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The Archivist of Protest: The Attention Economy and Chris Marker’s Use of Détournement in Chats perchés 抗议的档案管理员:注意力经济和克里斯·马克在聊天室使用Détourenment
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2225356
R. McLaughlin
Abstract In his book 24/7, Jonathan Crary describes our contemporary temporality, an always-on existence that detaches itself from any possible political action in the form of a long-term project. A clear example of this temporality, in which a tremendous amount of labor and resources are expended to produce the consensus that no political change is possible or necessary, is the 24-hour news cycle. In Chats perchés (2004), his film contrasting the contemporary French news media with scenes from Parisian protests in the wake of the United States’ wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the presidential elections in France, Chris Marker takes up Guy Debord’s practice of détournement, reversing the production-consumption flow of images and creating a new situation for thought and action. Marker’s use of voice-over and montage to repurpose the news media and documentary images of protest serves as a means of breaking out of the 24/7 temporality of the spectacle, allowing the viewer to tie the present to previous instances of revolutionary agency and to imagine the possibility of future political change.
摘要乔纳森·克雷里在他的《24/7》一书中描述了我们当代的时间性,一种永远存在的存在,它以长期项目的形式脱离了任何可能的政治行动。24小时新闻周期是这种暂时性的一个明显例子,在这种暂时性中,花费了大量的劳动力和资源来达成共识,即不可能或不必要进行政治变革。在2004年的电影《查茨·珀西》中,克里斯·马克将当代法国新闻媒体与美国伊拉克和阿富汗战争以及法国总统选举后巴黎抗议活动的场景进行了对比,他采用了盖伊·德巴德的旅游实践,扭转了图像的生产-消费流,并为思想和行动创造了新的局面。Marker使用画外音和蒙太奇来重新调整新闻媒体和抗议纪录片的用途,这是打破这一奇观全天候时间性的一种手段,让观众能够将现在与以前的革命机构联系起来,并想象未来政治变革的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ Introduction 编辑的介绍
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2225363
Giuseppina Mecchia, John P. Walsh, Roger Celestin, Eliane DalMolin
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引用次数: 0
Lop-sided Laws: French Muslims and Laïcité 不平衡的法律:法国穆斯林和Laïcité
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185404
A. Hargreaves
Abstract After dozens of attacks during the past ten years in which hundreds have been killed by French jihadists, it is often suggested that subversive attitudes towards the Republic and its code of laïcité are widespread among Muslims in France. Yet while Muslims are often at odds with recent laws that they consider to be unfairly targeted against them, those interviewed in opinion surveys express high levels of support for the code of laïcité as laid down in the law of 1905, which separated the state and its representatives from religious institutions while simultaneously safeguarding the right of members of civil society to express their religious beliefs not only privately but also in the public sphere. Very few Muslim girls were exercising their right to wear headscarves in state schools when these were banned in 2004, and very few women were wearing burkas until these in turn were banned in any public space in 2010. But these new laws have been perceived as Islamophobic not only by the tiny minorities who were wearing these garments but also by many other Muslims, in whose eyes these measures parallel other long-standing patterns of discrimination hindering their access to jobs, housing and other social goods.
摘要在过去十年中发生了数十起袭击事件,数百人被法国圣战分子杀害后,人们经常认为,法国穆斯林对共和国及其法律准则的颠覆态度普遍存在。然而,尽管穆斯林经常与他们认为对他们不公平的最近的法律发生冲突,但在民意调查中接受采访的人表示,他们高度支持1905年法律中规定的《公民法典》,它将国家及其代表与宗教机构分离,同时保障民间社会成员不仅私下而且在公共领域表达其宗教信仰的权利。2004年公立学校禁止戴头巾时,很少有穆斯林女孩行使戴头巾的权利,在2010年禁止在任何公共场所戴头巾之前,很少有女性戴罩袍。但这些新法律不仅被穿着这些衣服的少数民族,而且被许多其他穆斯林视为仇视伊斯兰教,在他们看来,这些措施与阻碍他们获得工作、住房和其他社会商品的其他长期歧视模式相类似。
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引用次数: 0
Laïcité as a Weapon: the Tool and the Target Laïcité作为武器:工具和目标
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185428
Mary Elizabeth Allen
Abstract This article considers Laïcité (secularism) in France both through particular stories and the more theoretical stances that have emerged in the past few years. I focus on French schools, especially recent actions taken by the Ministry of Education to promote and instruct students and the public on the values of secularism—activities that notably contribute an increasing feeling of unwelcome among many Muslims in France. I analyze the culture war around hijab that jeopardizes women’s participation in society though attention to women’s voices in the new film Marianne directed by Valentina Canavesio.
