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The Place of History in British Criminology: 20th-Century Developments 英国犯罪学的历史地位:20世纪的发展
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-12-19 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12486
Roberto Catello

While the relevance of historical research and analysis for the development of a critical criminology in the United States in the 1970s has recently received some attention by historical criminologists, the place of history in British criminology—and British critical criminology in particular—remains a largely unexplored area of academic inquiry. This article fills this gap in the history of historical criminology by reviewing the uses of history in British criminology before and after the emergence of critical criminology in the 1970s. The article first reviews the precritical uses of history found in the writings of the key figures responsible for the establishment of academic criminology in Britain in the mid-20th century, namely, Leon Radzinowicz, Hermann Mannheim, and Max Grünhut. These scholars made a valuable contribution to the historical study of crime but the criminological zeitgeist of their time prevented them from outlining a manifesto for a historical criminology. The article then proceeds to show that the critique of ahistorical criminology instigated by critical criminologists in Britain during the 1970s was born out of attempts to historicize the sociology of deviance. Lastly, the article goes on to argue that the new criminology envisioned by Ian Taylor, Paul Walton, and Jock Young was instrumental in advancing a conception of critical criminology that is indistinguishable from a fully historical criminology.

虽然历史研究和分析与20世纪70年代美国批判犯罪学发展的相关性最近受到了历史犯罪学家的一些关注,但历史在英国犯罪学中的地位——尤其是英国批判犯罪学——仍然是一个很大程度上未被探索的学术研究领域。本文通过回顾20世纪70年代批判犯罪学出现前后历史在英国犯罪学中的应用,填补了历史犯罪学史上的这一空白。本文首先回顾了20世纪中期英国学术犯罪学的奠基人列昂·拉德济诺维茨、赫尔曼·曼海姆和马克斯·格伦努特的著作中对历史的预批判运用。这些学者对犯罪的历史研究做出了宝贵的贡献,但当时的犯罪学时代精神使他们无法为犯罪学历史勾勒出一份宣言。文章继而表明,20世纪70年代由英国批判犯罪学家发起的对非历史犯罪学的批判,源于对越轨行为社会学的历史化尝试。最后,文章继续论证,伊恩·泰勒、保罗·沃尔顿和乔克·杨所设想的新犯罪学有助于推进批判犯罪学的概念,而批判犯罪学与完全历史的犯罪学是没有区别的。
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引用次数: 0
The Ritual of Homebuying in Desert Cities: A Visual Ethnography 沙漠城市的购房仪式:视觉人种学
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12484
Brian F. O'Neill, Eliza Benites-Gambirazio

The process of home-buying is commonly discussed and understood in terms of both asset acquisition and its connection to speculative financial practices utilized to attempt to correct for structural market crises. These dimensions further the possibilities for potential wealth accumulation that assist individuals, families, and corporate actors. This visual essay, emerging out of a decade-long investigation of the housing market in the American state of Arizona, USA, is the result of a collaboration between a visual ethnographer and a sociologist, which aimed to nuance an understanding of housing markets along social, spatial, and historical axes. The essay reveals connections between interpersonal dynamics of taste-making and, contrary to dominant liberal economic logic, the sometimes-limited horizons of choices for families attempting to engage in what we describe as “the ritual of homebuying.” Socially and historically, we discuss how the practice involves the enlistment of a number of peripheral actors attempting to facilitate the home-buying process who use tactics to draw families into the housing market. Spatially, families with aspiring middle-class values are, often enough, driven to peripheral urban and suburban zones to try to align their budgets and their ideals. Ultimately then, what turns out to be decisive is the narrow set of parameters as defined by the web of actors inside the real estate market, rather than, as some agents within the real estate industry abstractly argue, “what the market will bear.” Put differently, what the market will bear is narrowly defined choices that intersect with cultural values.

