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The Latest "Federal Movement" in the Food and Drug Law Arena: The Federal Right-to-Try or Rather Right-to-Know and Thus Request Investigational Therapies for Individuals with a Life-Threatening Disease or Condition 食品和药物法律领域最新的“联邦运动”:联邦有权尝试,或者更确切地说是知情权,从而要求对患有危及生命的疾病或病症的个人进行研究性治疗
Pub Date : 2019-03-13 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0056
R. Termini
Does the recently enacted Federal Right-to-Try Act provide improved access for the desperately ill? Will insurance companies provide reimbursement for a patient to undergo such investigational therapies? Is the manufacturer protected in terms of lawsuits? That is, does the patient relinquish the right to bring a legal action? Will physicians comprehend the pathway and advocate for their patients? Does this new law guarantee “any novel federal right”? The national state movement regarding Right-to-Try state legislation spurred the enactment of the Federal Right-to-Try (Federal Right-to-Try Act) legislation passed in 2018. Yet, even prior to the enactment of the Federal Right-to-Try law, the United States Federal Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has had mechanisms in place for those terminally ill who do not qualify for a clinical trial. This article provides a Federal Primer on the Investigational Drug, Biologic and Device Process, details a similar national right-to-know movement in the food and drug law arena that led to federal legislation perhaps comparable to how the Federal Right-to-Try Act was enacted and includes a discussion about the state right to try movement which conceivably led to the enactment of the Federal Right-to-Try Act. There are more queries than unambiguous answers regarding the recently enacted Federal Right-to-Try Act. The federal law in essence could prove troublesome and confusing with both the state Right-to-Try measures due to, for instance, issues of national uniformity and preemption. Further, could the recently enacted Federal Right-to-Try Act ultimately be detrimental to the patient in terms of lack of adequate safeguards and perhaps a false unrealistic sense of hope?
最近颁布的《联邦试用权法案》(Federal Right-to-Try Act)是否为病入膏肓的人提供了更好的机会?保险公司会为接受这种试验性治疗的患者提供报销吗?制造商在诉讼方面受到保护吗?也就是说,病人是否放弃了提起法律诉讼的权利?医生会理解这一途径并为他们的病人辩护吗?这项新法律保证了“任何新的联邦权利”吗?全国各州的审判权立法运动推动了2018年通过的《联邦审判权法案》的制定。然而,即使在颁布《联邦试用权法》之前,美国联邦食品和药物管理局(FDA)已经为那些没有资格参加临床试验的绝症患者设立了机制。这篇文章提供了一个关于研究药物,生物和设备过程的联邦入门,详细介绍了食品和药物法律领域类似的国家知情权运动,该运动导致了联邦立法,可能与联邦试用权法案的颁布相媲美,并包括关于州试用权运动的讨论,该运动可能导致了联邦试用权法案的颁布。关于最近颁布的《联邦审判权法案》,人们提出的问题比明确的答案要多。联邦法律在本质上可能会被证明是麻烦的,并且与州的审判权措施相混淆,例如,由于国家统一和优先考虑的问题。此外,最近颁布的《联邦审判权法案》(Federal Right-to-Try Act)是否最终会对患者有害,因为它缺乏足够的保障,或许还会给患者带来不切实际的虚假希望?
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引用次数: 0
Big Data Analytics 大数据分析
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0048
S. Hoffman
It is not uncommon to read that long-held beliefs about medical treatments have been dislodged by new studies. For example, there is now doubt as to whether women should undergo annual mammograms, previously a cornerstone of cancer screening. Hormone replacement therapy for menopausal women, once considered highly suspect in light of worrisome research findings, is now being reconsidered as a beneficial therapy. These reversals trouble and confuse many Americans. This Article explores why medical research findings can be erroneous and what can go wrong in the process of designing and conducting research studies. It provides readers with essential analytical tools and scientific vocabulary. The challenges of medical research include data quality deficiencies; selection, confounding, measurement, and confirmation biases; inadequate sample sizes; sampling errors; effect modifiers; and causal interactions, among others. All of these can cause researchers to mistake mere associations for causal relationships and to reach conclusions that are invalid and cannot be replicated in subsequent studies. Erroneous research findings can mislead legislators, regulators, and lawyers who use them for purposes of policy-making or litigation. Thus, understanding the pitfalls of big data analysis is important not only for scientists but also for anyone working with or reading about research studies, that is, for attorneys, health policy professionals, and the public at large.
