配。在调查对农业、社会基础设施、卫生和教育部门的援助后，这项研究表明，根据部门的不同，援助的分配目的不同。
{"title":"The Determinants of Chinese Foreign Aid: Case of Mozambique","authors":"S. Yoo, Taewoo Lim, Yiyeon Kim","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.31","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to examine what factors China’s foreign aid allocation affected based on the case of Mozambique. Dreher et al.(2018), the most pioneering research on Chinese aid argue that China’s foreign policy interests determine its allocation of Official Development Assistance(ODA) flows and that economic considerations determine less concessional forms of official financing(Other Official Flows, OOF). However, existing studies examining the factors of aid allocation in Western donor countries show a mixture of factors such as donors’ interest and recipients’ development. This study argues that through the Mozambique case, China’s aid is also allocated by the interaction of various factors. Utilizing the Granger Causality test, we find that while ODA flows affect exports from China to Mozambique, exports do not cause ODA. In terms of OOF, the argument of Dreher et al.(2018) was not supported. OOF is not distributed according to economic purpose. Investigating aid to the agriculture, social infrastructure, health, and education sectors, this study shows that aid is distributed for different purposes depending the sector.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81042885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.61
Z. Kim, Lee-Ra Choi
One of the recent meaningful changes in the development of globalization can be represented by structural changes in the global production network, such as the establishment, development, expansion, and reorganization of the so-called Global Value Chain(GVC). This study analyzed the determinants of the GVC participation rate by dividing it into the entire period from 2000 to 2019, the stages of globalization(Hyperglobalization and slowbalization), and stages of economic growth(developed and non-developed countries). In all the study periods, trade openness was the only variable that had a significant positive(+) effect on the determinants of the GVC participation rate. And other variables showed different results depending on the stage of globalization or economic growth. The results of this study suggest that the factors that promote or reduce the GVC participation rate differ depending on the stage of globalization or economic growth, so that the government requires to set up appropriate policies according to the global economic environment and the country's economic situation.
{"title":"The Determinants of Global Value Chain Participation: Globalization and Economic Development Stages","authors":"Z. Kim, Lee-Ra Choi","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.4.61","url":null,"abstract":"One of the recent meaningful changes in the development of globalization can be represented by structural changes in the global production network, such as the establishment, development, expansion, and reorganization of the so-called Global Value Chain(GVC). This study analyzed the determinants of the GVC participation rate by dividing it into the entire period from 2000 to 2019, the stages of globalization(Hyperglobalization and slowbalization), and stages of economic growth(developed and non-developed countries). In all the study periods, trade openness was the only variable that had a significant positive(+) effect on the determinants of the GVC participation rate. And other variables showed different results depending on the stage of globalization or economic growth. The results of this study suggest that the factors that promote or reduce the GVC participation rate differ depending on the stage of globalization or economic growth, so that the government requires to set up appropriate policies according to the global economic environment and the country's economic situation.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"14 10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73162560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.137
Hochul Lee
This study is to suggest an integrated approach of three levels of ‘structure,’ ‘process,’ and ‘actor’ to analyze and predict US-China relations. At the level of structure, this study finds that a power transition is going on, that a power competition between ‘rebalancing’ and ‘counterbalancing’ is developing, and that conflicting strategic goals are sought for. US-China relations would develop into a competition/conflict-dominant mode in the long-term. But this competition/ conflict-dominant relations would be mitigated by resuming diplomacy and increasing trade between two countries. Finally, the competition/conflict-dominant relations would be amplified by the perceptions of each other by the leadership as the only ‘revisionist challenging’ state and a containing state of rising China.
{"title":"US-China Relations: An Integrated Model of Analysis and Prediction","authors":"Hochul Lee","doi":"10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29274/ews.2022.34.3.137","url":null,"abstract":"This study is to suggest an integrated approach of three levels of ‘structure,’ ‘process,’ and ‘actor’ to analyze and predict US-China relations. At the level of structure, this study finds that a power transition is going on, that a power competition between ‘rebalancing’ and ‘counterbalancing’ is developing, and that conflicting strategic goals are sought for. US-China relations would develop into a competition/conflict-dominant mode in the long-term. But this competition/ conflict-dominant relations would be mitigated by resuming diplomacy and increasing trade between two countries. Finally, the competition/conflict-dominant relations would be amplified by the perceptions of each other by the leadership as the only ‘revisionist challenging’ state and a containing state of rising China.","PeriodicalId":84986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of East and West studies","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74065432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：