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Writing and Editing of Family Motto by Taekdang Yi Sik's Family in the 17th Century 17世纪泰当益植家族家训的书写与编辑
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.111
Min-jung Ko
This study analyzes Taekdang Yi Sik's Family Motto in the 17th century to examine the process by which an individual's social experiences are shaped into norms for their descendants. Yi Sik's life, which served as the backdrop for the formation of the family motto, was divided into three periods based on his past rank, government service, and writing activity. The first is the period from his birth to his passing the state examination; the second is the period of his reclusive life after passing the state examination; and the third is the period of his writing activity working as a government official after the Restoration of King Injo. The writings completed by Yi Sik during his lifetime were compiled by his descendants into two volumes of Family Motto after his death. It is characterized by being passed down in an incomplete form because it was not intended to be distributed externally, but only shared with close relatives within the family. The main contents of Family Motto are divided into two main categories: those necessary for the operation of the family and those necessary for the education of the descendants. The contents necessary for the operation of the family were organized into the main rituals of the ceremony and the management of the graves of their ancestors and the contents necessary for the education of the descendants were organized into the study method for passing the state examination and the method of learning sentences. This is understood to be the result of his efforts to ensure the rational operation of the family and the efficient transmission of learning as one of the ways for Yi Sik to pass on the know-how he had accumulated during his life to his descendants.
本研究以17世纪的《太当益植家训》为例,探讨个人的社会经验如何被塑造成后代的规范。作为家训形成背景的李植的一生,根据他过去的地位、政府工作和写作活动,分为三个时期。第一个阶段是从出生到通过国家考试;二是通过国考后的隐居生活;三是仁祖复辟后,他担任官吏的写作活动时期。易植生前完成的文字,在他死后由后人编纂成两卷本的《家训》。它的特点是以一种不完整的形式传承下来,因为它不打算对外传播,而只与家庭内的近亲分享。家训的主要内容可分为两大类:一是家庭经营所必需的内容,二是教育后代所必需的内容。家庭运作所需的内容被组织为主要的仪式仪式和管理祖先的坟墓,教育后代所需的内容被组织为通过国家考试的学习方法和学习句子的方法。这被认为是他努力确保家庭的合理运作和有效传播知识的结果,这是他将自己一生积累的知识传给后代的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Review Article : Memories of my Research and Regrets 评论文章 :我的研究回忆与遗憾
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.359
Bo-don Ju
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引用次数: 0
The remaining forces of Donghak and the trend of righteous army in Honam since 1894: Focusing on the 『Hongjae diary』 of Ki Haeng-hyun, a Buan Confucian scholar 1894年以来湖南东学残余势力与正义军动向——以扶安儒生祁行铉的《弘载日记》为中心
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.183
Sun-Ah Lee
『Hongjae Diary(1866-1911)』 is a diary written by Ki Haeng-hyeon(1843-?) who lived in Buan-gun, Jeolla-do. Ki haeng-hyeon recorded events, news, and rumors in Gobu, Taein, Namwon, and Jeonju, where the Donghak Peasant Revolution took place. He also recorded the trends of Yeonghakdang and Hwajeok, which were called the remaining forces of Donghak. The central government recognized it as a group like Donghak and the righteous army and suppressed the righteous army commander. In this way, Donghak-gun which was disbanded after the Donghak Peasant Revolution, continued its momentum as the remaining forces of Donghak, such as Yeonghakdang, Hwajeok, and Sujeok. Amid the continued suppression of the Donghak, the Iljinhoe was organized, and a person working as a Iljinhoe appeared in Buan. Iljinhoe intervened in local government authority and was also involved in the administration of village. This power of Iljinhoe was further strengthened when the Russo-Japanese War ended with Japan's victory and Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905 was signed. Since the signing of the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1905, righteous army has occurred in all parts of the country. The activities of the righteous army became stronger with the abdication of Gojong and the dissolution of the Korean army in 1907. Ki Haeng-hyeon recorded the size of the righteous army identified through newspapers, the murder or expulsion of local officials. After the Donghak Peasant Revolution, Donghak-gun in Honam returned to Yeonghakdang and continued its momentum as the remaining forces of Donghak including Hwajeok, and Sujeok. In an era when the sovereignty of the country was lost, Donghak's remaining forces were converted to righteous army by fighting against the Japanese army. Donghak-gun, suppressed by the Japanese military, rejoined the ranks of resistance against Japanese invasion as a righteous army.