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引用次数: 2
What Motivates Legislators to Act: 立法会议员采取行动的动机:
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0047
Taleed El-Sabawi
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引用次数: 1
Collateral Consequences and the Right to Appeal 附带后果和上诉权
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0050
Jonathan B. Warner
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引用次数: 0
Once More Unto the Breach 再一次走向决口
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0051
Connor McLarren
In introducing his Special Issue, the guest-editor identifies different usages of the term 'UPE' , also reflected in the contributions to the Issue, and comments on the implications of this diversity in the context of nations' efforts to achieve it. 'Real ' and 'bogus' UPE are distinguished and the alternative concept of basic education considered. Implementation of UPE, an immensely demanding undertaking, requires adequate information, genuine commitment and close co-operation at all levels and from all concerned; equally, it depends on administrative ability, organization of training, and political motivation, flexibility and sincerity. Recognising the demands and costs of UPE, the reasons for commitment to it are examined (and illustrated from the case of Nigeria) and the feasibility of successful implementation, e.g., by the year 2000, assessed. Alternatives exist, both in concept and practice, but seem unlikely to commend themselves. Nevertheless, as is stressed in the articles, lessons may be learned from experience already gained concerning the effectiveness of such factors as: greater community involvement in providing and controlling schools; more emphasis on school health; closer relationships between central and local planning; alternative structures for older learners or drop-outs; the shortening of instructional time; and increased research and greater investment in training for the teaching of basic skills at primary level. Without a radical change of attitude, particularly with respect to this last priority, efforts to achieve even literacy, the first goal of UPE, are being seriously undermined. Zusammenfassung In seiner Einleitung zu dieser Sondernummer zeigt der Gastherausgeber die verschiedenen Definitionen des Begriffes des 'Weltweiten Ausbaus des Primarschulwesens' auf, die auch in den Beitr~igen dieser Ausgabe gebraucht werden. Danach erl~iutert er die Bedeutung dieser Vielfalt im Rahmen der Bemiihungen der Staaten, dieses Ziel zu erreichen. Es wird zwischen 'echten' und 'gef~ilschten' Konzepten des weltweiten Ausbaus des Primarschulwesens unterschieden und die Alternative eines Konzepts der Elementarerziehung wird erwogen. Die DurchfOhrung des weltweiten Ausbaus des Primarschulwesens ein tiberaus anspruchsvolles Unternehmen erfordert angemessene Information, wahres Engagement und eine enge Zusammenarbeit auf allen Ebenen und von allen Betroffenen; sie h~ingt gleichermaf~en von administrativen F~ihigkeiten, der Organisation der Ausbildung sowie politischer Motivation, als auch Flexibilit~it und Ernsthaftigkeit ab. Die Nachfragen und Kosten des weltweiten Ausbaus der Primarerziehung werden erkannt, die Grtinde ftir ein entsprechendes Engagement werden untersucht (und an Hand des Beispiels von Nigerien illustriert) undes wird gepriift, ob sich dieses Ziel bis zum Jahre 2000 erfolgreich durchftihren l~il3t. Alternativen bestehen zwar, sowohl als Konzept wie auch in Praxis, aber es erscheint unwahrscheinlich, dab sie sich anbiete
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引用次数: 9
Deploying Prescription Drug Monitoring to Address the Overdose Crisis 部署处方药监测解决过量危机
Pub Date : 2018-05-08 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0046
L. Beletsky
