Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146645
Rohit Azad, S. Chakraborty
Is imperialism dead? While economists on the Right would readily answer in the affirmative, some even on the Left, like Hardt and Negri, would agree that it is indeed. To be sure, for the latter, global hegemony has taken a different shape, which they call ‘Empire’. But is imperialism, as understood in the classical sense, dead indeed? In varied frameworks of imperialism—world systems, dependency, unequal interdependence—the world has been theorised as constitutive of two parts: capitalist core (global North) and pre/semi-capitalist periphery (global South). This neat classification has been smudged by the emergence of China from the global South as a major economic player in the global economy. We argue its emergence, far from weakening imperialism, is a key factor in explaining today’s imperialism. Imperialism of the twenty-first century constitutes of three, not two, parts—capitalist core, periphery’s core, and periphery’s periphery. JEL Codes: F54; F60
{"title":"Imperialism of the Twenty-First Century: A Global Tripartite System","authors":"Rohit Azad, S. Chakraborty","doi":"10.1177/00194662221146645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221146645","url":null,"abstract":"Is imperialism dead? While economists on the Right would readily answer in the affirmative, some even on the Left, like Hardt and Negri, would agree that it is indeed. To be sure, for the latter, global hegemony has taken a different shape, which they call ‘Empire’. But is imperialism, as understood in the classical sense, dead indeed? In varied frameworks of imperialism—world systems, dependency, unequal interdependence—the world has been theorised as constitutive of two parts: capitalist core (global North) and pre/semi-capitalist periphery (global South). This neat classification has been smudged by the emergence of China from the global South as a major economic player in the global economy. We argue its emergence, far from weakening imperialism, is a key factor in explaining today’s imperialism. Imperialism of the twenty-first century constitutes of three, not two, parts—capitalist core, periphery’s core, and periphery’s periphery. JEL Codes: F54; F60","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"217 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42105830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146640
K. Joseph, L. A. Kumary
Since the design and implementation of GST is often perceived as a difficult task, especially in developing countries with federal constitutional structures, the introduction of GST in India in 2017 has been considered a great achievement. Against this background, this article explored the characteristics of India’s GST paradigm from a fiscal federal perspective, its implementation and the tax performance of States under GST. The Indianized GST paradigm, built on the edifice of GST Council and three key pillars of revenue neutrality, tax sharing between the Centre and the States and the provision for GST compensation, has been designed towards fostering cooperative federalism. Our analysis revealed that the revenue neutrality has not been ensured and there were also issues with tax sharing and GST compensation. Both the edifice and the pillars of GST, therefore, were fraught with fault lines in both the design and implementation. Tax effort of the States did not increase indicating that GST has not been helpful in improving the revenue position of the States. Although India’s GST paradigm was destined to foster cooperative federalism the outcomes appear to lead us towards coercive federalism. JEL Codes: H71, H73, H77
{"title":"India’s GST Paradigm and the Trajectory of Fiscal Federalism: An Analysis with Special Reference to Kerala","authors":"K. Joseph, L. A. Kumary","doi":"10.1177/00194662221146640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221146640","url":null,"abstract":"Since the design and implementation of GST is often perceived as a difficult task, especially in developing countries with federal constitutional structures, the introduction of GST in India in 2017 has been considered a great achievement. Against this background, this article explored the characteristics of India’s GST paradigm from a fiscal federal perspective, its implementation and the tax performance of States under GST. The Indianized GST paradigm, built on the edifice of GST Council and three key pillars of revenue neutrality, tax sharing between the Centre and the States and the provision for GST compensation, has been designed towards fostering cooperative federalism. Our analysis revealed that the revenue neutrality has not been ensured and there were also issues with tax sharing and GST compensation. Both the edifice and the pillars of GST, therefore, were fraught with fault lines in both the design and implementation. Tax effort of the States did not increase indicating that GST has not been helpful in improving the revenue position of the States. Although India’s GST paradigm was destined to foster cooperative federalism the outcomes appear to lead us towards coercive federalism. JEL Codes: H71, H73, H77","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"187 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43917752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221145280
B. Harriss‐White
Marx’s model of capital and labour, dynamised by contradictions and the compulsion to accumulate, leaves deviations from the polar classes of capital and labour ignored, regarded as precapitalist outliers, or as headed for extinction. But the two considered here, petty commodity production (and trade and services) and merchant’s or commercial capital, persist widely. Here in tribute to the major contributions to political economy of Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik, their structure and dynamics are discussed in general and in the contemporary Indian case. They are argued to be awkward both analytically and politically. Petty production overlaps with both wage labour and small capitalist firms; it reproduces and expands by multiplication, not accumulation; it does not mobilise in a politically coherent way. Commercial capital is in turn suffused with productive activity; it encompasses petty trade and accumulating enterprises which pursue a reactive opportunistic politics which preserves their independence. Further awkwardness results from the disjuncture between analytically useful categories and the policy concepts used by the state.
