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“Health Dictatorship” and “Civil Disobedience”: Political Extremists and French Debates on Democracy During Covid-19 “卫生独裁”与“公民不服从”:新冠肺炎期间政治极端分子与法国民主辩论
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2162287
R. Amossy
This paper explores a polemical debate that took place in France during the Covid-19 crisis, around two formulas: “health dictatorship” (dictature sanitaire) and “civil disobedience.” It first analyses the arguments that justify their use; it then explores the verbal confrontation where Proponents and Opponents attack each other’s stance, thus shedding light on important issues that underlie the discussion on the anti-Corona health measures: the nature and limits of democracy, the question of authority and obedience in a democratic regime. In the third step, the paper examines the actors behind the roles of Proponent and Opponent, namely, political figures and movements. A difference is drawn between the extremists and the candidates for the 2022 Presidential elections who supported the protest but did not adopt the formulas for fear of compromising themselves. However, the fact that the extremist voices and the voices of ordinary citizens merged in the same protest threatens to whitewash trends that used to be outside the Republican consensus and to bring the French closer to them. This risk calls for a better training in rhetorical analysis allowing the citizens to protect themselves from the manipulation of the authoritarian politicians who pose as the champions of Liberty.
本文探讨了新冠肺炎危机期间法国发生的一场争论,围绕两个公式:“卫生独裁”(卫生命令)和“公民抗命”;然后,它探讨了支持者和反对者相互攻击对方立场的言语对抗,从而揭示了反冠状病毒健康措施讨论的重要问题:民主的性质和局限性,民主政权中的权威和服从问题。在第三步中,本文考察了支持者和反对者角色背后的行动者,即政治人物和运动。极端分子和2022年总统选举的候选人之间存在分歧,他们支持抗议活动,但由于担心妥协而没有采用这些公式。然而,极端主义的声音和普通公民的声音融合在同一场抗议活动中,这一事实有可能掩盖过去共和党共识之外的趋势,并使法国人更接近他们。这种风险要求在修辞分析方面进行更好的培训,使公民能够保护自己免受伪装成自由捍卫者的威权政客的操纵。
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引用次数: 0
Politicising Death in the Covid-19 Outbreak: AKP, Necropolitics and Right-Authoritarianism in Turkey 2019冠状病毒疫情中的死亡政治化:土耳其的正义与发展党、死亡政治和右翼威权主义
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2162295
Ö. Erden
This study deals with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) right-authoritarianism during the COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey, as seen from the perspective of necropolitics. It examines the relationships between politics and death, asking the question of how such relationships fell into an authoritarian character adversely influencing democracy and democratic values. For this, the study centres on the AKP government’s response to the pandemic crisis, discussed as a manifestation of necropolitics. The paper explains the concept of necropolitics and underlines two of its fundamental characteristics: state of exception and creation of enemy. The paper focuses on these two traits to frame and critique the AKP’s right-authoritarian politics during the COVID-19 outbreak. The aim of the analysis is to show how AKP politics has politicised death, bearing in mind the social and political opposition’s moves against such politics in Turkey.
本研究从尸体政治的角度探讨了土耳其新冠肺炎大流行期间正义与发展党的权利权威主义。它考察了政治与死亡之间的关系,提出了这样一个问题,即这种关系是如何演变成对民主和民主价值观产生不利影响的独裁性质的。为此,该研究以正义与发展党政府对疫情危机的反应为中心,被讨论为坏死政治的表现。本文阐释了“死政治”的概念,并强调了它的两个基本特征:例外状态和敌人的创造。本文以这两个特点为主线,对新冠肺炎疫情期间正义与发展党的右权政治进行了梳理和批判。分析的目的是显示正义与发展党的政治是如何将死亡政治化的,同时考虑到土耳其社会和政治反对派反对这种政治的举动。
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引用次数: 0
The Soft Homogenisation of Democracy in India: Studying the Role and Long-Term Impact of Right-Wing Demagoguery During the Covid-19 Pandemic 印度民主的软同质化:新冠肺炎大流行期间右翼煽动的作用和长期影响研究
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2022.2162292
Siddharth Dubey
The de-focalisation of reporting and the focalisation of post-truth ideology is antithetical to the tenets of democracy. It reverts to the traditional centralised propagation of one truth, one reality, and one perspective while contracting, negating, or antagonising the possibility of alternative and parallel narratives. The right wing has created a narrative of suspicion, which is based on the conviction that anything deviating from the traditional cultural patterns is a contamination of the ethos of one’s own native values, a deviation from the nativity, and hence an influence that needs to be disposed of. The ongoing Covid pandemic has magnified the narrative of post-truth through the use of sensationalism as an effective modus operandi. The blinding of the truth is rampant as news outlets are being guarded by right-wing gatekeepers and sensationalism is used to reflect the surging emotions of a public already gripped by a precarious reality. This paper examines the three primary and seemingly independent threats to democracy during the pandemic in India: de-focalisation of reporting, coerced homogeneity based on religion and language, and sensationalism. It addresses the question of how adversity is turned into a breeding ground for demagoguery.
