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Afrokology and the Right to Communicate in Africa 非洲学与非洲的交流权
Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1889830
Viola c. Milton, W. Mano
This article argues for a reconstruction of communication rights theories from an African episteme and experience. It reviews the impact of key national, continental and international legal instruments as they pertain to communication rights in Africa, with a specific focus on South Africa and Zimbabwe. Using an Afrokological heuristic tool, it critically evaluates how the key legal instruments underpinning the right to communicate are developed and encountered in lived experience in decolonising Southern African contexts. We argue that an Afrokological orientation built on epistemological interconnectedness and conviviality may lead to insights otherwise not accessible. It can help awaken a new relational accountability that promotes respectful representation, reciprocity, and rights in communication policy processes in line with the lived experiences of those it is meant to benefit.
本文主张从非洲的认识和经验出发,重构传播权理论。它审查了与非洲通信权有关的主要国家、大陆和国际法律文书的影响,特别侧重于南非和津巴布韦。使用非洲学的启发式工具,它批判性地评估了支持沟通权的关键法律文书是如何在非殖民化的南部非洲环境中发展和遇到的。我们认为,建立在认识论互联性和欢愉性基础上的非洲学取向可能会导致否则无法获得的见解。它可以帮助唤醒一种新的关系问责制,在沟通政策过程中促进尊重代表、互惠和权利,符合它所要惠及的人的生活经验。
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引用次数: 1
To Mobilise or to Mediate? Re-assessing the Democratic Role of News Media in Social Protests in China 动员还是调解?重新评估新闻媒体在中国社会抗议中的民主角色
Pub Date : 2021-02-24 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1881747
Y. Liu
Protester-sympathising media reports validate activists’ claims, expose official wrongdoing, and mobilise public support, which allows scholars to highlight the importance of the media in promoting democratic participation in authoritarian China. Reaffirming media’s crucial role in sustaining communicative rationality, the article re-evaluates media coverage of four rural protests against land expropriation in China, combining framing analysis of media reports, in-depth interviews, and an extensive reading of court files, etc. It unveils that two storylines—transgressive collective action for maximising economic gains and conflicts inside villages—are tailored off, when information is woven into the dominant media frame “struggle of the weak”. Simplified, but logically coherent, the media narrative is likely to exclude the necessity for public deliberation, reduce the fleeting public activism into anger-venting, and pressures local governments into makeshift concessions at the cost of public good. The one-dimensional civic engagement urges Chinese journalists to consider innovating protest reporting frame.
同情抗议者的媒体报道证实了活动人士的说法,揭露了官方的不法行为,并动员了公众的支持,这使得学者们能够强调媒体在促进专制中国民主参与方面的重要性。本文重申了媒体在维持传播理性方面的关键作用,结合媒体报道的框架分析、深度访谈和广泛阅读法庭文件等,重新评估了中国四起农村土地征用抗议活动的媒体报道。它揭示了两个故事情节——为了最大化经济利益的违法集体行动和村庄内部的冲突——当信息被编织到主流媒体框架“弱者的斗争”中时,就被剪裁掉了。媒体的叙述简化了,但逻辑上是连贯的,很可能排除了公众审议的必要性,将短暂的公众行动主义减少为愤怒的发泄,并迫使地方政府以牺牲公共利益为代价做出临时让步。单向度的公民参与促使中国记者考虑创新抗议报道框架。
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引用次数: 1
The Public Sphere and the Changing News Media Environment in Poland: Towards Structural Polarisation 公共领域与波兰不断变化的新闻媒体环境:走向结构极化
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1861408
B. Klimkiewicz
This paper explores current result of gradual structural changes affecting news media environment in Poland. Its main argument is that these developments have led to a growing structural polarisation. Such polarisation penetrates news media coverage, journalistic community setup and self-regulatory frameworks, users’ perspectives and various news media spaces, including mainstream media and digital natives. The gaps grow between societal camps with liberal and conservative orientations, young and old, urban and non-urban communities, well and poorly educated.