购房过程通常从资产收购及其与投机性金融实践的联系两方面进行讨论和理解,投机性金融实践被用来试图纠正结构性市场危机。这些维度进一步增加了潜在财富积累的可能性,有助于个人、家庭和企业行动者。这篇视觉文章源于对美国亚利桑那州住房市场长达十年的调查,是一位视觉人种学家和一位社会学家合作的结果,旨在从社会、空间和历史的角度对住房市场进行细微的理解。这篇文章揭示了品味形成的人际动态和(与占主导地位的自由主义经济学逻辑相反)有时有限的家庭选择视野之间的联系,这些家庭试图参与我们所说的“购房仪式”。从社会和历史的角度,我们讨论了这种做法如何涉及到一些试图促进购房过程的外围参与者,他们使用策略将家庭吸引到住房市场。从空间上看,拥有雄心勃勃的中产阶级价值观的家庭往往被赶到城市外围和郊区,试图使他们的预算和理想保持一致。最终,具有决定性的是由房地产市场内的参与者网络定义的一组狭窄的参数,而不是像房地产行业内的一些代理人抽象地认为的那样,“市场将承受什么”。换句话说,市场将承受的是与文化价值观交叉的狭义选择。
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引用次数: 0
Autism Speaks for Whom? Neoliberalism, Nonprofit Infrastructure, and the Economics of Autism Advocacy 自闭症代表谁?新自由主义、非营利基础设施和自闭症倡导的经济学
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-12-07 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12481
James Samuel Kizer

Arguably one of the best current examples of the nonprofit industrial complex in action, Autism Speaks dominates public discourses surrounding autism. Autistic people and their allies have long criticized the organization's harmful ideologies, but comparatively little attention has been given to how Autism Speaks develops its ideologies in the first place. I address this gap in the sociocultural study of autism in the present paper by situating Autism Speaks within neoliberal thought and demonstrating how those logics undergird its nonprofit infrastructure. Drawing upon critical nonprofit studies and Suárez's (2020) model for the drivers and determinants of nonprofit advocacy, I argue that neoliberal notions of medicalization, bodyminds, and labor are inherently intertwined with Autism Speaks' budget, resulting in the organization's narrow framing of autism advocacy and problematic ideology about Autistic people themselves.

A Note on Language

I utilize identify-first language in this essay (‘Autistic person’ instead of ‘person with autism’) to reflect the growing consensus among Autistic people that doing so is semantically necessary. Autism is not an experience that can be isolated from the person experiencing it, rendering person-first language problematic because “with autism” is a prepositional phrase that can be removed without changing the sentence meaning. But Autism is the meaning! Being Autistic is simultaneously salient, corporeal, discursive, and analytical; it is intrinsic to the bodyminds who possess it, which also makes it always already political. In a similar vein, I use capital-A “Autistic” when referencing Autistic people to encapsulate its political significance. See Brown (2011) and “The A Word” (2009).

可以说,“自闭症之声”是目前非盈利产业综合体的最佳范例之一,它主导着围绕自闭症的公共话语。自闭症患者和他们的盟友长期以来一直批评该组织有害的意识形态,但相对而言,很少有人关注自闭症代言人最初是如何发展其意识形态的。在本文中,我通过将“自闭症之声”置于新自由主义思想中,并展示这些逻辑如何支撑其非营利基础设施,来解决自闭症社会文化研究中的这一差距。根据重要的非营利研究和Suárez(2020)非营利倡导的驱动因素和决定因素模型,我认为,医疗化、身心和劳动的新自由主义概念与自闭症之言的预算内在地交织在一起,导致该组织对自闭症倡导的狭隘框架和对自闭症患者本身的有问题的意识形态。在这篇文章中,我使用身份优先的语言(“自闭症患者”而不是“患有自闭症的人”)来反映自闭症患者之间越来越多的共识,即这样做在语义上是必要的。自闭症是一种不能与经历它的人分离的经历,这使得以人为本的语言有问题,因为“患有自闭症”是一个介词短语,可以在不改变句子意思的情况下删除。但是自闭症才是真正的意义!自闭症同时具有显著性、物质性、话语性和分析性;它是拥有它的身心所固有的,这也使得它总是具有政治性。同样,我在提到自闭症患者时,也用大写的“自闭症”来概括其政治意义。参见Brown(2011)和The A Word(2009)。
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引用次数: 0
Original Dualisms Labor Law and Casual Work in Portugal and Romania (1920s–1960s) 葡萄牙、罗马尼亚的原始二元论、劳动法与临时工(1920 - 1960年)
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-12-02 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12485
Adrian Grama

This article argues that any historical explanation of the emergence of dualism in the labor market should take labor law seriously for two intertwined reasons: first, because before there could be a dualism of insiders and outsiders in the market, there was an original dualism inscribed in statutory legislation covering employment contracts; and second because before there could be a neat distinction between a primary and a secondary sector, there was a prevailing legal hierarchy that rewarded the stability of the most stable employees while concomitantly rescinding protection from casual workers. The article asks how these original dualisms were overcome during the better half of the twentieth century, and what mechanisms might explain the eventual collapse of the legal distinctions between various types of employees and the differential distribution of rights that came with it. Empirically, the article draws comparatively on the social and legal history of Portugal and Romania from the 1920s to the 1960s to propose a historically rich and conceptually fresh interpretation of the emergence of “standard employment” on the two peripheries of Europe.

