This article highlights the importance of understanding migration beyond past and present negotiations, arguing that Syrian students' everyday geographies are crucial for negotiating the future, contributing to the ongoing discourse on spatiality and migration studies. Space-based interactions are constructing the future of young migrants both within national and international contexts. This study utilized virtual ethnographies, in-depth interviews, and participant observations in Istanbul to explore the everyday experiences of Syrian students, providing insights into their future and current routes. It employs Massey's concepts of routes and roots, recognizing the duality between them from sociological and human geographical perspectives. It is discussed that understanding roots and routes can be achieved through an intersectional approach that integrates religion, education, age, and gender. This research study argues that categorizing students as local or global is insufficient due to the intertwining of perceptions of space with local and global dynamics in the context of multiple identities.
{"title":"From Roots to Routes: Transnational Spaces and Identities of Syrian Youth Within Everyday Geographies of Istanbul","authors":"Şeyma Ayyildiz","doi":"10.1111/johs.12475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12475","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article highlights the importance of understanding migration beyond past and present negotiations, arguing that Syrian students' everyday geographies are crucial for negotiating the future, contributing to the ongoing discourse on spatiality and migration studies. Space-based interactions are constructing the future of young migrants both within national and international contexts. This study utilized virtual ethnographies, in-depth interviews, and participant observations in Istanbul to explore the everyday experiences of Syrian students, providing insights into their future and current routes. It employs Massey's concepts of routes and roots, recognizing the duality between them from sociological and human geographical perspectives. It is discussed that understanding roots and routes can be achieved through an intersectional approach that integrates religion, education, age, and gender. This research study argues that categorizing students as local or global is insufficient due to the intertwining of perceptions of space with local and global dynamics in the context of multiple identities.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 4","pages":"517-530"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sufism (tasawwuf) has been characterized in the extant literature as a pacifist strand in Islam that has shaped the landscapes of Muslim Southeast Asia (also known as the Malay World) since the last five hundred years. This article challenges such historiographical interpretation by examining the multifarious circumstances that motivated Sufis to invoke jihad (struggle) and perang sabil (holy war) in many junctures of the region's past in pursuit of imperial, ideological, material, and communal interests. Using a set of illustrative vignettes spanning a few centuries, this article positions “Sufi warriorism” as a useful concept for scholars to make sense of a variety of aggressive actions carried out by Sufis. It further proposes a typology that demonstrates how the three main expressions of Sufi warriorism—protagonist, protectionist, and purist—were instrumental in shaping the careers of states and societies in Muslim Southeast Asia.
{"title":"Sufi Warriorism in Muslim Southeast Asia","authors":"Khairudin Aljunied","doi":"10.1111/johs.12474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12474","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sufism (<i>tasawwuf</i>) has been characterized in the extant literature as a pacifist strand in Islam that has shaped the landscapes of Muslim Southeast Asia (also known as the Malay World) since the last five hundred years. This article challenges such historiographical interpretation by examining the multifarious circumstances that motivated Sufis to invoke <i>jihad</i> (struggle) and <i>perang sabil</i> (holy war) in many junctures of the region's past in pursuit of imperial, ideological, material, and communal interests. Using a set of illustrative vignettes spanning a few centuries, this article positions “Sufi warriorism” as a useful concept for scholars to make sense of a variety of aggressive actions carried out by Sufis. It further proposes a typology that demonstrates how the three main expressions of Sufi warriorism—protagonist, protectionist, and purist—were instrumental in shaping the careers of states and societies in Muslim Southeast Asia.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 4","pages":"502-516"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/johs.12474","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Even after centuries, the social and political insights of Islamic scholar Ibn Khaldun remain pertinent. The most important concepts in state theory are social interactions and classifications. Khaldun used sociological deductions to evaluate how society and the state have changed. He linked the transformation of the Badavi social structure to the Hadari society's economic structure through Alm Al-Umran. In Badavi Alm Al-Umran, a particular chief's leadership is the cornerstone of governance, and a strong sense of unity and brotherhood prevails. From a social, cultural, and economic perspective, Badavi society is less developed than Hadari society. The reason Asabiyyahh and the lineage Asabiyyahh are two types of Asabiyyahh that serve as the cornerstone of state theory. While the reason Asabiyyahh is based on a country's shared language, history, culture, and physical location, the lineage Asabiyyahh is based on ancestry. Asabiyyahh is crucial to the maintaining and preserving of social ties. According to the organismic perspective of society, which views the social structure as a living organism, a reduction in economic and social upheaval signals the implosion of the condition. The fundamental dynamic that provides political legitimacy is the Asabiyyahh dynamic, which creates the social substructure of the state system. This study aims to assess the scientific concept of umran and the political idea of asabiyyahh, which are the foundations of Khaldun's state theory. Umran is a social phenomenon. This study applies the literature review approach to analyze Khaldun's state theory, paying particular attention to its political and administrative aspects. The political and administrative aspects of Khaldun's state theory are examined in this study using a literature review approach, focusing on how social structure integration or loosening affects the political structure.