《弘宰日记(1866 ~ 1911年)》是居住在全扶安郡的奇行贤(1843 ~ ?)的日记。奇行贤记录了东学农民革命发生的高阜、台恩、南原、全州等地的事件、新闻和传闻。他还记录了被称为东学残余势力的永学堂和化积的动向。中央政府承认它是像东学和正义军一样的组织,并镇压了正义军的指挥官。这样,在东学农民革命后被解散的东学郡,以永学堂、化积、修积等东学残余势力的形式,延续了发展势头。在东学被持续镇压的情况下,“一真会”组织起来,在扶安出现了“一真会”。一真会介入了地方政府的权力,也参与了村庄的管理。日俄战争以日本的胜利而结束,1905年签订了《日韩条约》,日真会的权力进一步加强。自1905年《日韩条约》签订以来,全国各地都出现了义军。1907年高宗退位和大韩军队解散后,正义军的活动更加活跃。奇行贤记录了通过报纸确认的正义军的规模和杀害或驱逐地方官员的情况。东学农民革命后,湖南的东学郡回到了永学堂,并以华积、秀积等东学残余势力的形式继续发展。在失去国家主权的时代,东学的残余力量与日本军队进行了战斗,变成了正义军。被日军镇压的东学军以正义军的身份重新加入了抗日队伍。
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引用次数: 0
Historical Review of Pinanhaengnok 品南行屋的历史回顾
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.77
Jun-Ho Jang
when the Imjin War broke out and led the Bunjo with Gwanghaegun. He kept a record of what he experienced during the evacuation and what happened that day. The book is called The Yongsailgi(龍蛇日記). In addition to the description of the incident, this book contains various documents sent by Jeongtak to King Seonjo. This material is very important in that it was written by a bureaucrat who assisted the king during the war. This book was later included in Jeongtak's collection under the name of Pinanhaengnok(避難行錄). This book contains a number of articles that cannot be found in the Yongsailgi. Through this book, we can infer the original form of the Yongsailgi. Considering that the articles of the two books coincide, it is certain that the Yongsailgi is the base of the Pinanhaengnok. The Pinanhaengnok are very valuable in that they are records of Jeongtak instead of serving Gwanghaegun, who led the Bunjo. The records of Jeongtak, who was following Seonjo and Gwanghaegun, are very valuable data that can supplement the poor records of Seonjo in that many historical records were lost due to the war. In future studies, historical research on the records of the war left by Jeong Tak is urgently required.
临津战争爆发时,与光海郡一起领导了文祖。他把自己在疏散过程中的经历和当天发生的事情都记录了下来。这本书的名字叫《勇帆船记》。这本书除了记述事件内容外,还收录了正德给宣祖王送来的各种文书。这份材料非常重要,因为它是一位在战争期间协助国王的官僚写的。这本书后来Jeongtak的集合中包括的名义Pinanhaengnok(避難行錄)。这本书中有很多在《龙巳纪》中找不到的文章。通过这本书,我们可以推断出《龙舟记》的原始形式。考虑到这两本书的文章是一致的,可以肯定《龙旗志》是《品南行录》的基础。《品南行录》是正德的记录,而不是为文祖的首领光海君服务,这一点很有价值。在战争中丢失了很多历史资料,因此,追踪善祖和光海郡的正德的记录是弥补善祖记录不足的宝贵资料。在今后的研究中,迫切需要对郑德留下的战争记录进行历史研究。
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引用次数: 0
Mutual Aid and Resistance of Jewish Women under Nazi Germany: Focused on the Ravensbrück Concentration Camp 纳粹德国时期犹太妇女的互助与反抗——以拉文斯布尔<e:1>克集中营为例
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.317
Ho-Keun Choi
In Holocaust studies, Ravensbrück has received special attention along with Auschwitz. The reason is not limited to the fact that Ravensbrück was a women's camp. Ravensbrück in the late period is a suitable place to grasp women's experiences and memories during the Holocaust, as it was a complex camp where the goals of isolation, forced labor, and extermination were implemented at the same time. It is also noteworthy that Ravensbrück was the main target of large-scale rescue operations led by Sweden and Denmark at the end of World War II. The paper first reviews the status and characteristics of the Ravensbrück concentration camp based on the research so far. Next, it deals with the living environment and the solidarity formation of Jewish women in Ravensbrück. Finally, it identifies the patterns and meanings of self-help and resistance activities developed by Jewish female prisoners for survival. The paper argues that the category of resistance in the camps should be interpreted quite widely, taking into account the harsh environment of Ravensbrück. In addition, it emphasizes that Jewish female prisoners should be fully evaluated for continuing their lives in small groups, encouraging each other not to collapse from the inside, and developing self-esteem struggles.