The United States is in the midst of a historic public health crisis. Each day, well over 100 Americans die of drug overdose, driven increasingly by street opioids. In line with other “epidemics” of grave public concern, this crisis has spurred an expansion of public health surveillance. This article focuses on the principal element of this expansion—prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs). By collecting information on who is prescribing, dispensing, and receiving scheduled drugs, PDMPs are intended to detect—and deter—problem patients, rogue prescribers, and pharmacists who may be diverting potentially addictive and otherwise risky drugs. PDMPs are far from new, but the recent scale-up in the number, scope, funding, and legal mandates of these systems has occurred without sufficient scrutiny. The lens of public health law research has just begun to be trained on PDMPs. By integrating empirical and theoretical perspectives, this article adds to this nescient discourse. I argue that the zeal with which we have traditionally pursued supply reduction measures to address drug-related harms reflects the legal and system design of PDMPs, as well as the street-level implementation of these programs. This also explains why the success of PDMPs has been measured primarily by their impact on suppressing medication supply with little regard for truly meaningful metrics. But, when it comes to improving patient care and addressing drug-related harms, the evidence of PDMP benefit is far from clear. This article presents a narrative review of the 34 peer-reviewed studies evaluating PDMPs published since 2010. Only 11 (32%) considered any overdose outcomes. Of studies assessing overall mortality, three found PDMP deployment to be associated with reduced overdose rates, four reported a null result, and three reported PDMPs to be associated with an increase in overdoses. These findings stand to challenge the kind of unbridled enthusiasm, generous investment, and cavalier policy emphasis that has buoyed PDMPs since the onset of the overdose crisis. Given evidence of mixed impact, the unintended harms of these systems warrant urgent examination. This includes their potential role in deterring proper prescribing practices; chilling help-seeking among patients, especially those made vulnerable by a history of trauma in the healthcare settings and criminal justice involvement; further fraying the fabric of provider-patient trust; and facilitating patient transition from prescription to black market drug supplies. Original qualitative data presented here give voice to stakeholder concerns about surveillance, privacy, and pervasive monitoring by law enforcement. A special focus on privacy is especially timely in view of recent appellate decisions allowing broad warrantless disclosure of PDMP data to law enforcement. Although the perils of expansive government monitoring and predictive technologies are recognized in national security, criminal justice, and other re
美国正处于一场历史性的公共卫生危机之中。每天都有超过100名美国人死于药物过量,越来越多的人死于街头阿片类药物。与公众严重关注的其他“流行病”一样,这场危机促使公共卫生监督的扩大。这篇文章的重点是这一扩展的主要元素——处方药监测计划(PDMP)。通过收集谁在开处方、配药和接受预定药物的信息,PDMP旨在发现并阻止可能转移潜在成瘾和其他风险药物的问题患者、流氓开处方者和药剂师。PDMP远不是新的,但最近在这些系统的数量、范围、资金和法律授权方面的扩大是在没有充分审查的情况下进行的。公共卫生法研究的视角刚刚开始接受PDMP的培训。通过整合经验和理论的视角,本文为这篇老掉牙的文章锦上添花。我认为,我们传统上追求减少供应措施以解决毒品相关危害的热情反映了PDMP的法律和制度设计,以及这些计划的街头实施。这也解释了为什么PDMP的成功主要是通过它们对抑制药物供应的影响来衡量的,而很少考虑真正有意义的指标。但是,当涉及到改善患者护理和解决与毒品有关的危害时,PDMP益处的证据还远不清楚。本文对自2010年以来发表的34项评估PDMP的同行评审研究进行了叙述性综述。只有11人(32%)认为有任何服药过量的后果。在评估总体死亡率的研究中,三项发现PDMP的使用与过量用药率降低有关,四项报告结果为零,三项报告PDMP与过量用药增加有关。这些发现将挑战自药物过量危机爆发以来一直支持PDMP的那种肆无忌惮的热情、慷慨的投资和傲慢的政策强调。鉴于有证据表明,这些系统的意外危害值得紧急检查。这包括它们在阻止正确的处方实践方面的潜在作用;在患者中寻求令人不寒而栗的帮助,尤其是那些因医疗环境中的创伤史和刑事司法介入而变得脆弱的患者;进一步破坏了提供者-患者信任的结构;以及促进患者从处方药过渡到黑市药品供应。这里提供的原始定性数据表达了利益相关者对监控、隐私和执法部门普遍监控的担忧。鉴于最近的上诉裁决允许向执法部门广泛无授权披露PDMP数据,对隐私的特别关注尤其及时。尽管在国家安全、刑事司法和其他领域,广泛的政府监控和预测技术的危险性得到了认可,但早就应该批评PDMP是拉网式电子监控了。在人口层面,这些附带影响可能会阻碍急需的监测和控制工作,加剧这些政策和计划旨在改善的问题。然而,这篇文章最终清醒地认识到,PDMP将继续存在。当我敦促更加慎重地关注隐私保护时,我主张将PDMP与电子健康记录相结合;用户驱动的设计,将PDMP重新想象为一种护理协调、临床决策和公共卫生预防工具;以及关于如何部署PDMP功能以改善个人和公共健康的有意义的培训。
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引用次数: 16
From [A]nthrax to [Z]ika 源自[A]nthrax至[Z]ika
Pub Date : 2018-03-19 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0042
J. Hodge, Lexi C. White, Sarah A. Wetter
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引用次数: 0
Financial Conflicts in the New Era of Sunshine 新阳光时代的金融冲突
Pub Date : 2018-03-19 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0044
R. S. Saver
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引用次数: 1
Indiana's Public Health is in Jeopardy 印第安纳州的公共卫生处于危险之中
Pub Date : 2018-03-19 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0045
H. Reed
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引用次数: 0