{"title":"Awkward Classes and India’s Rural Development","authors":"B. Harriss‐White","doi":"10.1177/00194662221145280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221145280","url":null,"abstract":"Marx’s model of capital and labour, dynamised by contradictions and the compulsion to accumulate, leaves deviations from the polar classes of capital and labour ignored, regarded as precapitalist outliers, or as headed for extinction. But the two considered here, petty commodity production (and trade and services) and merchant’s or commercial capital, persist widely. Here in tribute to the major contributions to political economy of Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik, their structure and dynamics are discussed in general and in the contemporary Indian case. They are argued to be awkward both analytically and politically. Petty production overlaps with both wage labour and small capitalist firms; it reproduces and expands by multiplication, not accumulation; it does not mobilise in a politically coherent way. Commercial capital is in turn suffused with productive activity; it encompasses petty trade and accumulating enterprises which pursue a reactive opportunistic politics which preserves their independence. Further awkwardness results from the disjuncture between analytically useful categories and the policy concepts used by the state.","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"56 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45159787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221145279
A. Bilgrami
This article seeks to provide the philosophical foundations for the very idea of economic rights, comparable to the foundations that have long been available for the rights around the notion of liberty. The author then situates economic rights, so understood, within the realities of contemporary capitalist political economy, as it has been analysed over the years by Prabhat Patnaik. JEL Codes: B0, K1, N1, P1, P2
{"title":"Economic Rights, The Very Idea","authors":"A. Bilgrami","doi":"10.1177/00194662221145279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221145279","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to provide the philosophical foundations for the very idea of economic rights, comparable to the foundations that have long been available for the rights around the notion of liberty. The author then situates economic rights, so understood, within the realities of contemporary capitalist political economy, as it has been analysed over the years by Prabhat Patnaik. JEL Codes: B0, K1, N1, P1, P2","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"30 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43790350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146647
Vibha Iyer
The earliest work on colonial transfers from India originated in the Drain of wealth theory of the nineteenth century nationalists Dadabhai Naoroji and R. C. Dutt. While the theory displays an implicit understanding of the linking of India’s internal budget and its external accounts to facilitate tax financed transfers to Britain—a feature unique to the colonial economy, it lacked the macroeconomic concepts to make explicit its details. Utsa Patnaik’s methodological framework over the last four decades on imperialism and colonial transfers in particular has contributed significantly towards revealing not only the precise mechanism of extraction of tax financed transfers from India but also formulating accurate estimates of the same. This article focuses on two of Patnaik’s methodological contributions. The first being the use of suitably modified modern macroeconomic concepts in a sovereign economy to lay bare the link between India’s tax revenues and trade surplus and second, the use of Council Bills as a proxy for India’s merchandise surplus which has helped overcome conceptual lacunae in the existing trade data and literature about the colonial period and enabled greater accuracy in the estimation of the transfers. JEL Codes: N01, N10, P16
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146643
A. Banerjee
The success and failure of capitalism have been commonly measured by the yardsticks of industrialisation, technical progress and innovations in the financial markets. The emergence of industrial agriculture under successful capitalist transitions is supposed to have taken care of all food and raw material constraints that could have arrested the development of industrial economies and societies in the North. Simultaneously, the problems of underdevelopment and food insecurity in the South is attributed to internal constraints and barriers. The work of Utsa Patnaik challenges these views as she explored multiple aspects of the contribution of colonies to the advance of capital accumulation in the North. She delves into the nineteenth century ‘international division of labour’, the role of tropical food and raw materials exports by commercialised southern agriculture and implication for food security in the colonies. The objective of this article is to engage with the anti-imperial scholarship of Utsa Patnaik with a specific focus on the food question in capitalism. The article traces the evolution of the food question as capitalism evolved and dominated the world economy. JEL Codes: P1, F54, Q18
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221145278
Gopalkrishna Gandhi
