Studium (Rotterdam, Netherlands)最新文献

Speculations about the nature of nerve action, including animal spirits, date back to antiquity. Only during the 18th century, when it became possible to store electricity in Leyden jars, did natural philosophers begin to realise that the sensations caused by electric fish are like those produced by these primitive capacitors. The important roles played by amateur observers in the Dutch colonies of South-America, and how they communicated with more established Dutch scientists in The Netherlands, are often relatively overlooked in histories of how the nerves became electrical. In this article we examine two mid-18th-century letters from South-America to the Netherlands. Both dealt with what would soon be called the electric eel, and were published in the proceedings of the first Dutch Society of Science (in Haarlem). The discovery of the electric nature of the shocks produced by these fish in particular proved to be a crucial step in understanding animal electricity and the true nature of neurophysiology.

In the field of history of computing, the construction of the early computers has received much scholarly attention. However, these machines have not only been important because of their logical design and their engineering, but also because of the programming practices that emerged around these first machines. This article compares two styles of programming that developed around Dutch 'first computers'. The first style is represented by Edsger Wybe Dijkstra (1930-2002), who would receive the Turing Award for his work in 1972. Dijkstra developed a mathematical style of programming--a program was something you should be able to design mathematically and prove it logically. The second style is represented by Willem Louis van der Poel (born 1926). For him, programming is 'trickology'. A program is primarily a technical artefact that should work: a program is something you play with, comparable to the way one solves a puzzle.

Even if C.P. Snow's sharp distinction between a scientific and a literary culture has often been contested, historians still mostly conceive these cultures as two separate fields. The authors of this article argue that the potential scope of the history of science is regrettably limited by this dichotomy. Recent developments within the history of science have made clear that scholars of both 'cultures' share workplaces, practices and self-images to a large extent, and that even natural scientists heavily rely on artistic representations. The recognition of these commonalities can contribute to a full integration of the human sciences into the history of science and, more generally, into cultural history. This evolution is further stimulated by the transdisciplinary approach which has recently become dominant within the history of the human sciences itself. Since the newly founded journal takes part in these fruitful tendencies, the authors welcome Studium as a promising enterprise.

This article describes the efforts of the Dutch national company for telecommunication, PTT, in introducing and developing a public network for data communication in the Netherlands in the last decades of the twentieth century. As early as the 1960s, private companies started to connect their local computers. As a result, small private computer networks started to emerge. As the state company offering general access to public services in telephony, the PTT strove to develop a public data network, accessible to every user and telephone subscriber. This ambition was realized with Datanet 1, the public data network which was officially opened in 1982. In the years that followed, Datanet became the dominant network for data transmission, despite competing efforts by private companies and computer manufacturers. The large-scale application of Datanet in public municipal administration serves as a case study for the development of data communication in practice, that shows that there was a gradual migration from X-25 to TCP/IP protocols. The article concludes by stating that the introduction and development of data transmission transformed the role of the PTT in Dutch society, brought new working practices, new services and new responsibilities, and resulted in a whole new phase in the history of the computer.

Dream machines may be just as effective as the ones materialised. Their symbolic thrust can be quite powerful. The Amsterdam 'Mathematisch Centrum' (Mathematical Center), founded February 11, 1946, created a Computing Department in an effort to realise its goal of serving society. When Aad van Wijngaarden was appointed as head of the Computing Department, however, he claimed space for scientific research and computer construction, next to computing as a service. Still, the computing service following the five stage style of Hartree's numerical analysis remained a dominant characteristic of the work of the Computing Department. The high level of ambition held by Aad van Wijngaarden lead to ever renewed projections of big automatic computers, symbolised by the never-built AERA. Even a machine that was actually constructed, the ARRA which followed A.D. Booth's design of the ARC, never made it into real operation. It did serve Van Wijngaarden to bluff his way into the computer age by midsummer 1952. Not until January 1954 did the computing department have a working stored program computer, which for reasons of policy went under the same name: ARRA. After just one other machine, the ARMAC, had been produced, a separate company, Electrologica, was set up for the manufacture of computers, which produced the rather successful X1 computer. The combination of ambition and absence of a working machine lead to a high level of work on programming, way beyond the usual ideas of libraries of subroutines. Edsger W. Dijkstra in particular led the way to an emphasis on the duties of the programmer within the pattern of numerical analysis. Programs generating programs, known elsewhere as autocoding systems, were at the 'Mathematisch Centrum' called 'superprograms'. Practical examples were usually called a 'complex', in Dutch, where in English one might say 'system'. Historically, this is where software begins. Dekker's matrix complex, Dijkstra's interrupt system, Dijkstra and Zonneveld's ALGOL compiler--which for housekeeping contained 'the complex'--were actual examples of such super programs. In 1960 this compiler gave the Mathematical Center a leading edge in the early development of software.