{"title":"Sociological and Political Origins in IBN Khaldun's State Theory","authors":"Demokaan Demirel","doi":"10.1111/johs.12473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12473","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Even after centuries, the social and political insights of Islamic scholar Ibn Khaldun remain pertinent. The most important concepts in state theory are social interactions and classifications. Khaldun used sociological deductions to evaluate how society and the state have changed. He linked the transformation of the Badavi social structure to the Hadari society's economic structure through Alm Al-Umran. In Badavi Alm Al-Umran, a particular chief's leadership is the cornerstone of governance, and a strong sense of unity and brotherhood prevails. From a social, cultural, and economic perspective, Badavi society is less developed than Hadari society. The reason Asabiyyahh and the lineage Asabiyyahh are two types of Asabiyyahh that serve as the cornerstone of state theory. While the reason Asabiyyahh is based on a country's shared language, history, culture, and physical location, the lineage Asabiyyahh is based on ancestry. Asabiyyahh is crucial to the maintaining and preserving of social ties. According to the organismic perspective of society, which views the social structure as a living organism, a reduction in economic and social upheaval signals the implosion of the condition. The fundamental dynamic that provides political legitimacy is the Asabiyyahh dynamic, which creates the social substructure of the state system. This study aims to assess the scientific concept of umran and the political idea of asabiyyahh, which are the foundations of Khaldun's state theory. Umran is a social phenomenon. This study applies the literature review approach to analyze Khaldun's state theory, paying particular attention to its political and administrative aspects. The political and administrative aspects of Khaldun's state theory are examined in this study using a literature review approach, focusing on how social structure integration or loosening affects the political structure.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"468-479"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142158647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies on US “non-market economy” (NME) antidumping (AD) policy frame its origins as either an ideological relic of the Cold War or as a case of regulatory capture informed by strategic filing patterns. While these insights are invaluable, they do not address the underlying social processes which inform the creation of economic concepts in the first instance. NME policy evolved out of the legal-discursive tactics employed by the US steel industry hoping to receive relief from imports, and a US state which had to simultaneously provide a form of protection to the steel industry and maintain an international commitment to free trade. Steel and the state used legal subterfuge to achieve these goals. Accordingly, NME policy developed from the institutional struggle between two stakeholders in a strategic action field.