本文认为,对劳动力市场二元论出现的任何历史解释都应该认真对待劳动法,原因有两个:首先,因为在市场中出现内部人与外部人的二元论之前,在涉及劳动合同的法定立法中就已经有了最初的二元论;其次,在第一产业和第二产业之间没有明确的区别之前,普遍存在着一种法律等级制度,这种制度奖励最稳定的雇员,同时取消对临时工的保护。这篇文章询问了这些最初的二元论是如何在20世纪上半叶被克服的,以及什么样的机制可以解释各种类型的雇员之间的法律区别的最终崩溃以及随之而来的权利的差异分配。在经验上,本文比较地借鉴了葡萄牙和罗马尼亚从20世纪20年代到60年代的社会和法律历史,对“标准就业”在欧洲两个边缘地区的出现提出了历史丰富和概念新颖的解释。
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引用次数: 0
In the Footsteps of Krste P. Misirkov: Tracing the Roots of Macedonian Sociological Discourse 米西尔科夫的足迹:追寻马其顿社会学话语的根源
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12483
Ganka Cvetanova

Misirkov is one of the most eminent figures in Macedonian national history. He made significant contributions as a Slavist, historian, folklorist, and ethnographer. In his seminal work, “On Macedonian Matters” (1903), Misirkov presented his theoretical and scientific views on the Macedonian question. He made a groundbreaking attempt to standardize the Macedonian language, offering both a linguistic and sociological exploration of its role in establishing political legitimacy for the Macedonian ethnocultural entity. His comprehensive treatment of other critical aspects, including the cultural identity, sense of common belonging, and the need for a separate political unit, aligns with the foundational principles of modern nations. Introducing novel ideas and frameworks, Misirkov significantly contributed to understanding Macedonian ethnocultural distinctiveness, crucial for the nation-building process. This paper emphasizes Misirkov's overlooked role as the founder of Macedonian sociological discourse, drawing parallels with modernist theories about nation and nationalism and analyzing his method through the concept of sociological imagination. Despite the enduring impact of his work, this pioneering aspect remains unexplored in academic research, addressing a significant gap in understanding Misirkov's contributions to Macedonian sociological thought.

米西尔科夫是马其顿民族历史上最杰出的人物之一。作为斯拉夫主义者、历史学家、民俗学家和民族志学家,他做出了重大贡献。在他的开创性著作《论马其顿问题》(1903)中,米西尔科夫提出了他对马其顿问题的理论和科学观点。他对马其顿语言的标准化做出了开创性的尝试,从语言学和社会学的角度探讨了马其顿语言在建立马其顿民族文化实体的政治合法性方面所起的作用。他对其他关键方面的综合处理,包括文化认同、共同归属感和对独立政治单位的需求,与现代国家的基本原则一致。米西尔科夫引入了新颖的思想和框架,对理解马其顿民族文化的独特性做出了重大贡献,这对国家建设进程至关重要。本文强调米西尔科夫作为马其顿社会学话语的奠基人所扮演的被忽视的角色,将其与现代主义关于民族和民族主义的理论进行比较,并通过社会学想象的概念分析他的方法。尽管他的工作产生了持久的影响,但这一开创性的方面在学术研究中仍未得到探索,解决了理解米西尔科夫对马其顿社会学思想贡献的重大差距。
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引用次数: 0
Ode to a Blackbird 黑鸟颂
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-27 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12480
Muriel N. Kahwagi

To access in written form, or even through a recording, that which was once performed in front of a live audience is akin to looking at an old picture. Both documents leave a trace of that which has passed, but they cannot recreate or capture the lived experience; they can only house the haunting. In the mid-20th century’s swirl of audiovisual and written documentation of poetry, one may identify a pressing hunger or impulse to preserve an oral tradition which has historically, at least for the most part, been lost—and an attempt on behalf of poets to legitimize and record their life’s work. Sung poetry may be forgotten—it leaves no physical trace behind. In the end, it is the material that prevails, at least in the eyes of history.