报道的非焦点化和后真相意识形态的焦点化与民主原则背道而驰。它回到了一个真相、一个现实和一个视角的传统集中传播,同时收缩、否定或对抗替代和平行叙事的可能性。右翼创造了一种怀疑的叙事,这种叙事基于这样一种信念,即任何偏离传统文化模式的行为都是对自己本土价值观精神的污染,是对本土的偏离,因此是一种需要处理的影响。持续的新冠肺炎疫情通过使用耸人听闻的有效手法,放大了创伤后的叙述。由于新闻媒体受到右翼看门人的保护,耸人听闻的报道被用来反映已经被不稳定的现实所笼罩的公众情绪的高涨,真相的盲目性正在猖獗。本文研究了印度疫情期间对民主的三个主要且看似独立的威胁:报道的不集中、基于宗教和语言的胁迫同质化以及耸人听闻。它解决了如何将逆境变成煽动的温床的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Dissenting Democratically from Trump’s Toxic Tropes 民主地反对特朗普的有毒比喻
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2147757
R. Ivie
The discourse of democracy is displaced, and authoritarianism advanced, by Donald Trump’s demagogic trope of racial warfare. Democratic agency is further eroded by images of disease, deployed by both Trump and his critics and contextualised by a viral pandemic. To the extent Trumpism is a rhetorical phenomenon, there is reason to consider its toxic tropes in relation to healthy figures of democratic polity. Democracy itself is a slippery term that revolves around various notions of popular sovereignty, self-rule, community, equality, pluralism, reciprocity, and deliberation. It is a politics of contestation in which deliberation does not occur when adversaries are alienated and common ground is vacated or destroyed. The question, then, is which tropes might political actors draw on to rebuild and occupy common ground, especially to defuse the divisive figure of racial warfare promoted by Trumpism. One answer is that democratic dissent’s affirming gesture (as counterpart to its discordant gesture) can draw on a commonplace of complementarity. This is well illustrated by Stacey Abrams’ reply to Donald Trump’s 2019 State of the Union Address, a response in which she located racial complementarity within a complex of democratic values of inclusion, fairness, hard work, opportunity, community, justice, and mutual benefit.
唐纳德·特朗普煽动种族战争的比喻取代了民主的话语,推进了威权主义。特朗普和他的批评者都部署了疾病图像,并将其置于病毒大流行的背景下,这进一步侵蚀了民主党的机构。在某种程度上,特朗普主义是一种修辞现象,有理由考虑其与民主政治中健康人物有关的有毒比喻。民主本身是一个狡猾的术语,围绕着人民主权、自治、社区、平等、多元主义、互惠和深思熟虑的各种概念。这是一种竞争政治,当对手被疏远,共同点被空出或摧毁时,就不会进行深思熟虑。那么,问题是,政治行为者可能会利用哪些比喻来重建和占据共同点,尤其是为了缓和特朗普主义推动的种族战争的分裂形象。一个答案是,民主异见人士的肯定姿态(与不和谐姿态相对应)可以利用一种常见的互补性。斯泰西·艾布拉姆斯(Stacey Abrams)对唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)2019年国情咨文的回应很好地说明了这一点,她在回应中将种族互补性定位于包容、公平、努力、机会、社区、正义和互利的民主价值观的复合体中。
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引用次数: 0
The Mask of War and the War of Masks: The Fabricated Culture War Gets Deadly 战争的面具和面具的战争:虚构的文化战争变得致命
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2168954
Patricia Roberts‐Miller
In the US, mask wearing, while opposed and evaded by people all over the political spectrum (albeit not equally), was disproportionately associated with reactionary political affiliation, especially in its most demagogic and violent forms. Anti-mask demagoguery associated mask wearing and mask mandates with communism, Nazism, satanism, genocide, suicide and a war on America. This article argues that this demagoguery was not unique to masks or COVID-19, but the rhetorical consequence of the pro-GOP strategic repurposing of twentieth-century anti-communist demagoguery. This demagoguery (which arose after World War I) framed all policy disagreements, not as issues with multiple legitimate perspectives that could be argued qua policies, but as battles in an apocalyptic war between good and evil, and therefore beyond normal political disagreement.