在大屠杀研究中,ravensbr与奥斯维辛一起受到了特别的关注。原因并不局限于ravensbr ck是一个女性营地。晚期的ravensbr集中营是了解大屠杀期间妇女经历和记忆的合适场所,因为它是一个复杂的集中营,隔离、强迫劳动和灭绝的目标同时实施。同样值得注意的是,ravensbr是第二次世界大战结束时瑞典和丹麦领导的大规模救援行动的主要目标。本文首先在已有研究的基础上,对ravensbr ck集中营的现状和特点进行了综述。其次,论述了ravensbr克犹太妇女的生存环境和团结的形成。最后,它确定了犹太女囚犯为生存而开展的自助和抵抗活动的模式和意义。本文认为,考虑到ravensbr克的恶劣环境,应该对营地中抵抗的类别进行相当广泛的解释。此外,它还强调,犹太女囚犯应该充分评估她们在小团体中继续生活的能力,鼓励彼此不要从内部崩溃,并发展自尊斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Historical Meaning of Rewitings of the Songshi 宋史 Based on an Analysis of “Liao Biography 遼傳” of the Eojeong Songsa jeon 御定宋史筌 : Joseon-type Sinocentrism in the Compilation of Chinese Historical Records 《宋氏宋传》改写的历史意义——基于《鄂正松释传》《辽传》分析《宋传》筌:《中国史记》编撰中的朝鲜式中国中心主义
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.141
Sungmin Hong
Eojeong Songsa jeon 御定宋史筌 is a rewriting edition of Songshi 宋史 compiled by King Jeongjo and his Gyujanggak subjects in Joseon dynasty. Songsa jeon is characterized by (1) the creation of the imperial biographies of Danzong and Modi, the last emperors of the Southern Song dynasty, (2) the inclusion of Liao, Jin, and Mongol dynasties in its' biographies, (3) the creation of an independent Wuxian Biography for the five Neo-Confucianism scholars from Zhou Dunyi to Zhu Xi, and (4) the creation of Yimin Biography to honor those who had been loyal to the Song dynasty. However, it is difficult to say that the authenticity, which is one of the backgrounds of the compilation of Songsa jeon, has been fully considered. This article compares Liao Biography 遼傳 in Songsa jeon with Liao Biography in Songshi Xinbian 宋史新編 to determine the significance of Songsa jeon's compilation. As can be seen from the legend of Songsa jeon, Joseon dynasty defined Liao and Jin as 'the vulgar ethnic groups in the northeast' and 'the subject states of Goryeo dynasty', and did not recognize Mongol empire as 'authenticity' even after completely destroyed Song. In addition, Goryeo Biography is placed at the top of the biographies of the foreign states to express the criticism, and Liao, Xixia, Jin, and Mongol dynasties are arranged in the order of their founding. The characteristics of Liao Biography in Songsa jeon are as follows. First, Songsa jeon takes the form of the biography more strictly than Songshi Xinbian. Second, Songsa jeon is more thoroughly orthodox than Songshi Xinbian, including the use of Song's reign title. And in terms of content, the records of Qidan Guozhi 契丹國志 cited in Songsa jeon are basically quoted from Xu zizhi tongjian gangmu 續資治通鑑綱目. Furthermore, to express respect for Song, the Battle of Gaoliang River and the Battle of Qigou Pass, in which the Song were greatly defeated from Liao, are described very briefly. In addition, the articles from the Goryeo dynasty were recorded without omission, reflecting the position of Joseon dynasty, the bearer of the compilation. Finally, all the records on Civil Service Examination, Confucianism, and