本文探讨了波兰新闻媒体环境的结构性渐进变化的现状。其主要论点是,这些发展导致了日益严重的结构性两极分化。这种两极分化渗透到新闻媒体报道、新闻社区设置和自律框架、用户视角和各种新闻媒体空间,包括主流媒体和数字原住民。自由派和保守派、年轻人和老年人、城市和非城市社区、受教育程度高和低的社会阵营之间的差距越来越大。
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引用次数: 5
In Memoriam: Jay G. Blumler (18 February 1924–30 January 2021) 纪念:杰伊·g·布鲁姆勒(1924年2月18日- 2021年1月30日)
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1891700
S. Splichal
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引用次数: 0
Crisis of Agency in Central and Eastern Europe: From the Consolidation of Media Freedom to the Institutionalisation of Free Choice 中东欧的代理危机:从媒介自由的巩固到自由选择的制度化
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1861404
Auksė Balčytienė
This essay advocates applying a culturally and attitudinally sensitive approach to the analysis of the present-day media and digital communications-inspired societal transformations. In recent years, trends towards the “backslide" in democratic performance and social cohesion have been registered throughout Europe: the rise of populist politics and extreme polarisation has grown in Western Europe, whereas in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) there is noticed an increase of social and economic instability followed by a dramatic rise of anti-democratic political actions. These developments imply a growing need (especially in the CEE countries) to find their own specific ways of dealing with both-systemic restructurings in social/political life, on the one hand, and intensifying feelings of distrust, uncertainty, and discontent, on the other hand. The essay critically examines the changing functionality and logic of contemporary media and communications ecosystems which notably contrasts with the classical line of thinking about the news media as traditional means of establishing and preserving such subjective senses as feelings of attachment and trust, unity and togetherness, solidarity and social cohesion.
本文主张运用文化和态度敏感的方法来分析当今媒体和数字通信引发的社会变革。近年来,民主表现和社会凝聚力的“倒退”趋势在整个欧洲都有:民粹主义政治和极端两极分化在西欧抬头,而在中欧和东欧人们注意到,随着反民主政治行动的急剧增加,社会和经济不稳定加剧。这些事态发展意味着(尤其是在中东欧国家)越来越需要找到自己的具体方式,一方面应对社会/政治生活中的系统性重组,另一方面应对日益加剧的不信任、不确定性和不满情绪。本文批判性地审视了当代媒体和传播生态系统不断变化的功能和逻辑,这与传统的思维方式形成了鲜明对比,即新闻媒体是建立和保持依恋和信任感、团结和团结、团结和社会凝聚力等主观感觉的传统手段。
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引用次数: 0
Public Sphere in Hybrid Media Systems in Central and Eastern Europe 中欧和东欧混合媒体系统中的公共领域
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1861405
Zrinjka Peruško
The article explores the concept of hybridity in relation to political and media-related change and its implications for the contemporary public sphere in Central and Eastern Europe. Two key approaches to hybridity are contrasted and examined to this end: the well-established concept of the hybrid media system, defined in terms of a combination of older and newer media logics in platform societies in the times of late modernity, is contrasted with the concept of hybridity in political and media systems in relation to unsuccessful regime change and democratization or recent illiberal backsliding. Hybridity as the outcome of longue durée contextual conditions, as well as the more recent mediatization, is present also in the contemporary public spheres in CEE countries in relation to specific conditions and contingencies of individual mediascapes.