{"title":"Making “Enemies”: Industry-State Subterfuge and US Fair Trade Practices Towards Non-Market Economies Since 1960","authors":"John P. Bassney","doi":"10.1111/johs.12472","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12472","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Studies on US “non-market economy” (NME) antidumping (AD) policy frame its origins as either an ideological relic of the Cold War or as a case of regulatory capture informed by strategic filing patterns. While these insights are invaluable, they do not address the underlying social processes which inform the creation of economic concepts in the first instance. NME policy evolved out of the legal-discursive tactics employed by the US steel industry hoping to receive relief from imports, and a US state which had to simultaneously provide a form of protection to the steel industry and maintain an international commitment to free trade. Steel and the state used legal subterfuge to achieve these goals. Accordingly, NME policy developed from the institutional struggle between two stakeholders in a strategic action field.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"423-446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/johs.12472","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142158600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict between the Israeli government and Hamas escalated on 7th October 2023, with the media playing an unprecedented role in shaping the perceptions and narratives surrounding the ongoing tensions. The portrayal by the media, often mirroring global viewpoints and biases, has significantly influenced public opinion and international stances, serving as a catalyst for political, diplomatic, and humanitarian interventions. The aim of the study is to analyze the formation of discourse on the Israel-Hamas war (2023) within the media landscapes of Lithuania and the United Kingdom, emphasizing the role of national broadcasters and uncovering the primary disparities in the information provided by online news portals lrt.lt and bbc.com. Employing the qualitative content analysis method, the study provides comprehensive insights into the subject matter. Moreover, it highlights the approaches of the Lithuanian and UK governments towards security discourse in Europe and their concerns regarding humanitarian aid for the Gaza Strip. The study is relevant to shed light on how political decisions and public opinion influence the international community's support for various actors in the conflict, including the manifestation of Islamophobic and antisemitic sentiments.
{"title":"Public Discourse on the Israel-Hamas War 2023: A Comparative Analysis of Lithuania and the United Kingdom","authors":"Rūta Sutkutė","doi":"10.1111/johs.12471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/johs.12471","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The conflict between the Israeli government and Hamas escalated on 7th October 2023, with the media playing an unprecedented role in shaping the perceptions and narratives surrounding the ongoing tensions. The portrayal by the media, often mirroring global viewpoints and biases, has significantly influenced public opinion and international stances, serving as a catalyst for political, diplomatic, and humanitarian interventions. The aim of the study is to analyze the formation of discourse on the Israel-Hamas war (2023) within the media landscapes of Lithuania and the United Kingdom, emphasizing the role of national broadcasters and uncovering the primary disparities in the information provided by online news portals <i>lrt.lt</i> and <i>bbc.com</i>. Employing the qualitative content analysis method, the study provides comprehensive insights into the subject matter. Moreover, it highlights the approaches of the Lithuanian and UK governments towards security discourse in Europe and their concerns regarding humanitarian aid for the Gaza Strip. The study is relevant to shed light on how political decisions and public opinion influence the international community's support for various actors in the conflict, including the manifestation of Islamophobic and antisemitic sentiments.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"371-392"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142158601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Contemporary international institutions are often discussed as part of a new liberal international order and a departure from colonial logics of the nineteenth century. While some have discussed the ongoing dynamics of race within international institutions, few have explored whiteness as the positionality embedded in such institutions. This article argues that the racial logics embedded in most international institutions, throughout the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries, are developed in relation to the structures of experience and consciousness of whiteness that circumscribe notions of 'universality' and 'normalcy'. This renders whiteness as an invisible characteristic, or background knowledge and practice, to which racialisation occurs. Using the case of the Ottoman Empire's attempt to accede to the European group of 'civilised nations' and subsequent Turkish attempts to gain membership to the European Union, this article explores how a phenomenology of whiteness is historically produced and embedded as an orientating mechanism in international institutions.
{"title":"A Global Phenomenology of Whiteness: Turkey, Europe and Institutional Global Racism","authors":"Andrew Delatolla","doi":"10.1111/johs.12470","DOIUrl":"10.1111/johs.12470","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Contemporary international institutions are often discussed as part of a new liberal international order and a departure from colonial logics of the nineteenth century. While some have discussed the ongoing dynamics of race within international institutions, few have explored whiteness as the positionality embedded in such institutions. This article argues that the racial logics embedded in most international institutions, throughout the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries, are developed in relation to the structures of experience and consciousness of whiteness that circumscribe notions of 'universality' and 'normalcy'. This renders whiteness as an invisible characteristic, or background knowledge and practice, to which racialisation occurs. Using the case of the Ottoman Empire's attempt to accede to the European group of 'civilised nations' and subsequent Turkish attempts to gain membership to the European Union, this article explores how a phenomenology of whiteness is historically produced and embedded as an orientating mechanism in international institutions.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"312-328"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/johs.12470","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141818766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study aims to investigate the ideological propaganda applied by the Soviet Union in schools in Kyrgyzstan during 1924–1925. During these years, propaganda was used in its most widespread form in Kyrgyzstan and education became an ideological weapon. I use the document analysis technique for data collection and collected data by obtaining the necessary permissions from the Kyrgyzstan State Archive. The research focuses on the activities carried out by the Soviet Union to have the Soviet ideology adopted in the old tsarist schools and newly opened schools in Kyrgyzstan after the October Revolution. In addition, this study provides primary sources that are not found in the literature on the ideological educational practices of the Soviet administration in Kyrgyz schools. The Soviet administration prioritized the ideological training of teachers and trained them to transfer the Soviet values to students. The Soviet Union implemented a single educational program prepared by Soviet ideologues in schools throughout its territory. The educational content aimed to eliminate completely the national culture and old beliefs of societies. In addition to the education program, they renamed physical areas, such as school and street names, consistent with this ideology.