以书面形式,甚至是通过录音的形式,访问曾经在现场观众面前表演过的东西,就像看一幅老画一样。这两份文件都留下了过去的痕迹,但它们无法重现或捕捉到活生生的经历;它们只能容纳闹鬼的人。在20世纪中期的诗歌视听和书面记录的漩涡中,人们可能会发现一种迫切的渴望或冲动,即保存在历史上,至少在大部分情况下,已经丢失的口头传统,以及代表诗人合法化和记录他们一生工作的尝试。歌唱的诗歌可能会被遗忘——它不会留下任何有形的痕迹。最后,材料占了上风,至少在历史的眼中是这样。
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引用次数: 0
From bonds to bounds: The cultural diversity experiences of police officers as custodians of their own social capital 从束缚到约束:警察作为自身社会资本保管人的文化多样性经验
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-09 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12479
Merve Reyhan Baygeldi, Fatma Nur Günay

This study is an attempt to understand police officers' interactions with cultural diversity within the framework of social capital. Utilizing semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis within a phenomenological research framework, the findings reveal that being a police officer enhances and limits the trust relation at the same time. Although they are expected to transfer to other cities in certain periods and encounter diverse cultures, thereby enhancing their social capital, as officers' discretionary power diminishes and they increasingly adhere to established regulations, which constrain their flexibility and autonomy in public interactions. This regulatory reliance often results in a withdrawal from discretionary engagements with the social diversity. The data informing these findings originate from Türkiye; however, the conclusions regarding the cultural aspects of police-citizen interactions, viewed through the lens of social capital, have broader implications that extend beyond national boundaries, which is evaluated in comparison with international studies.

本研究试图在社会资本的框架下理解警察与文化多样性的互动。利用半结构化访谈和现象学研究框架内的专题分析,研究结果表明,作为一名警察,同时增强和限制了信任关系。虽然在特定时期,他们被期望迁移到其他城市,遇到不同的文化,从而增加了他们的社会资本,但随着官员自由裁量权的减少,他们越来越多地遵守既定的法规,这限制了他们在公共互动中的灵活性和自主性。这种对监管的依赖往往导致与社会多样性的自由裁量性接触的退出。支持这些发现的数据来自t rkiye;然而,从社会资本的角度来看,关于警察-公民互动的文化方面的结论具有超越国界的更广泛的影响,并与国际研究进行了比较。
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引用次数: 0
Propaganda and thought work in the Mao era: Absoluteness, sharp transitions, and political instability
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12478
Haoguang Li

This paper elucidates the reasons behind Deng Xiaoping's initiation of political reform from a propaganda perspective by examining the features of Mao's propaganda and thought work and their implications for the Chinese Communist Party, analyzing cases such as the “Two-Hundred Policy,” the “Anti-Rightist Campaign,” propaganda campaigns related to the USSR, and the transformation of Lin Biao's image. It argues that Mao's propaganda and thought work, characterized by their absoluteness and sharp transitions, were detrimental to the stability of the communist regime. These characteristics led to widespread indifference, distrust, and even resistance toward the Chinese Communist Party among the Chinese populace since the late Mao era. China had entered a post-trust era, marked by a growing tendency among the populace to preemptively view official messages as untrustworthy. To restore the party's credibility, Deng Xiaoping initiated reforms in propaganda and thought work to address these shortcomings.

它认为毛的宣传和思想工作,其特点是他们的绝对性和尖锐的转变,是有害的共产党政权的稳定。中国已经进入了一个后信任时代,其特点是民众越来越倾向于先发制人地认为官方信息不值得信任。​
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引用次数: 0
From Marine Culture to Ocean Literacy: Ocean Education as Taiwan's Nation-Building Project
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-10-29 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12477
Kuang-hao Hou, Hsin-mei Chang

This paper explores the difficulties related to the implementation of the ocean education policy in Taiwan, based on interviews. Viewing nationalism as an ethnic ideology, a primary objective of the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) is to establish an ethnic boundary between Taiwan's residents and the Chinese people on the mainland. One way in which the TIM is seeking to erect this boundary is to assert that Taiwan is a marine nation-state, contrasting it with China as a continental state. Initially aimed at fostering marine consciousness and culture, Taiwan's ocean education policy later shifted toward improving ocean literacy. The government, which is aligned with the TIM, accepted this shift because its educational goals and approach can serve as a propaganda tool for demonstrating Taiwan's distinctiveness from China. In contrast, frontline educators must adapt ocean education's content to suit the local marine customs, and geographical and economic conditions, and so meet the educational requirements. A strict adherence to the national identification objectives within ocean education raises problems regarding policy implementation. By denying the existence of marine culture in Taiwan, Taiwan's ocean education policy has been assigned a utopian mission that is too radical to be achieved.

