rejected “verticalism” and obedience, sought alliances with other groups, and struggled to address their own classand ethnically-based internal divisions. It is important to remember that the egalitarian revolutionary movements in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Chiapas attracted women to the cause and set the stage for their subsequent development, playing an indirect but crucial role in the creation of a feminist revolutionary legacy. That is reason enough to avoid prematurely declaring the success or failure of revolutions, for sometimes they are works in progress. Kampwirth’s useful study would have benefited from a brief discussion of nationalism in Nicaragua and El Salvador, which along with Marxism and liberation theology, was an important motivating factor in the guerrilla struggles. The author also might have pointed out that feminist organizations are operating within the broader context of economic globalization and neoliberal policies that squeeze all sectors of civil society in a relentless vise. The tighter the vise, the greater the dependence on funding agencies, and the more difficult it becomes to attain or preserve the desired gender autonomy. Such contextualization would not only set the achievements of feminist organizations to date in bold relief, it would also make the continuing determination and resourcefulness of their members all the more impressive. These minor suggestions notwithstanding, Kampwirth’s work significantly enriches the literature of feminism and revolution.
{"title":"Violence in the Name of Honour: Theoretical and Political Challenges (review)","authors":"Kaveh Hemmat","doi":"10.1353/nwsa.2006.0052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/nwsa.2006.0052","url":null,"abstract":"rejected “verticalism” and obedience, sought alliances with other groups, and struggled to address their own classand ethnically-based internal divisions. It is important to remember that the egalitarian revolutionary movements in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Chiapas attracted women to the cause and set the stage for their subsequent development, playing an indirect but crucial role in the creation of a feminist revolutionary legacy. That is reason enough to avoid prematurely declaring the success or failure of revolutions, for sometimes they are works in progress. Kampwirth’s useful study would have benefited from a brief discussion of nationalism in Nicaragua and El Salvador, which along with Marxism and liberation theology, was an important motivating factor in the guerrilla struggles. The author also might have pointed out that feminist organizations are operating within the broader context of economic globalization and neoliberal policies that squeeze all sectors of civil society in a relentless vise. The tighter the vise, the greater the dependence on funding agencies, and the more difficult it becomes to attain or preserve the desired gender autonomy. Such contextualization would not only set the achievements of feminist organizations to date in bold relief, it would also make the continuing determination and resourcefulness of their members all the more impressive. These minor suggestions notwithstanding, Kampwirth’s work significantly enriches the literature of feminism and revolution.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"216 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/nwsa.2006.0052","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66455031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.104
Kristine Byron
This essay examines the autobiographical texts of Doris Tijerino, a Sandinista revolutionary from Nicaragua. Composed in 1974–1975, "Somos millones . . .": La vida de Doris María, combatiente nicaragüense (1977) was published in English in 1978 as Inside the Nicaraguan Revolution. Just one year later, the Sandinista triumph would demand that Tijerino's story be updated—as it was in her autobiographical narratives published in Denis Lynn Daly Heyck's collection Life Stories of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1990) and Margaret Randall's Sandino's Daughters Revisited (1994). My reading of her work draws to the fore questions of gender, violence, human rights, and revolutionary struggle in twentieth-century Latin America, the echoes of which might be heard in contemporary discussion of these same questions in a global context. My analysis of Tijerino's lifewriting reveals the impact of gender politics on representations of the national struggle in Nicaragua, most significantly in Tijerino's use of the trope of motherhood to characterize revolution and her emphasis on gendering the female revolutionary in prison.