{"title":"Ideology and Education: Soviet Ideological Educational Practices in the Kyrgyz Territory (1924–1927)","authors":"Yavuz Ercan Gül","doi":"10.1111/johs.12465","DOIUrl":"10.1111/johs.12465","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study aims to investigate the ideological propaganda applied by the Soviet Union in schools in Kyrgyzstan during 1924–1925. During these years, propaganda was used in its most widespread form in Kyrgyzstan and education became an ideological weapon. I use the document analysis technique for data collection and collected data by obtaining the necessary permissions from the Kyrgyzstan State Archive. The research focuses on the activities carried out by the Soviet Union to have the Soviet ideology adopted in the old tsarist schools and newly opened schools in Kyrgyzstan after the October Revolution. In addition, this study provides primary sources that are not found in the literature on the ideological educational practices of the Soviet administration in Kyrgyz schools. The Soviet administration prioritized the ideological training of teachers and trained them to transfer the Soviet values to students. The Soviet Union implemented a single educational program prepared by Soviet ideologues in schools throughout its territory. The educational content aimed to eliminate completely the national culture and old beliefs of societies. In addition to the education program, they renamed physical areas, such as school and street names, consistent with this ideology.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"411-422"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141115244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is concerned with historicizing the idea that all people belong to a single collective of biological human beings. It analyzes implications and changes in the concept of “Man” over the 18th and 19th centuries, particularly in the study of reproduction and embryos. Examining gendered assumptions in 18th-century generation systems shows how these theories described the formation of male more than female embryos. This asymmetry matched the idea that only rational males, standing above nature, were determinant for the concept of Man. In the 19th century, new studies pushed Man closer to the rest of the natural world, provoking a readjustment in definitions of Man and understandings of the human embryo. However, far from equalizing humanity, the 19th-century concept of Man introduced a hierarchy in the human species based on different levels of embryonic and evolutionary development.
{"title":"Man and embryo: Historicizing ideas about humanity in the study of reproduction, 18th–19th centuries","authors":"Chiara Lacroix","doi":"10.1111/johs.12460","DOIUrl":"10.1111/johs.12460","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article is concerned with historicizing the idea that all people belong to a single collective of biological human beings. It analyzes implications and changes in the concept of “Man” over the 18th and 19th centuries, particularly in the study of reproduction and embryos. Examining gendered assumptions in 18th-century generation systems shows how these theories described the formation of male more than female embryos. This asymmetry matched the idea that only rational males, standing above nature, were determinant for the concept of Man. In the 19th century, new studies pushed Man closer to the rest of the natural world, provoking a readjustment in definitions of Man and understandings of the human embryo. However, far from equalizing humanity, the 19th-century concept of Man introduced a hierarchy in the human species based on different levels of embryonic and evolutionary development.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"329-347"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141121328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper addresses the social transformation of the Hungarian secondary teacher candidates brought about by the combination of the effects of the Great Depression and the standardisation endeavours of the teacher training institution between 1930 and 1935. The reconfiguration of the social composition of candidates is revealed by making use of archival sources and statistical reports. Document analysis of archival sources, descriptive statistical analysis and secondary literature review are employed as the main methods. Notions related to the critical approach of professionalisation theories are applied in the interpretation process. Results suggest that the professional institution did not only prevent less affluent social strata from dropping out of training but contributed to their disappearance by introducing standardisation initiatives when the crisis was imminent. It contributed to the worsening of the teacher shortage and the abandonment of uniformization that set the whole profession on a deprofessionalisation course.