In this article, the authors discuss the origins of the school medical service in The Netherlands. They focus on the period of transition from nineteenth-century concern for school hygiene--focusing on the improvement of buildings, school desks and timetables--to twentieth-century prevention of diseases and infirmities through medical inspection of pupils' health by school doctors. The research shows that in the Netherlands, when compared to Belgium and England, the state played only a minor role in this respect, as no legislation was introduced. Moreover, the instructions of the first generation of municipal school doctors were limited to medical examination; treatment of the illnesses they found continued to be the privilege of private practitioners. The sectarian character of Dutch society around 1900 seems to have been an important circumstance, stimulating restraint from interfering with religion-based education and its pupils in particular on the part of the government. School doctors' limited instruction appears to have been crucial for the acceptance of the service for denominational groups. Teachers' organisations welcomed the service, as they admitted their own lack of hygienic knowledge and the service did not interfere with teaching itself. Nevertheless, compulsory education seems to have ruled out other solutions to reduce the dangers of classroom education, particularly catching contagious and other 'school' diseases. The medical profession did not have to act as imperialists to become the protector of children that were forced to go to school. In the Netherlands, school medical inspection was created by a society that no longer accepted the health hazards of classroom education.

Along with the international trends in history of computing, Dutch contributions over the past twenty years moved away from a focus on machinery to the broader scope of use of computers, appropriation of computing technologies in various traditions, labour relations and professionalisation issues, and, lately, software. It is only natural that an emerging field like computer science sets out to write its genealogy and canonise the important steps in its intellectual endeavour. It is fair to say that a historiography diverging from such "home" interest, started in 1987 with the work of Eda Kranakis--then active in The Netherlands--commissioned by the national bureau for technology assessment, and Gerard Alberts, turning a commemorative volume of the Mathematical Center into a history of the same institute. History of computing in The Netherlands made a major leap in the spring of 1994 when Dirk de Wit, Jan van den Ende and Ellen van Oost defended their dissertations, on the roads towards adoption of computing technology in banking, in science and engineering, and on the gender aspect in computing. Here, history of computing had already moved from machines to the use of computers. The three authors joined Gerard Alberts and Onno de Wit in preparing a volume on the rise of IT in The Netherlands, the sequel of which in now in preparation in a team lead by Adrienne van den Bogaard. Dutch research reflected the international attention for professionalisation issues (Ensmenger, Haigh) very early on in the dissertation by Ruud van Dael, Something to do with computers (2001) revealing how occupations dealing with computers typically escape the pattern of closure by professionalisation as expected by the, thus outdated, sociology of professions. History of computing not only takes use and users into consideration, but finally, as one may say, confronts the technological side of putting the machine to use, software, head on. The groundbreaking works of the 2000 Paderborn meeting and by Martin Campbell-Kelly resonate in work done in The Netherlands and recently in a major research project sponsored by the European Science Foundation: Software for Europe. The four contributions to this issue offer a true cross-section of ongoing history of computing in The Netherlands. Gerard Alberts and Huub de Beer return to the earliest computers at the Mathematical Center. As they do so under the perspective of using the machines, the result is, let us say, remarkable. Adrienne van den Bogaard compares the styles of software as practiced by Van der Poel and Dijkstra: so much had these two pioneers in common, so different the consequences they took. Frank Veraart treats us with an excerpt from his recent dissertation on the domestication of the micro computer technology: appropriation of computing technology is shown by the role of intermediate actors. Onno de Wit, finally, gives an account of the development, prior to internet, of a national data communication netwo

Last century, at the end of the seventies, Europe was startled by a serious environmental problem: acid rain. Acid rain was held responsible for the decline of fishes in Scandinavian lakes. Later, it was suggested that acid rain could lead to forest dieback over vast areas of Europe. Forests in the Netherlands could be at great risk, as well. It was clear to everyone what it was all about, for 'rain' means water falling from the atmosphere and the meaning of 'acid' was evident, too. Acid rain caused much commotion in the eighties but, since then, it has faded into the background. Why is it, that there is so little attention paid to acid rain these days? Maybe the acid rain problem was a hype; with an exaggerated reaction to a problem that was, in fact, insignificant. This article aims to reconstruct the history of one of the most prominent environmental problems of the twentieth century. The article describes the origin of the acid rain problem in the 1960s and describes the scientific research that was carried out to develop a better understanding of the problem from an atmospheric chemical point of view. Subsequently, it treats the rise of public awareness in the seventies. The article subsequently focuses on the situation in the Netherlands. The initial research into forest health showed alarming results. This led to widespread concern within The Netherlands, which, once more, urged the government to come into action. Some measures to reduce air-polluting emissions were already taken in the early 1980s. However, these were meant, mainly, to improve local air quality. As the eighties progressed, acid rain provided an additional argument for reducing air pollution. This article presents the consequences of the emission reductions for the acidity of acid rain, and it discusses--in brief--the acid rain problem in light of current scientific knowledge. Finally, it answers the question of why forests did not die.