{"title":"Doris Tijerino: Revolution, Writing, and Resistance in Nicaragua","authors":"Kristine Byron","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.104","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines the autobiographical texts of Doris Tijerino, a Sandinista revolutionary from Nicaragua. Composed in 1974–1975, \"Somos millones . . .\": La vida de Doris María, combatiente nicaragüense (1977) was published in English in 1978 as Inside the Nicaraguan Revolution. Just one year later, the Sandinista triumph would demand that Tijerino's story be updated—as it was in her autobiographical narratives published in Denis Lynn Daly Heyck's collection Life Stories of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1990) and Margaret Randall's Sandino's Daughters Revisited (1994). My reading of her work draws to the fore questions of gender, violence, human rights, and revolutionary struggle in twentieth-century Latin America, the echoes of which might be heard in contemporary discussion of these same questions in a global context. My analysis of Tijerino's lifewriting reveals the impact of gender politics on representations of the national struggle in Nicaragua, most significantly in Tijerino's use of the trope of motherhood to characterize revolution and her emphasis on gendering the female revolutionary in prison.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"104 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The basic criticisms Roy levels in these three works are not new. They have been made before, in many different ways by many different authors, and often in more scholarly detail. The virtue of her writing is its unwavering focus on furnishing the reader with context not just for specific incidents but for understanding how the specific incidents shed light on the overarching mentality and operations of the neoliberal empire, of which America is the foremost proponent and exporter. She teaches by example how to look askance at the accounts that the powerful give of their actions and how to ask substantive questions with style. Despite a certain repetitiveness in the interviews, aficionados of Roy should find that these are useful collections, while new readers should find in these books a wide-ranging, eloquent, and passionate introduction to the struggle against empire.
{"title":"Feminism and the Legacy of Revolution: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chiapas (review)","authors":"D. L. Heyck","doi":"10.1353/NWSA.2006.0053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/NWSA.2006.0053","url":null,"abstract":"The basic criticisms Roy levels in these three works are not new. They have been made before, in many different ways by many different authors, and often in more scholarly detail. The virtue of her writing is its unwavering focus on furnishing the reader with context not just for specific incidents but for understanding how the specific incidents shed light on the overarching mentality and operations of the neoliberal empire, of which America is the foremost proponent and exporter. She teaches by example how to look askance at the accounts that the powerful give of their actions and how to ask substantive questions with style. Despite a certain repetitiveness in the interviews, aficionados of Roy should find that these are useful collections, while new readers should find in these books a wide-ranging, eloquent, and passionate introduction to the struggle against empire.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"213 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/NWSA.2006.0053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66455042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"This Was Not Our War: Bosnian Women Reclaiming the Peace (review)","authors":"D. Hoover","doi":"10.1353/nwsa.2006.0054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/nwsa.2006.0054","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"219 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/nwsa.2006.0054","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66455054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.168
D. Naaman
This paper discusses the activities of Machsom Watch, a human rights organization of Israeli women who visit the checkpoints in the occupied West Bank daily to monitor the army's operation of the checkpoints and intervene when possible. The paper examines the presence of Israeli women at the checkpoints vis-à-vis both Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians, and it explores some gendered aspects of the occupation, as manifested in the checkpoints and in the activities of Machsom Watch.
{"title":"The Silenced Outcry: A Feminist Perspective from the Israeli Checkpoints in Palestine","authors":"D. Naaman","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.168","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the activities of Machsom Watch, a human rights organization of Israeli women who visit the checkpoints in the occupied West Bank daily to monitor the army's operation of the checkpoints and intervene when possible. The paper examines the presence of Israeli women at the checkpoints vis-à-vis both Israeli soldiers and Palestinian civilians, and it explores some gendered aspects of the occupation, as manifested in the checkpoints and in the activities of Machsom Watch.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"168 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.181
Adam Gaynor
This article examines Socialist Zionism, the political philosophy that has indelibly shaped Israel's culture. In particular, this article reveals some of the ways in which this distinctly eastern European Zionism constructs gender and ethnicity in Israel, and how these constructions shape contemporary Israeli culture toward the radicalization of the conflict with the Palestinians. Simultaneously, it explores how Socialist Zionism has rendered invisible structural inequalities among Israeli Jews. Finally, this article describes the role of the Israeli military, a central Zionist institution, in both of these processes, as well as the role of Israeli peace and social justice organizations in countering militarism and promoting peace.