{"title":"Shaping the Professionality of Secondary Teacher Candidates with Diverse Backgrounds during the Great Depression","authors":"Imre Garai","doi":"10.1111/johs.12461","DOIUrl":"10.1111/johs.12461","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper addresses the social transformation of the Hungarian secondary teacher candidates brought about by the combination of the effects of the Great Depression and the standardisation endeavours of the teacher training institution between 1930 and 1935. The reconfiguration of the social composition of candidates is revealed by making use of archival sources and statistical reports. Document analysis of archival sources, descriptive statistical analysis and secondary literature review are employed as the main methods. Notions related to the critical approach of professionalisation theories are applied in the interpretation process. Results suggest that the professional institution did not only prevent less affluent social strata from dropping out of training but contributed to their disappearance by introducing standardisation initiatives when the crisis was imminent. It contributed to the worsening of the teacher shortage and the abandonment of uniformization that set the whole profession on a deprofessionalisation course.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"393-410"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/johs.12461","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141127225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On February 6, 2023, devastating earthquakes of magnitude 7.8 and 7.6 struck the Kahramanmaraş region of southeastern Türkiye, affecting eleven Turkish provinces, killing more than 50,000 people, and collapsing or severely damaging approximately 300,000 structures. This study examines the coverage of the Kahramanmaraş earthquake in the Turkish press through a content analysis of news articles published in the 10 days following the earthquake. The aim of the study is to investigate the presence and manifestations of political bias in the news based on political economy theory. For this purpose, two newspapers representing opposing views, Sabah and Cumhuriyet, were selected. As a result, it was observed that both newspapers devoted a remarkably limited amount of their coverage to scientific data and needs. However, it was observed that there were significant differences between the two newspapers in terms of topics, photo preferences, news actors, accused persons, and representation of aid donors. In addition, economic and political biases were found in the media's portrayal of earthquakes. Cumhuriyet focused more on the negative, while Sabah focused more on the positive, emphasizing relief efforts that served to foster a sense of solidarity and shift the narrative away from negativity. In addition, the study observed an excessive focus on soccer players, showing that newspapers may prioritize such coverage to optimize profitability, suggesting a potential commercial agenda underlying news content decisions.
{"title":"Disaster Journalism Through a Political Economy Framework: An Analysis of the Turkish Press Coverage of the 2023 Kahramanmaraş Earthquakes","authors":"Bahar Kayıhan","doi":"10.1111/johs.12462","DOIUrl":"10.1111/johs.12462","url":null,"abstract":"<p>On February 6, 2023, devastating earthquakes of magnitude 7.8 and 7.6 struck the Kahramanmaraş region of southeastern Türkiye, affecting eleven Turkish provinces, killing more than 50,000 people, and collapsing or severely damaging approximately 300,000 structures. This study examines the coverage of the Kahramanmaraş earthquake in the Turkish press through a content analysis of news articles published in the 10 days following the earthquake. The aim of the study is to investigate the presence and manifestations of political bias in the news based on political economy theory. For this purpose, two newspapers representing opposing views, Sabah and Cumhuriyet, were selected. As a result, it was observed that both newspapers devoted a remarkably limited amount of their coverage to scientific data and needs. However, it was observed that there were significant differences between the two newspapers in terms of topics, photo preferences, news actors, accused persons, and representation of aid donors. In addition, economic and political biases were found in the media's portrayal of earthquakes. Cumhuriyet focused more on the negative, while Sabah focused more on the positive, emphasizing relief efforts that served to foster a sense of solidarity and shift the narrative away from negativity. In addition, the study observed an excessive focus on soccer players, showing that newspapers may prioritize such coverage to optimize profitability, suggesting a potential commercial agenda underlying news content decisions.</p>","PeriodicalId":101168,"journal":{"name":"Sociology Lens","volume":"37 3","pages":"348-370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140994140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}