book editings are included in Songsa jeon. Its purpose is to represent the lessons. This indicates the intention that if even Liao, as the barbarian, had developed the rituals and the rites, then Joseon, as 'the inheritor of Chinese culture,' should work even harder to promote the rituals and the rites. Furthermore, considering the arrangement of the biographies of foreign states in Songsa jeon, the placement of Goryeo Biography at the top implies that Goryeo had a more advanced the rituals and the rites than Liao, Jin, Xixia, and Yuan. I think it is the ultimate intention of Joseon dynasty to express from the biographies of foreign states in Songsa jeon. On the other hand, the scholars of Qing Dynasty also tried to revise Songshi, but all of them were not completed. In this sense, the completion of Songsa jeon has historiogr
《Eojeong Songsa jeon》。《松萨传》的特点是:(1)编纂了南宋末代皇帝丹宗、摩帝的御史,(2)收录了辽、金、蒙王朝的御史,(3)为周敦义至朱熹的五位理学家撰写了独立的《武贤传》,(4)编纂了《义民传》,以纪念忠于宋朝的人。但是,作为《松寺传》编撰背景之一的真伪问题,很难说得到了充分的考虑。本文将《松萨传》中的《辽传》与《松氏新边》中的《辽传》进行比较,以确定《松萨传》编撰的意义。从《松萨传》的传说中可以看出,朝鲜将辽、金定义为“东北的俗族”和“高丽的属国”,即使彻底消灭了宋朝,也不承认蒙古帝国的“真实性”。此外,《高丽传》被放在外国传记的最前面,以表达批评,辽、西夏、金、蒙古按建国的顺序排列。《松萨传》辽传的特点是:首先,《松萨传》比《松氏新编》更严格地采用传记的形式。其次,《松萨传》比《宋氏新编》更加正统,包括使用宋的国号。从内容上看,《松萨传》所引契丹国志的记载,基本都是引用自《徐自志通鉴纲目》。此外,为了表达对宋朝的敬意,本文还对宋朝在辽国大败的高梁河之战和七沟关之战进行了简要的描述。此外,高丽时期的文章也没有遗漏,反映了编纂者朝鲜的立场。最后,《松寺传》收录了所有关于科举、儒学、图书编辑的记录。它的目的是代表教训。这表明,如果说辽国作为野蛮人已经发展了礼制,那么作为“中国文化的继承者”的朝鲜应该更加努力地发展礼制。此外,从《松萨传》中列传的排列来看,《高丽传》排在首位,说明高丽的礼制比辽、金、西夏、元等国的礼制更先进。我认为,从《松寺传》的外族传记中表达朝鲜王朝的最终意图。另一方面,清代学者也试图对《宋诗》进行修订,但并未全部完成。从这个意义上说,《松寺传》的完成具有史学意义。
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引用次数: 0
The aspects and change during the government service of displaced people of Goguryeo in Zhechongbu(折衝府) 浙中部高句丽流民政务服务的方面与变化
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.7
Sujin Kim
The displaced people of Goguryeo were assigned mainly to Zhechongbu(折衝府) of Jingzhaofu(京兆府) in Xian during the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang. Many of them administered the palace guards who came up to Xian from the local corps. Tang Dynasty assigned duties of management of the palace guards to Goguryeo people while putting them into the government office. Later, Goguryeo people were dispatched mainly to Zhechongbu rather than Jingzhaofu. Zhechongbu was strategically important as a traffic route from Xian to Luoyang, eastern capital, while defending the two capital cities. In addition, the displaced people of Goguryeo were in charge of managing general infrastructures. Each reginal Zhechongbu mainly takes charge of training the military ranks while dealing with various local specific issues. For example, they strengthened the national defense against possible aggression in the area of rampart while guarding and maintaining the imperial tombs, detached palaces, storage facilities, etc. They guarded emperors when the emperor visited the detached palace as well.