在美国,戴口罩虽然受到各个政治派别的反对和回避(尽管不平等),但却与反动政治派别有着不成比例的联系,尤其是以最具煽动性和暴力的形式。反口罩煽动将戴口罩和强制戴口罩与共产主义、纳粹主义、撒旦主义、种族灭绝、自杀和对美战争联系在一起。这篇文章认为,这种煽动并非口罩或新冠肺炎独有,而是20世纪反共产主义煽动的反政府战略调整的修辞结果。这种煽动(出现在第一次世界大战之后)将所有政策分歧都框定为一场灾难性的善与恶之战,因此超出了正常的政治分歧。
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引用次数: 1
The Appeal of Far Right Pandemic Politics: A Southern Europe Case 极右翼流行病政治的吸引力:以南欧为例
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2162296
Adalberto Fernandes
The literature associates the pandemic with populist far right parties' growth, creating the conditions for democracy weakening. The pandemic must be seen, thus, as more than a natural or medical-scientific issue given its political impact. In that sense, the pandemic politics, that is, the way governments managed the COVID-19 crisis, can be seen as a kind of “bare-life-politics,” characterised by preserving life for life’s sake. This means that governments, given the urgency of the threat, were less concerned with proposing fairer forms of economy or better modes of living. In this vein, an important political and media hegemonic topic took over discourse: “life vs. economy.” This false dichotomy suggested that the economic means were unimportant for life, given that a bare life does not need much to survive. Meanwhile, far-right politics claimed that mere survival is not enough as a political promise because an economy must promise to life. Far-right politics, given the exceptional pandemic context, appeared opportunistically and paradoxically as infusing more transformative promises for political life than the political parties responsible for managing the pandemic. These far right-wing movements show that politics cannot survive if reduced to a biological business of keeping people simply alive.
文献将疫情与民粹主义极右翼政党的发展联系在一起,为民主的削弱创造了条件。因此,鉴于疫情的政治影响,必须将其视为一个自然或医学科学问题。从这个意义上说,大流行政治,即政府管理新冠肺炎危机的方式,可以被视为一种“赤裸裸的政治”,其特征是为了生命而保护生命。这意味着,鉴于威胁的紧迫性,各国政府不太关心提出更公平的经济形式或更好的生活方式。本着这种精神,一个重要的政治和媒体霸权话题占据了话语权:“生活与经济”。这种错误的二分法表明,经济手段对生活来说并不重要,因为光秃秃的生活不需要太多就能生存。与此同时,极右翼政治声称,仅仅生存是不够的政治承诺,因为一个经济体必须对生命做出承诺。在特殊的疫情背景下,极右翼政治似乎机会主义地、自相矛盾地为政治生活注入了比负责管理疫情的政党更多的变革性承诺。这些极右翼运动表明,如果将政治简化为维持人们生存的生物学事务,那么政治就无法生存。
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引用次数: 1
At the Boundaries of Authority and Authoritarianism in the Welfare State: News Coverage of Alt. Health Influencers During the Covid-19 Pandemic 在福利国家权力和威权主义的边界上:新冠肺炎大流行期间Alt.健康影响者的新闻报道
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2168442
Mette Mortensen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen
Battles over who holds authority to speak on health issues have been recurrent since the outbreak of Covid-19. This article investigates how the voices of alt. health influencers have been handled within the news-mediated public sphere during the pandemic. Alt. health influencers illustrate how new forms of authority are claimed and negotiated on social media, and how their ideas circulate quickly in the broader public discourse with potential risks to health, security, and stability. We focus on the Nordic welfare context, which is characterised by citizens putting great trust in societal institutions such as politics, healthcare, and professional news media. In the news coverage, the arguments of alt. health influencers have been consistently disputed by the experts and authorities of the welfare state, including the news media themselves. This has created a polarised debate. Alt. health influencers have criticised the news media, health authorities, big tech, etc. for having authoritarian traits. Meanwhile, they themselves have promoted authoritarian lines of thinking by contesting democratic forms of governance, professional news media, and scientific knowledge. This study ultimately shows that even in a high-trust, consensual welfare state, the boundaries between authority and authoritarianism are up for debate.