本文探讨了与政治和媒体相关的变化及其对中欧和东欧当代公共领域的影响的混合概念。为了达到这个目的,我们对比并考察了两种关键的混合性方法:混合媒体系统的成熟概念,根据晚期现代性时代平台社会中新旧媒体逻辑的结合来定义,与政治和媒体系统中与不成功的政权更迭和民主化或最近的非自由倒退有关的混合性概念进行了对比。由于长期的环境条件以及最近的媒介化,混合性也存在于中东欧国家当代公共领域,涉及个别媒介环境的具体条件和偶然情况。
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引用次数: 3
Politics vs. Antipolitics in the Mediatised Public Sphere: Traversing the Contested Boundary between the Civic and the Political in Bulgaria 调解公共领域中的政治与反政治:跨越保加利亚公民与政治之间的争议边界
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2020.1839838
M. Bakardjieva, N. Konstantinova
This article offers a review of influential theoretical positions endeavouring to conceptualise the conditions and mechanisms through which civil society can become productively involved in the articulation of public opinion and contribute its voice to political decision-making. It focuses specifically on the contested relationship between civil and political society and the specifics of the discourses they produce in the political public sphere. Employing the so constructed theoretical framework, the article proceeds to take stock of the processes currently unfolding in the Bulgarian public sphere paying special attention to the modes of their mediatisation. In the focus of the analysis is the case of the civil society group Protest Network. It concludes that a social formation labelled the protest sphere emerges out of the experiences of civil society activists who struggle for publicity of their causes and demands. The protest sphere takes the place of the missing mechanisms supposed to transmit the concerns of civil society actors to formal political and legal institutions in an operational liberal democracy. Despite the fact that it is set in motion by members of civil society, the protest sphere is profoundly political and its role in a democratic society needs to be carefully examined.
这篇文章回顾了一些有影响力的理论立场,这些立场致力于概念化民间社会能够有效参与表达公众意见并为政治决策发声的条件和机制。它特别关注公民社会和政治社会之间有争议的关系,以及它们在政治公共领域产生的话语的细节。利用如此构建的理论框架,本文继续评估保加利亚公共领域目前正在展开的进程,特别关注其调解模式。在分析的重点是公民社会团体抗议网络的案例。它的结论是,一种被称为抗议领域的社会形态源于民间社会活动家的经历,他们为宣传自己的事业和要求而斗争。抗议领域取代了缺失的机制,这些机制本应将民间社会行为者的关切传递给自由民主运作中的正式政治和法律机构。尽管抗议活动是由民间社会成员发起的,但抗议活动具有深刻的政治性,需要仔细审查其在民主社会中的作用。
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引用次数: 1
After the Crisis, A “New Normal” for Democratic Citizenship? 危机之后,民主公民的“新常态”?
Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1883884
J. Blumler, S. Coleman
The global pandemic and consequent economic tumult have strained conventional theoretical accounts of what it means to be a citizen. The notion of a “new normal” has been widely adopted to describe the potential historical reframing that the pandemic has engendered. Drawing on previous theoretical accounts of crises and their ramifications, this article explores how the communicative features of democratic citizenship might be imagined and practised differently in the aftermath of the pandemic. It considers the spatial and ontological recasting of the idea of the civic public that has been precipitated by the present global crisis. The article calls for the elaboration of a language of public discourse by which people can develop new forms of communicative agency, enabling them to respond to urgent contingencies; negotiate tensions between historical possibilities; and cultivate emergent futures.