The New Health Care Federalism on the Ground 新的医疗联邦制在地面上
Pub Date : 2018-02-20 DOI: 10.18060/3911.0041
Abbe R. Gluck, Nicole Huberfeld
This essay, part of a symposium investigating methods of empirically evaluating health policy, focuses on American health care federalism, the relationship between the federal and state governments in the realm of health care policy and regulation. We describe the results of a five year study of the implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) from 2012-2017. Our study focused on two key pillars of the ACA, which happen to be its most state-centered — expansion of Medicaid and the implementation of health insurance exchanges — and sheds light on federalism in the modern era of nationally-enacted health laws that preserve key roles for state leadership. The full study is detailed in the Stanford Law Review; here, we offer a more accessible snapshot and highlight a key aspect of the research: interviews of approximately twenty high ranking former state and federal officials at the forefront of ACA implementation. The interviews corroborate the study data and substantiate our conclusions about the defining characteristics of the ACA’s implementation from a federalism perspective. Specifically, we found that the ACA’s implementation process has been 1) dynamic; 2) pragmatic; 3) negotiated; and 4) and marked by intrastate politics. We observed waves of engagement and estrangement between states and the federal government, and state decisions to participate in the ACA’s programs have not been binary, in/out choices. Vertical and horizontal negotiation and copying have been near constants. The findings also reveal theoretical and empirical challenges for quantitatively evaluating health care federalism. Does it exist? Is it successful? We found the traditional federalism attributes pop up in inconsistent ways under the ACA and emerge from virtually every structural arrangement of the law. We tried, for instance, to measure how “cooperative” the states were, only to find that concept meaningless. Some states attempted implementation but failed; other states rebelled by refusing to run their own programs at all. The federal government stepped in for both. Were such states equally “cooperative” or “autonomous”? The same challenges occurred for all of the classic federalism metrics. For example, we saw local experimentation emerge from every kind of governance structure under the ACA, including nationalist ones. Our work leads us to a key question: Why choose federalism-oriented health reform models in the first place? In ACA implementation, it sometimes appeared that federalist arrangements did not aim to improve health outcomes but rather reflected “federalism for federalism’s sake”—federalism to advance political or constitutional values, such as reserving power to the states in the interest of sovereignty and balance of power — regardless of the effect on health care coverage, cost, quality, or other measures of health policy success. At other times, it seems federalism was intended as a means to an end — e.g., that state-le
本文是一个研究实证评估卫生政策方法的研讨会的一部分,重点讨论了美国的医疗保健联邦制,以及联邦和州政府在医疗保健政策和监管领域的关系。我们描述了2012-2017年《患者保护和平价医疗法案》(ACA)实施情况的五年研究结果。我们的研究重点关注ACA的两个关键支柱,这两个支柱恰好是其最以州为中心的——扩大医疗补助和实施医疗保险交换——并揭示了现代国家颁布的卫生法中的联邦制,这些法律保留了州领导层的关键作用。完整的研究报告详见《斯坦福法律评论》;在这里,我们提供了一个更容易获取的快照,并强调了研究的一个关键方面:采访了大约20位处于ACA实施前沿的前州和联邦高级官员。访谈证实了研究数据,并从联邦制的角度证实了我们关于ACA实施的定义特征的结论。具体而言,我们发现ACA的实施过程是动态的;2) 务实;3) 谈判;以及4)以州内政治为标志。我们观察到各州和联邦政府之间的接触和隔阂浪潮,各州参与ACA项目的决定并不是二元的,由内而外的选择。纵向和横向的谈判和复制几乎是不变的。研究结果还揭示了定量评估医疗保健联邦制的理论和实证挑战。它存在吗?它成功了吗?我们发现,在ACA下,传统的联邦制属性以不一致的方式出现,并且几乎出现在法律的每一个结构安排中。例如,我们试图衡量各州的“合作”程度,结果发现这个概念毫无意义。一些州试图实施,但没有成功;其他州则完全拒绝运行自己的项目,以此进行反抗。联邦政府介入了这两件事。这些国家是平等的“合作”还是“自治”?所有经典的联邦制指标都面临着同样的挑战。例如,我们看到ACA下的各种治理结构中都出现了地方性的实验,包括民族主义的。我们的工作引出了一个关键问题:为什么一开始就选择以联邦制为导向的医疗改革模式?在ACA的实施中,有时联邦制安排似乎并不旨在改善健康状况,而是反映了“为联邦制而实行的联邦制”——联邦制是为了推进政治或宪法价值观,例如为了主权和权力平衡而将权力保留给各州——无论对医疗保险覆盖率、成本、质量、,或卫生政策成功的其他衡量标准。在其他时候,联邦制似乎是为了达到目的——例如,州领导的卫生政策被认为会产生更好的健康结果。最终,我们能够更肯定地得出结论,ACA的许多结构安排服务于国家权力,而不是其中任何一个安排更倾向于联邦制,或者任何一个都产生了更好的卫生政策。显然,我们不能在不知道联邦制的初衷的情况下评估它是否存在,是否有效,是否值得捍卫。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Indiana health law review
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