自2019冠状病毒病爆发以来,关于谁有权就卫生问题发表意见的争论一再发生。本文调查了在大流行期间,在以新闻为媒介的公共领域如何处理另类卫生影响者的声音。另类健康影响者说明了如何在社交媒体上主张和谈判新的权威形式,以及他们的想法如何在更广泛的公共话语中迅速传播,对健康、安全和稳定构成潜在风险。我们关注的是北欧的福利环境,其特点是公民对政治、医疗保健和专业新闻媒体等社会机构给予极大的信任。在新闻报道中,福利国家的专家和权威,包括新闻媒体本身,一直在争论另类健康影响者的论点。这引发了一场两极分化的辩论。另类健康影响者批评新闻媒体、卫生当局、大型科技公司等具有专制特征。与此同时,他们自己通过反对民主的治理形式、专业的新闻媒体和科学知识,推动了威权主义的思想路线。这项研究最终表明,即使在一个高度信任、双方同意的福利国家,权威和威权主义之间的界限也存在争议。
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引用次数: 0
Holocaust Distortion During the Global Pandemic: An Exercise in Anti-Democratic Demagoguery 全球大流行期间的大屠杀扭曲:反民主煽动运动
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2168959
M. Parnell, Mary E. Stuckey
Far-right demagogues, including Thomas Massie (R-KY), Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA), and Lauren Boebert (R-CO) have compared COVID related mandates to Nazi-era policies that restricted the movement of Jewish peoples, have repeatedly evoked the image of the concentration camp tattoo, and have referenced the Nazi’s T4 programme that mandated the forced sterilisation of people with disabilities. This rhetorical strategy is a form of Holocaust distortion, the active excusing, minimisation, or misrepresentation of the Holocaust for political purposes. This essay explores how right-wing politicians use Holocaust distortion as a rhetorical strategy during the global pandemic, to the detriment of democratic deliberation. Our analysis focuses on the tactics of Holocaust distortion: hyperbole, comparison, argument by analogy, and the slippery slope fallacy. We suggest that COVID-19 era related Holocaust distortion has grave consequences for democratic life in the United States. We recommend adaptations in our cultural and scholarly communication practices that may help resist the demagogic logics of Holocaust denial.