唐高宗年间,高句丽的流民主要被分配到西安景昭府的浙中部。他们中的许多人管理着从当地军团来到西安的宫廷守卫。唐朝将宫廷侍卫的管理职责交给高句丽人,并将他们安置在官府。后来,高句丽人主要被派往浙中布,而不是景昭府。浙中布作为西安到东都洛阳的交通要道,在保卫两个都城的同时具有重要的战略意义。此外,高句丽难民还负责管理一般的基础设施。各地区浙中部主要负责军队队伍的训练,同时处理当地的各种具体问题。例如,他们在守卫和维护皇陵、独立宫殿、储存设施等的同时,加强了防御壁垒地区可能发生的侵略的国防。当皇帝访问独立的宫殿时,他们也守卫着皇帝。
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引用次数: 0
Joseonhwanyeoseungram’s Compilation and Its Meaning 《朝鲜化义承革汇编》及其意义
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.217
Kyung Soo Kim
Most of the officially and privately published eupji(邑誌) in the Joseon Dynasty, which began to be compiled in earnest from the late 16th century, imitated the format of Donggukyeojiseungram(『東國輿地勝覽』). Joseonhwanyeoseungram(『朝鮮寰輿勝覽』) written by Lee Byung-yeon(李秉延, 1894~1977, family clan; Yeonan), a Confucian scholar from Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do, also accepted the format of Donggukyeojiseungram. He wrote the book covering the natural and human environment with the help of a separately organized reporter and the cooperation of Confucian scholars from each region (129 counties) across the country. Although this book accepted the compiling system of the geographies of the previous period, the contents were partially selected according to the author's intention. Most of all, although some of the figures included in the geographies of the previous period were re-included, this book shows quite large differences overall from the previous ones. According to the criteria of the author, this book differs greatly from the previous ones specially in terms of recorded persons. In particular, the fact that the compilation process was carried out through active communication and cooperation with the Confucian scholars of the region and the fact that the characters were included in an excessive amount is quite different from the geographies of the previous period. Joseonhwanyeoseungram has at first glance the characteristics of an individual eupji that summarizes the current status of each county, but maintains in the end the characteristics of a national geography that can grasp the current nationwide situation by bundling it into one format. Above all, from a viewpoint of the history of historiography, this book is meaningful in that it maintains differentiation in describing the situation of the 20th century, although it applied the format norms of compiling the eupji of the previous period.
大部分官方和私人出版eupji(邑誌)在李氏王朝,开始编译认真从16世纪晚期,模仿Donggukyeojiseungram的格式(“東國輿地勝覽”)。李秉渊(1894~1977,家族)著《朝鲜化李承谱》;忠清南道公州出身的儒生延南(音译)也接受了《东国教知诚谱》的格式。他在一个单独组织的记者的帮助下,在全国各地(129个县)的儒家学者的合作下,完成了涵盖自然和人文环境的书。这本书虽然沿用了以前的地理编纂体系,但部分内容还是按照作者的意图进行了选择。最重要的是,虽然以前的地理资料中包含的一些数字被重新包括在内,但这本书与以前的地理资料总体上有很大的不同。根据作者的标准,这本书与以前的书有很大的不同,特别是在记录人物方面。尤其是在编撰过程中与当地儒生积极沟通合作,文字数量过多,这与前一时期的地理有很大的不同。《朝鲜化礼承记》乍一看具有概括各县现状的个别义志的特点,但最终将其捆绑成一种形式,保留了能够把握全国现状的国家地理的特点。最重要的是,从史学的角度来看,这本书在描述20世纪的情况时保持了差异化,尽管它采用了前一时期的《义记》编写的格式规范。
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引用次数: 0
A Study on the Characteristic Contents of Jewang Ungi and Yi Seunghyu's View of History 论朱旺祐基、李承宇历史观的特色内容
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.45
J. Jeon