As part of society, journalists and editors can play and often have played, in country after country, over different periods, crucial roles outside the columns of the newspapers or media platforms they work for. They can further causes, support campaigns, oppose the official and social establishments of the day. If and when they do that, they cannot but carry something of the stature of their profession on their shoulders, to the benefit perhaps of that role and to the augmentation of their public personalities. Albert Cartwright (1868–1956) had worked in a number of newspapers in South Africa in the turbulent period around the Second Boer War and later, opposing the ruling order in some crucial respects, beyond the call of ‘editorial’ duty. As a friend of General J. C. Smuts, South Africa’s most powerful politician and of M. K. Gandhi, who was pitted in a steadily escalating struggle against the Smuts regime, Cartwright as the then editor of The Transvaal Leader mediated between the General and his Indian opponent during the gutsy barrister’s first incarceration (1908). This led to a thawing of the relations between the Boer and the Indian and the forming of a patently conflicted yet elusively cordial equation between them, which eventually helped in the reaching of the famous ‘Agreement’ (1914) on the Indians’ grievances in that country. I intend to explore that role played by Cartwright both to describe his character and personality and also to draw attention to the fact that freedom’s battles have been not un-often, fought and in some of their ‘theatres’, won, by individuals from the world of the Press who have worked, almost unseen, from the wings with the ‘pen’ goading the process. Editor as mediator? Now what is that about? Editors helm newspapers and journals, they write editorials, sometimes fight their proprietors for their autonomy and more often capitulate to the owner’s control. They come thereby to be admired and respected or neither admired nor respected. They resist political authority and pay a price for that, or they ‘fall in line’ and pay a higher price in terms of credibility. But mediation? How does that become part of an editor’s role? It can and does, because public life, as life itself, is not all black and white. There are areas which can be called a blend of both and are like black and white photographs and films are quite grey and misty, something that makes the films of Satyajit Ray, for instance, ring so true. And editors, who are not in politics but are situated on its rims, while not being players themselves are yet so close to the action that happens around them as to be indistinguishable from its voltage. They can find themselves sought for or seeking clarifications, being offered or offering suggestions. It is in them to exacerbate or alleviate tensions, encourage or discourage policy and programmes and indeed, action including belligerence. While doing so they become mediators within themselves as well, mediatin
{"title":"Editor as Mediator: A Profile of Albert Cartwright in Early Twentieth Century South Africa","authors":"Gopalkrishna Gandhi","doi":"10.1177/00194662221145278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221145278","url":null,"abstract":"As part of society, journalists and editors can play and often have played, in country after country, over different periods, crucial roles outside the columns of the newspapers or media platforms they work for. They can further causes, support campaigns, oppose the official and social establishments of the day. If and when they do that, they cannot but carry something of the stature of their profession on their shoulders, to the benefit perhaps of that role and to the augmentation of their public personalities. Albert Cartwright (1868–1956) had worked in a number of newspapers in South Africa in the turbulent period around the Second Boer War and later, opposing the ruling order in some crucial respects, beyond the call of ‘editorial’ duty. As a friend of General J. C. Smuts, South Africa’s most powerful politician and of M. K. Gandhi, who was pitted in a steadily escalating struggle against the Smuts regime, Cartwright as the then editor of The Transvaal Leader mediated between the General and his Indian opponent during the gutsy barrister’s first incarceration (1908). This led to a thawing of the relations between the Boer and the Indian and the forming of a patently conflicted yet elusively cordial equation between them, which eventually helped in the reaching of the famous ‘Agreement’ (1914) on the Indians’ grievances in that country. I intend to explore that role played by Cartwright both to describe his character and personality and also to draw attention to the fact that freedom’s battles have been not un-often, fought and in some of their ‘theatres’, won, by individuals from the world of the Press who have worked, almost unseen, from the wings with the ‘pen’ goading the process. Editor as mediator? Now what is that about? Editors helm newspapers and journals, they write editorials, sometimes fight their proprietors for their autonomy and more often capitulate to the owner’s control. They come thereby to be admired and respected or neither admired nor respected. They resist political authority and pay a price for that, or they ‘fall in line’ and pay a higher price in terms of credibility. But mediation? How does that become part of an editor’s role? It can and does, because public life, as life itself, is not all black and white. There are areas which can be called a blend of both and are like black and white photographs and films are quite grey and misty, something that makes the films of Satyajit Ray, for instance, ring so true. And editors, who are not in politics but are situated on its rims, while not being players themselves are yet so close to the action that happens around them as to be indistinguishable from its voltage. They can find themselves sought for or seeking clarifications, being offered or offering suggestions. It is in them to exacerbate or alleviate tensions, encourage or discourage policy and programmes and indeed, action including belligerence. While doing so they become mediators within themselves as well, mediatin","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"12 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49587600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146638
B. Dhar