包括托马斯·马西(R-KY)、马乔丽·泰勒·格林(R-GA)和劳伦·波伯特(R-CO)在内的极右翼煽动家将与新冠肺炎相关的命令与纳粹时代限制犹太人行动的政策进行了比较,多次唤起集中营纹身的形象,并引用了纳粹T4计划,该计划要求对残疾人强制绝育。这种修辞策略是对大屠杀的歪曲,是出于政治目的对大屠杀的积极开脱、最小化或歪曲。本文探讨了在全球疫情期间,右翼政客如何利用大屠杀扭曲作为一种修辞策略,损害民主审议。我们的分析集中在大屠杀扭曲的策略上:夸张、比较、类比论证和滑坡谬论。我们认为,与新冠肺炎时代相关的大屠杀扭曲对美国的民主生活产生了严重后果。我们建议对我们的文化和学术交流实践进行调整,这可能有助于抵制否认大屠杀的煽动逻辑。
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引用次数: 0
Neofascist “Thugs,” Pandemic Protests, Populisms: Giorgia Meloni’s Cerchiobottismo and the Rise of Fratelli D’Italia During the Pandemic 新法西斯主义的“暴徒”,大流行的抗议,民粹主义:乔治娅·梅洛尼在大流行期间的Cerchiobottismo和Fratelli D 'Italia的崛起
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2023.2168444
Pamela Pietrucci
In this essay, I examine the rise to power of Fratelli d’Italia (FdI), the populist far right Italian party led by Giorgia Meloni, in the 2022 election. I first situate FdI’s victory in the complex context of the Italian experience of the pandemic—exploring the erosion of the democratic sentiment in Italy after COVID-19 and the mutual influences of crises and the shaky anti-establishment and anti-intellectual epistemologies of populisms. I then proceed to examine Meloni’s recurring rhetorical strategy to deal with FdI’s problematic relationship to fascist heritage during the electoral campaign. Specifically, I analyse Meloni’s rhetorical maneuvers as instances of cerchiobottismo. Cerchiobottismo is an Italian term that explains the practice of strategic ambiguity typical of seasoned politicians that can juggle two sides, telling both sides that they are partially wrong, without compromising too much of the rhetor’s own position. In the second part of this essay, I unpack Meloni’s cerchiobottista rhetorics in a set of three significant examples in relation to the 2022s election and the controversies over fascism to illustrate how Meloni rejected the repeated public accusations of fascist nostalgia in her party, while boosting FdI’s electoral appeal among a moderate electorate and also reassuring international stakeholders.
在这篇文章中,我研究了由乔治娅·梅洛尼(Giorgia Meloni)领导的意大利极右翼民粹主义政党意大利法拉泰利(FdI)在2022年大选中的崛起。我首先将外国直接投资的胜利置于意大利疫情经历的复杂背景下,探讨了COVID-19后意大利民主情绪的侵蚀、危机的相互影响以及民粹主义摇摇欲坠的反建制和反知识分子认识论。然后,我进一步研究了梅洛尼在竞选期间反复出现的修辞策略,以处理外国直接投资与法西斯遗产的问题关系。具体地说,我分析了梅洛尼的修辞手法,将其作为肢体抽搐的实例。Cerchiobottismo是一个意大利语术语,用来解释老练的政治家在战略上模棱两可的做法,他们可以在双方之间摇摆,告诉双方他们部分是错误的,而不会对修辞家自己的立场做出太多妥协。在本文的第二部分,我将通过与2022年大选和法西斯主义争议相关的三个重要例子,对梅洛尼的反法西斯主义修辞进行分析,以说明梅洛尼如何拒绝了党内反复出现的法西斯怀旧主义的公开指责,同时提高了外国直接投资在温和选民中的选举吸引力,并让国际利益相关者放心。
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引用次数: 1
“Hi, Folks!” Attention Populism as a Strategy for Dominating the Dissonant Information Environment “嗨,伙计!”注意民粹主义:主宰不和谐信息环境的策略
Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13183222.2022.2147773
David Klimeš
This study describes a strategy for dominating the digital political information environment: attention populism. Dissonance in the information environment is a significant trend that is forcing political communication to change. Strategies of political communications experts aimed at dominating the dissonant information environment, and thereby winning the support of various civic and electoral groups, are becoming increasingly apparent, especially among populist parties. We use discourse analysis in a case study to describe the communication strategy of the former Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, Andrej Babiš. We focus on his weekly long posts on Facebook that open with the greeting, “Hi, folks!” The case study demonstrates how attention populism works in contemporary political communication practice.
本研究描述了一种在数字政治信息环境中占据主导地位的策略:注意力民粹主义。信息环境中的不和谐是迫使政治沟通发生变化的一个重要趋势。政治传播专家旨在主导不和谐的信息环境,从而赢得各种公民和选举团体的支持的策略越来越明显,尤其是在民粹主义政党中。我们在一个案例研究中使用话语分析来描述捷克共和国前总理安德烈·巴比什的沟通策略。我们关注的是他在脸书上每周发布的长文,开头是问候语“嗨,伙计们!”该案例研究展示了注意力民粹主义在当代政治传播实践中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
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Javnost (Ljubljana, Slovenia)
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