{"title":"\"Neither Shall They Train for War Anymore\": Reflections on Zionism, Militarism, and Conscientious Objection","authors":"Adam Gaynor","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.181","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Socialist Zionism, the political philosophy that has indelibly shaped Israel's culture. In particular, this article reveals some of the ways in which this distinctly eastern European Zionism constructs gender and ethnicity in Israel, and how these constructions shape contemporary Israeli culture toward the radicalization of the conflict with the Palestinians. Simultaneously, it explores how Socialist Zionism has rendered invisible structural inequalities among Israeli Jews. Finally, this article describes the role of the Israeli military, a central Zionist institution, in both of these processes, as well as the role of Israeli peace and social justice organizations in countering militarism and promoting peace.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"181 - 190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.33
M. Tétreault
Revelations of the torture, murder, and maltreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq came with sensational photographs of U.S. military personnel torturing Iraqi prisoners and forcing them to perform sexualized acts. Evidence of gross violations of international law, the photographs have been used by U.S. elites to construct a discourse not about war crimes but "prisoner abuse," some referring to the activities recorded as analogous to fraternity hazing. In this essay, I argue that the photos reflect complex reactions to the attacks of September 11, 2001, including a need to assert U.S. global dominance by punishing those who are, in American eyes, an inferior oriental enemy. The photographs are analyzed in the context of orientalism in the U.S. chain of command, a phenomenon linked to what feminists call "the politics of the gaze"—the vulnerability of women and other subalterns to virtual as well as actual violation by those in positions of domination. They are compared to evidence of other rituals of violence, such as lynching, orchestrated by elites and imitated by popular-culture entrepreneurs. The sexual politics of Abu Ghraib includes the deployment of female figures to brand, scapegoat, and repair the damage from discovery of the photographs, thereby trivializing the policies and behaviors of U.S. officials and eliding the American public's responsibility for the continued U.S. failure to condemn, much less to halt, the torture carried out in their name.
{"title":"The Sexual Politics of Abu Ghraib: Hegemony, Spectacle, and the Global War on Terror","authors":"M. Tétreault","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.33","url":null,"abstract":"Revelations of the torture, murder, and maltreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq came with sensational photographs of U.S. military personnel torturing Iraqi prisoners and forcing them to perform sexualized acts. Evidence of gross violations of international law, the photographs have been used by U.S. elites to construct a discourse not about war crimes but \"prisoner abuse,\" some referring to the activities recorded as analogous to fraternity hazing. In this essay, I argue that the photos reflect complex reactions to the attacks of September 11, 2001, including a need to assert U.S. global dominance by punishing those who are, in American eyes, an inferior oriental enemy. The photographs are analyzed in the context of orientalism in the U.S. chain of command, a phenomenon linked to what feminists call \"the politics of the gaze\"—the vulnerability of women and other subalterns to virtual as well as actual violation by those in positions of domination. They are compared to evidence of other rituals of violence, such as lynching, orchestrated by elites and imitated by popular-culture entrepreneurs. The sexual politics of Abu Ghraib includes the deployment of female figures to brand, scapegoat, and repair the damage from discovery of the photographs, thereby trivializing the policies and behaviors of U.S. officials and eliding the American public's responsibility for the continued U.S. failure to condemn, much less to halt, the torture carried out in their name.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"33 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.155
Nada Elia
In the present climate of virulent Islamophobia, various U.S. circles are nevertheless opening up to Muslim and Arab American women. This phenomenon must be understood as a contemporary manifestation of colonialist patriarchal racism, which views "other" women as powerless victims of their own culture, while casting the men as threats that must be kept at bay. Consequently, many Arab women are delaying addressing critical gender issues, as they deal with the imprisonment, deportation, and "disappearing" of their male kin.
