Sociology Lens最新文献

This study is an attempt to understand police officers' interactions with cultural diversity within the framework of social capital. Utilizing semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis within a phenomenological research framework, the findings reveal that being a police officer enhances and limits the trust relation at the same time. Although they are expected to transfer to other cities in certain periods and encounter diverse cultures, thereby enhancing their social capital, as officers' discretionary power diminishes and they increasingly adhere to established regulations, which constrain their flexibility and autonomy in public interactions. This regulatory reliance often results in a withdrawal from discretionary engagements with the social diversity. The data informing these findings originate from Türkiye; however, the conclusions regarding the cultural aspects of police-citizen interactions, viewed through the lens of social capital, have broader implications that extend beyond national boundaries, which is evaluated in comparison with international studies.

This paper elucidates the reasons behind Deng Xiaoping's initiation of political reform from a propaganda perspective by examining the features of Mao's propaganda and thought work and their implications for the Chinese Communist Party, analyzing cases such as the “Two-Hundred Policy,” the “Anti-Rightist Campaign,” propaganda campaigns related to the USSR, and the transformation of Lin Biao's image. It argues that Mao's propaganda and thought work, characterized by their absoluteness and sharp transitions, were detrimental to the stability of the communist regime. These characteristics led to widespread indifference, distrust, and even resistance toward the Chinese Communist Party among the Chinese populace since the late Mao era. China had entered a post-trust era, marked by a growing tendency among the populace to preemptively view official messages as untrustworthy. To restore the party's credibility, Deng Xiaoping initiated reforms in propaganda and thought work to address these shortcomings.

This paper explores the difficulties related to the implementation of the ocean education policy in Taiwan, based on interviews. Viewing nationalism as an ethnic ideology, a primary objective of the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) is to establish an ethnic boundary between Taiwan's residents and the Chinese people on the mainland. One way in which the TIM is seeking to erect this boundary is to assert that Taiwan is a marine nation-state, contrasting it with China as a continental state. Initially aimed at fostering marine consciousness and culture, Taiwan's ocean education policy later shifted toward improving ocean literacy. The government, which is aligned with the TIM, accepted this shift because its educational goals and approach can serve as a propaganda tool for demonstrating Taiwan's distinctiveness from China. In contrast, frontline educators must adapt ocean education's content to suit the local marine customs, and geographical and economic conditions, and so meet the educational requirements. A strict adherence to the national identification objectives within ocean education raises problems regarding policy implementation. By denying the existence of marine culture in Taiwan, Taiwan's ocean education policy has been assigned a utopian mission that is too radical to be achieved.

This article highlights the importance of understanding migration beyond past and present negotiations, arguing that Syrian students' everyday geographies are crucial for negotiating the future, contributing to the ongoing discourse on spatiality and migration studies. Space-based interactions are constructing the future of young migrants both within national and international contexts. This study utilized virtual ethnographies, in-depth interviews, and participant observations in Istanbul to explore the everyday experiences of Syrian students, providing insights into their future and current routes. It employs Massey's concepts of routes and roots, recognizing the duality between them from sociological and human geographical perspectives. It is discussed that understanding roots and routes can be achieved through an intersectional approach that integrates religion, education, age, and gender. This research study argues that categorizing students as local or global is insufficient due to the intertwining of perceptions of space with local and global dynamics in the context of multiple identities.

Sufism (tasawwuf) has been characterized in the extant literature as a pacifist strand in Islam that has shaped the landscapes of Muslim Southeast Asia (also known as the Malay World) since the last five hundred years. This article challenges such historiographical interpretation by examining the multifarious circumstances that motivated Sufis to invoke jihad (struggle) and perang sabil (holy war) in many junctures of the region's past in pursuit of imperial, ideological, material, and communal interests. Using a set of illustrative vignettes spanning a few centuries, this article positions “Sufi warriorism” as a useful concept for scholars to make sense of a variety of aggressive actions carried out by Sufis. It further proposes a typology that demonstrates how the three main expressions of Sufi warriorism—protagonist, protectionist, and purist—were instrumental in shaping the careers of states and societies in Muslim Southeast Asia.