本文以访谈为基础,探讨台湾实施海洋教育政策的困难。台湾的海洋教育政策最初旨在培养海洋意识和文化,后来转向提高海洋素养。与TIM结盟的政府接受了这种转变,因为它的教育目标和方法可以作为一种宣传工具,展示台湾与中国大陆的独特性。而一线教育工作者必须根据当地的海洋风俗、地理、经济条件对海洋教育内容进行调整,以满足教育要求。在海洋教育中严格遵守国家鉴定目标会引起政策执行方面的问题。由于否定台湾海洋文化的存在,台湾的海洋教育政策被赋予了一个过于激进而无法实现的乌托邦使命。
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引用次数: 0
Predictors of Desertion: Analysis of the First Michigan Colored Infantry in the American Civil War 开小差的预测因素:美国内战中密歇根州第一有色人种步兵团的分析
0 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-10-19 DOI: 10.1111/johs.12476
Steven Stack, Barbara Bowman

Over 180,000 black soldiers served in the Union Army in the American Civil War. They endured horrific deprivation and disease, and also substantial institutional discrimination in such areas as wage and promotion. Nevertheless, most never deserted their duties as soldiers. However, it is not clear what distinguished those who did desert from their counterparts. The present case-control study fills this gap. It applies social bonds theory to explain desertion among blacks. The general hypothesis is the greater the bonds or stakes to the military unit, the lower the risk of desertion. Data refer to the First Michigan Colored Infantry (First Michigan) and are from the Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan. They refer to the population of all 189 deserters in the First Michigan and a comparison group of non-deserters. Available measures of social bonds include substitute status (substitutes received a bounty upon completion of service), receiving a wound (having “skin in the game”), and noncommissioned officer status. In addition, loyalty to family is framed as a risk factor. The dependent variable is desertion, a dichotomy (0,1). Results are adjusted for other measurable variables. A multivariate logistic regression analysis determined that measures of military social bonds were protective factors against desertion. Substitutes were 73% less apt, wounded soldiers 93% less apt, and noncommissioned officers were 79% less apt to desert than their counterparts. However, family bonds were a risk factor. The model correctly classified 77.95% of the cases. The results largely support a social bonds theory of deviance, but also may support views of the conflicting bonds between family and state as increasing desertion. The investigation is the first quantitative study of desertion among blacks in the Civil War.

在美国内战期间,有超过18万黑人士兵在联邦军队服役。他们忍受着可怕的贫困和疾病,在工资和晋升等方面也受到制度性歧视。然而,他们中的大多数人从未放弃他们作为士兵的职责。然而,目前还不清楚是什么将那些逃跑的人与他们的同伴区别开来。目前的病例对照研究填补了这一空白。它运用社会纽带理论来解释黑人的遗弃现象。一般的假设是,与军事单位的债券或利害关系越大,逃兵的风险就越低。数据参考第一密歇根有色步兵(第一密歇根),来自密歇根大学本特利历史图书馆。他们指的是第一密歇根州189名逃兵和一组非逃兵的人口。社会关系的可用衡量标准包括替补身份(替补在完成服务后获得赏金),接受伤口(有“参与游戏”)和士官身份。此外,对家庭的忠诚也被认为是一个风险因素。因变量为抛弃,二分类(0,1)。结果根据其他可测量变量进行了调整。多元逻辑回归分析表明,军人社会关系是防止逃兵的保护因素。代替者比他们的同伴少73%,受伤士兵少93%,士官比他们的同伴少79%。然而,家庭纽带是一个风险因素。该模型的分类正确率为77.95%。研究结果在很大程度上支持了越轨行为的社会纽带理论,但也可能支持了家庭与国家之间的冲突纽带导致越来越多的遗弃的观点。这项调查是对南北战争中黑人逃兵的第一次定量研究。
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引用次数: 0
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