{"title":"Islamophobia and the \"Privileging\" of Arab American Women","authors":"Nada Elia","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.155","url":null,"abstract":"In the present climate of virulent Islamophobia, various U.S. circles are nevertheless opening up to Muslim and Arab American women. This phenomenon must be understood as a contemporary manifestation of colonialist patriarchal racism, which views \"other\" women as powerless victims of their own culture, while casting the men as threats that must be kept at bay. Consequently, many Arab women are delaying addressing critical gender issues, as they deal with the imprisonment, deportation, and \"disappearing\" of their male kin.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"155 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.191
M. Mills, Sally L. Kitch
Afghan women activists emphasize that the first and continuing need in Afghanistan is physical security, which will enable developments in education, health care, and women's fuller social and political participation. Recent legal and electoral reform from above does not yet substantially affect grassroots gender inequality, severe poverty, and lack of infrastructural development. Real reform will require long-term, culturally sensitive collaboration among Afghan women activists, other progressive Afghans, and would-be external supporters. The conference participants see such progress as possible for Afghanistan only in a progressive Islamic ideological environment, which does not yet exist.
{"title":"\"Afghan Women Leaders Speak\": An Academic Activist Conference, Mershon Center for International Security Studies, Ohio State Universtiy, November 17-19, 2005","authors":"M. Mills, Sally L. Kitch","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.191","url":null,"abstract":"Afghan women activists emphasize that the first and continuing need in Afghanistan is physical security, which will enable developments in education, health care, and women's fuller social and political participation. Recent legal and electoral reform from above does not yet substantially affect grassroots gender inequality, severe poverty, and lack of infrastructural development. Real reform will require long-term, culturally sensitive collaboration among Afghan women activists, other progressive Afghans, and would-be external supporters. The conference participants see such progress as possible for Afghanistan only in a progressive Islamic ideological environment, which does not yet exist.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"191 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2006-10-30DOI: 10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.51
L. Brown, D. Romano
This article examines the ever-changing position of women in post-monarchical Iraq. Ironically, many women's gains obtained under Saddam's Ba'athist regime were subsequently lost under the same regime. The end of Saddam's government in 2003 likewise led to contradictory outcomes for Iraqi women, empowering them in some ways and making them more vulnerable in others. Iraqi women themselves displayed a variety of dispositions, from the pre-2003 Ba'athist-controlled General Federation of Iraqi Women, to Shiite religious conservative women's groups, secular progressive Kurdish women's associations operating in autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, and American-sponsored progressive women's organizations based in Baghdad. Disentangling the myriad experiences and trajectories of Iraqi women thus stands out as an important, complex, and overdue project for both gender studies and Middle East scholars. This article provides one of the first systematic and contemporary attempts to fill such a void.
{"title":"Women in Post-Saddam Iraq: One Step Foward or Two Steps Back?","authors":"L. Brown, D. Romano","doi":"10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/NWS.2006.18.3.51","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the ever-changing position of women in post-monarchical Iraq. Ironically, many women's gains obtained under Saddam's Ba'athist regime were subsequently lost under the same regime. The end of Saddam's government in 2003 likewise led to contradictory outcomes for Iraqi women, empowering them in some ways and making them more vulnerable in others. Iraqi women themselves displayed a variety of dispositions, from the pre-2003 Ba'athist-controlled General Federation of Iraqi Women, to Shiite religious conservative women's groups, secular progressive Kurdish women's associations operating in autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, and American-sponsored progressive women's organizations based in Baghdad. Disentangling the myriad experiences and trajectories of Iraqi women thus stands out as an important, complex, and overdue project for both gender studies and Middle East scholars. This article provides one of the first systematic and contemporary attempts to fill such a void.","PeriodicalId":88071,"journal":{"name":"NWSA journal : a publication of the National Women's Studies Association","volume":"18 1","pages":"51 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69200516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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