全球疫情和随之而来的经济动荡使人们对公民意味着什么的传统理论解释变得紧张。“新常态”的概念已被广泛采用,以描述疫情带来的潜在历史重构。根据之前对危机及其后果的理论描述,本文探讨了在疫情之后,民主公民身份的沟通特征可能会如何被不同地想象和实践。它考虑了当前全球危机所促成的公民公众观念的空间和本体论重塑。文章呼吁制定一种公共话语语言,通过这种语言,人们可以发展新的交际代理形式,使他们能够应对紧急情况;谈判历史可能性之间的紧张关系;培育新兴的未来。
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引用次数: 6
“Nobody Tells us what to Write about”: The Disinformation Media Ecosystem and its Consumers in the Czech Republic “没有人告诉我们该写什么”:捷克共和国的虚假信息媒体生态系统及其消费者
Pub Date : 2020-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2020.1841381
V. Štětka, Jaromír Mazák, Lenka Vochocová
The rise of digital platforms has provided an opportunity for an unprecedented expansion of the public sphere; however, the recent proliferation of online disinformation, automated propaganda as well as hate speech has substantially hampered their potential to become an instrument for more egalitarian and participatory communication in a democratic society. In many countries, the ascent of right-wing populism in recent years has been associated with the establishing of an alternative information environment that includes a variety of fringe news websites that frequently engage in spreading rumours, hoaxes and conspiracy theories. Attempting to fill the gap in the scholarship that predominantly tends to focus on the US and Western European political and media context, this article aims to map the disinformation ecosystem and its audiences in the Czech Republic, a country where the online disinformation scene has been particularly active in recent years. Following an outline of the evolution of the Czech media system over the course of the last three decades, this study utilises data from the 2018–2020 Digital News Report surveys to provide empirical insights into the characteristics of the consumers of the most prominent disinformation news websites in the Czech Republic. In conclusions, the paper evaluates the challenges these new patterns of (dis)information consumption pose for the post-transition public sphere in the Czech Republic, especially in context of the processes of democratic deconsolidation and the rise of illiberalism.
数字平台的兴起为公共领域的空前扩张提供了机会;然而,最近网上虚假信息、自动宣传和仇恨言论的扩散,极大地阻碍了它们成为民主社会中更平等和参与性交流工具的潜力。在许多国家,近年来右翼民粹主义的兴起与另类信息环境的建立有关,其中包括各种经常传播谣言、恶作剧和阴谋论的边缘新闻网站。试图填补学术界主要关注美国和西欧政治和媒体背景的空白,本文旨在绘制捷克共和国的虚假信息生态系统及其受众,捷克共和国是近年来在线虚假信息场景特别活跃的国家。在概述了捷克媒体系统在过去三十年中的演变之后,本研究利用2018-2020年数字新闻报告调查的数据,为捷克共和国最突出的虚假新闻网站的消费者特征提供实证见解。最后,本文评估了这些新的(非)信息消费模式对捷克共和国转型后公共领域构成的挑战,特别是在民主解体和非自由主义兴起的背景下。
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引用次数: 12
Free Speech and Ideology: Society, Politics, Law 言论自由与意识形态:社会、政治、法律
Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2021.1843848
Dario Mazzola
Free speech remains a crucial question at the heart of every democracy. In Western countries, citizens ranging from progressive fringes to “constitutional conservatives” defend it as frequently as staunchly. In this paper, I discuss the tensions and contradictions of some formulations of free speech. Among other, I draw on two authors converging in their critique from two very different perspectives: Alasdair MacIntyre and Stanley Fish. After having assessed the extreme conception of free speech and having shown its implausibility, freedom of speech is characterised as ideological in at least one definition of the word, that employed by legal realists. I claim that free speech is indeed an incomplete, context-sensitive right granted to someone on some occasions, often depending on extra-legal, historical, sociological, political and practical factors. This leaves the door open to interpretations of the right to free speech as ideological in other and more substantial ways, such as in the venues of Critical Legal Studies. I conclude by drawing implications applicable to our societies in their current conditions, with a special focus on the role of new media.
言论自由仍然是每个民主国家的核心问题。在西方国家,从进步的边缘派到“宪法保守派”,公民们经常坚定地捍卫它。在本文中,我讨论了言论自由的一些提法的紧张和矛盾。除此之外,我引用了两位作者从两个截然不同的角度进行评论:阿拉斯代尔·麦金太尔和斯坦利·费什。在评估了言论自由的极端概念并表明其不可置信之后,言论自由在法律现实主义者使用的至少一个词的定义中被描述为意识形态。我声称,在某些情况下,言论自由确实是一种不完整的、对上下文敏感的权利,通常取决于法外、历史、社会学、政治和实践因素。这为以其他更实质性的方式,例如在批判性法律研究的场所,将言论自由权解释为意识形态敞开了大门。最后,我提出了适用于我们社会当前状况的影响,并特别关注新媒体的作用。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Javnost (Ljubljana, Slovenia)
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