In Jewang Ungi, the founding years and overall durations of all mentioned dynasties are provided. Particularly, for prehistoric myths and legends such as Pan Gu(盤古), Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors(三皇五帝), Dangun(檀君), and Kija(箕子), specific years are included. Furthermore, this section presents references to support these years. The inclusion of years serves the purpose of establishing a clear timeline of historical dynasties and enhancing the credibility of the work. By presenting references from myths, legends, and the field of ancient history, the author aims to demonstrate that Jewang Ungi is not a work of fiction but rather a means to increase its authenticity and reliability, especially in the realms of myths, legends, and ancient history. In the context of ancient Korean history, Jewang Ungi introduces several new elements not found in other historical texts. It primarily focuses on the founding myths of Gojoseon(古朝鮮) and the transfer of power in the King Jun(準王) tradition, offering a fresh perspective on historical recognition. Additionally, Jewang Ungi presents new information regarding the Three Han Kingdoms(三韓), Koguryo(高句麗), Baekje(百濟), and Balhae(渤海) that is not found in the Samguk Sagi(三國史記) and Samguk Yusa(三國遺事). These unique contents suggest a significant difference from our present-day sources and thus add value to Jewang Ungi as historical documentation. In Jewang Ungi, specifically the section on Chinese history, the legitimacy of various Chinese dynasties is determined. Yi Seunghyu's theory of legitimacy emphasized the prevailing reality while also acknowledging the significance of Chinese culture and civilization. This perspective was shaped by the historical context of that time and the experiences Yi Seunghyu went through in his life. Jewang Ungi consistently emphasized the guiding Principles of Confucius in writing the Annals(春秋筆法), which was a shared principle among the officials and literati of the Goryeo period. Yi Seunghyu, as a scholar himself, approached Jewang Ungi from a Confucian scholarly standpoint. However, it is insufficient to summarize his historical perspective based solely on Confucian ideology. Considering the openness and diversity of Goryeo society and its intellectual discourse, it is more appropriate to recognize Yi Seunghyu's historical perspective as one characterized by flexible inclusiveness and plurality.
在《犹太Ungi》中,提供了所有上述朝代的建立年份和总体持续时间。特别是,对于史前的神话和传说,如盘古,三皇五帝,丹君和Kija,都包括具体的年份。此外,本节还介绍了这些年的支持参考资料。年份的加入是为了建立一个清晰的历史朝代时间表,提高工作的可信度。通过对神话、传说和古代史领域的引用,作者旨在证明《犹太Ungi》不是一部虚构的作品,而是一种增加其真实性和可靠性的手段,特别是在神话、传说和古代史领域。在韩国古代史的背景下,《犹太义》引入了其他历史文献中没有的新元素。它主要关注古朝鲜()的建立神话和君君()传统中的权力转移,为历史认识提供了新的视角。此外,《Jewang Ungi》还介绍了《三国》、《高句丽》、《百济》和《渤海》的新信息,这些信息在《三国史记》和《三国物语》中都没有。这些独特的内容表明与我们现在的来源有很大的不同,因此增加了《犹太Ungi》作为历史文献的价值。在《犹太Ungi》中,特别是关于中国历史的部分,确定了中国各个朝代的合法性。李承裕的合法性理论强调了主流现实,同时也承认了中国文化和文明的重要性。这种观点是由当时的历史背景和李承熙的生活经历所形成的。在写《编年史》时,他一直强调孔子的指导原则,这是高丽时期官员和文人的共同原则。作为一个学者,李承奎从儒家学者的立场来看待《犹太》。但是,仅仅以儒家思想来概括他的历史观是不够的。考虑到高丽社会和知识话语的开放性和多样性,将李承熙的历史观视为灵活包容和多元的历史观更为合适。
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引用次数: 0
Historical Significance of Nihonshoki-tsūshō by Tanikawa Kotosuga and Kojikiden by Motōri Norinaga 谷川小豆菅的《日本书纪》和本多利宣长的《古事记》的历史意义
Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.29186/kjhh.2023.47.251
Yong-pil Noh
Tanikawa Kotosuga (1709-1776) and Motōri Norinaga (1730-1801) were from the same region and lived in the same era, exchanging letters and having close academic exchanges. As Shintoists, they recognized Nihonshoki and Kojiki as the sacred book of Shintoism, a perception that was by no means unique to them, but was universal at the time. In addition, although there was a general trend of emphasis on Nihonshoki and disregard for Kojiki, Tanikawa Kotosuga began to write Nihonshoki-tsūshō and Motōri Norinaga began to write Kojikiden as commentaries. Thus, Tanikawa Kotosuga completed the 35th volume of Nihonshoki-tsūshō in 1751 and published it in 1762, while Motōri Norinaga completed the 44th volume of Kojikiden in 1798 and published it in its entirety between 1790 and 1822. Tanikawa Kotosuga's scholarly contributions include, firstly, that Nihonshoki-tsūshō spans the entire Nihonshoki epidemic, and is honored as a pioneer of Nihonshoki studies in the modern era. Second, it can be pointed out that he was well versed in Japanese and Chinese scholarship and was not obscured by Buddhist scriptures, so he took a rational and empirical method. On the other hand, Motōri Norinaga's scholarly contributions include the fact that he wrote Kojikiden, reflecting the relatively good representation of the old style in the first Kojiki. Second, it can be acknowledged that this led to a new appreciation of Kojiki, and that Kojikiden was able to be both a commentary and a study of history. However, it is pointed out as a flaw that they strongly advocated the spiritualism of Shintoism by recognizing Nihonshoki and Kojiki as Shintoists and working on their commentaries, recognizing them as sacred books of Shintoism. In particular, in the case of Motōri Norinaga, there is also an assessment that Kojikiden itself is not an academic study of an objective nature, but merely a commentary based on his own religion, Shintoism. On the other hand, there is a view that he is the best historian. Therefore, I think it is persuasive to point out that when citing the two books, one must distinguish between facts and narratives through rigorous fodder criticism.
谷川Kotosuga(1709-1776)和Motōri Norinaga(1730-1801)来自同一个地区,生活在同一个时代,他们相互通信,学术交流密切。作为神道教徒,他们认为《日本书纪》和《Kojiki》是神道教的圣书,这种看法在当时并不是他们独有的,而是普遍存在的。此外,虽然当时有一种强调日本书而轻视小食的大趋势,谷川琴贺开始写Nihonshoki-tsūshō和Motōri Norinaga开始写小食书作为评论。因此,谷川Kotosuga于1751年完成了Nihonshoki-tsūshō第35卷,并于1762年出版,而Motōri Norinaga于1798年完成了Kojikiden第44卷,并于1790年至1822年间完整出版。谷川Kotosuga的学术贡献包括,首先,Nihonshoki-tsūshō跨越了整个日本手病流行,并被誉为现代日本手病研究的先驱。其次,可以指出的是,他精通日本和中国的学术,不被佛经所蒙蔽,所以他采取了理性和经验的方法。另一方面,Motōri Norinaga的学术贡献包括他写了Kojikiden,反映了第一部Kojiki中相对较好的旧风格的表现。其次,可以承认,这导致了对Kojiki的一种新的欣赏,Kojikiden能够既是一种评论,也是一种历史研究。但是,有人指出,他们把《日本书》和《小木》认定为神道教徒,并把它们当作神道教的圣典进行解说,极力主张神道教的唯心论,这是他们的缺点。特别是,在Motōri Norinaga的案例中,也有人评价道,Kojikiden本身并不是客观性质的学术研究,而只是基于他自己的宗教——神道教的评论。另一方面,有一种观点认为他是最好的历史学家。因此,我认为有必要指出,在引用这两本书时,必须通过严格的素材批判来区分事实和叙事。
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引用次数: 0
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The Korean Society of the History of Historiography
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