India’s accession to the WTO in 1995 brought a new set of challenges for its agriculture. Most of the policies supporting agriculture, especially price support and input subsidies, labelled by the agreement on agriculture (AoA) as domestic support measures, were under the scanner. The price support measure that India uses, namely, the minimum support price (MSP) provided to most of the major crops now faces a problem as the methodology of calculating the extent of subsidies on account of MSP is working against India. Further, the AoA prevents India from using export subsidies since it was not using this instrument in the past. But the agreement allows the advanced countries that were using export subsidies to continue using this instrument, albeit at a lower level. Equally problematic for India is the fact that AoA rules are constraining the implementation of the National Food Security Act, which provides subsidised foodgrains to the disadvantaged sections. JEL codes: F13, Q17, Q18
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146655
R. Dewan
The fulcrum of gender equality in all its myriad manifestations is ownership and control over resources, and specifically in a developing economy, primarily and essentially land. However, these manifestations and also the intensity of interlinkages are to a deeply significant level determined by historical and regional specificities relating to economic as well as extra-economic factors and forces. Nowhere in India are these direct and indirect interconnects between gender equality and resources so intricate, nuanced and simultaneously complex as in the state of Goa which is the only state in India where women are guaranteed equal property rights. In this article the demystification of the link between patriarchy and women’s property rights is built on the prevailing intermixes of land, property and matrimonial rights according to the Portuguese Civil Code and the relevant laws and legislations including Family Laws, the Code of Comunidades, the Goa Mundkar (Protection from Eviction) Act of 1975, and the recent enactment in 2016 of the Goa Succession, Special Notaries and Inventory Proceeding Act, 2012.
{"title":"Patriarchy and Property: Goa’s Uniform Civil Code","authors":"R. Dewan","doi":"10.1177/00194662221146655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221146655","url":null,"abstract":"The fulcrum of gender equality in all its myriad manifestations is ownership and control over resources, and specifically in a developing economy, primarily and essentially land. However, these manifestations and also the intensity of interlinkages are to a deeply significant level determined by historical and regional specificities relating to economic as well as extra-economic factors and forces. Nowhere in India are these direct and indirect interconnects between gender equality and resources so intricate, nuanced and simultaneously complex as in the state of Goa which is the only state in India where women are guaranteed equal property rights. In this article the demystification of the link between patriarchy and women’s property rights is built on the prevailing intermixes of land, property and matrimonial rights according to the Portuguese Civil Code and the relevant laws and legislations including Family Laws, the Code of Comunidades, the Goa Mundkar (Protection from Eviction) Act of 1975, and the recent enactment in 2016 of the Goa Succession, Special Notaries and Inventory Proceeding Act, 2012.","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"247 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41400052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00194662221146639
P. Yeros
This article provides an overview of Africa’s contemporary social formation. It is argued that the labour question in Africa has undergone a decisive transformation under neoliberalism. While under colonial rule the formation of labour reserves was mainly the result of political engineering, especially in regions of white settlement, today labour reserves are driven by the spontaneous operation of generalized monopoly capitalism and have become coextensive with the continent. This changing labour question is the most basic element of an apparent tendency of structural convergence among the continent’s macro-regions; it amounts to a generalized condition of semiproletarianization, insofar as the bulk of the population is unable to meet its basic needs within the wage relation or outside it. Peasant and worker households straddle various labour regimes in rural and urban areas and seek to secure their social reproduction by a combination of wages, petty production and trade, simple use values, and unpaid reproductive labour. Data sourced from the ILO are used to qualify some of these trends, including their gendered dimensions. JEL Codes: C1, F5, J2, N5, R1
{"title":"Generalized Semiproletarianization in Africa","authors":"P. Yeros","doi":"10.1177/00194662221146639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00194662221146639","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an overview of Africa’s contemporary social formation. It is argued that the labour question in Africa has undergone a decisive transformation under neoliberalism. While under colonial rule the formation of labour reserves was mainly the result of political engineering, especially in regions of white settlement, today labour reserves are driven by the spontaneous operation of generalized monopoly capitalism and have become coextensive with the continent. This changing labour question is the most basic element of an apparent tendency of structural convergence among the continent’s macro-regions; it amounts to a generalized condition of semiproletarianization, insofar as the bulk of the population is unable to meet its basic needs within the wage relation or outside it. Peasant and worker households straddle various labour regimes in rural and urban areas and seek to secure their social reproduction by a combination of wages, petty production and trade, simple use values, and unpaid reproductive labour. Data sourced from the ILO are used to qualify some of these trends, including their gendered dimensions. JEL Codes: C1, F5, J2, N5, R1","PeriodicalId":85705,"journal":{"name":"The Indian economic journal : the quarterly journal of the Indian Economic Association","volume":"71 1","pages":"162 - 186"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48432572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}