本文通过具体的故事和过去几年出现的更多理论立场来研究法国的Laïcité(世俗主义)。我关注的是法国的学校,特别是教育部最近采取的行动,旨在促进和指导学生和公众对世俗主义的价值观——这些活动明显导致了法国许多穆斯林越来越不受欢迎的感觉。我在瓦伦蒂娜·卡纳维西奥导演的新片《玛丽安》中,通过关注女性的声音,分析了围绕头巾的文化战争危及女性的社会参与。
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引用次数: 0
Entretien avec Fatima Daas 采访法蒂玛·达斯
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185403
Adina Stroia
Avec son premier roman, La Petite derni ere, Fatima Daas s’est impos ee comme la grande r ev elation de la rentr ee litt eraire 2020. Son r ecit met en sc ene une jeune femme de 29 ans, Fatima, Française d’origine alg erienne, musulmane pratiquante, lesbienne, asthmatique, habitant la banlieue parisienne de Clichy-sous-Bois, qui passe ses journ ees dans les transports pour rejoindre Paris o u elle poursuit ses etudes. Sa vie se d eploie sous le signe d’un pendule qui oscille entre des positions g eographiques, socioeconomiques et identitaires distinctes, qui semblent s’opposer et qui font la force de ce premier texte. Le roman prend la forme d’un monologue a la premi ere personne, divis e en courts chapitres qui commencent par des variations d’une affirmation identitaire a force incantatoire : « Je m’appelle Fatima... ». Les phrases courtes et percutantes qui le rythment rappellent aussi bien la pulsion du rap, que la narratrice ecoute souvent, que l’ ecriture d’Annie Ernaux et de Marguerite Duras, que Daas mentionne souvent parmi ses influences litt eraires centrales. Avec le personnage de Fatima, Daas embarque ses lecteurs dans une quête identitaire qui se veut non t el eologique, en mettant en avant le caract ere dynamique de celle-ci. Avant même sa publication, le roman fut soutenu par Virginie Despentes, une des autrices-phares de la litt erature française contemporaine qui, contrairement a ses habitudes, fit l’ eloge de cette jeune autrice encore inconnue dans une d eclaration : « Le monologue de Fatima Daas se construit par fragments, comme si elle updatait Barthes et Mauriac pour Clichy-sousBois. [... ] Ici l’ ecriture cherche a inventer l’impossible : comment tout concilier, comment respirer dans la honte, comment danser dans une impasse jusqu’ a ouvrir une porte l a o u se dressait un mur ». A sa sortie, le texte de Fatima Daas fut accompagn e d’une r eception critique elogieuse aussi bien en France qu’ a l’ etranger, obtenant plusieurs prix importants, comme le Prix Inrockuptibles du Premier Roman ou l’Internationaler Literatur Preis (Haus der Kulturen der Welt, Berlin).
法蒂玛·达斯(Fatima Daas)在她的第一部小说《小最后一个时代》(La Petite Derni Ere)中,将自己确立为2020年文学年的伟大人物。她的研究使一名29岁的法蒂玛(Fatima)进入SC-ENE,她是阿尔及利亚血统的法国人,是一名执业穆斯林、女同性恋、哮喘患者,居住在巴黎郊区克里希苏斯博伊斯(Clichy sous Bois),她每天都在交通工具上度过,前往巴黎继续学习。他的生活是在一个钟摆的标志下展开的,钟摆在地理、社会经济和身份的不同立场之间摆动,这些立场似乎是对立的,并构成了第一个文本的力量。这部小说采取了第一人称独白的形式,分为简短的章节,从一个具有咒语力量的身份声明的变体开始:“我的名字是法蒂玛。。。“。简短而有力的句子让人想起了说唱的驱动力,叙述者经常听到说唱,以及安妮·埃尔诺和玛格丽特·杜拉斯的作品,达斯经常提到这是她的核心文学影响之一。凭借法蒂玛的角色,达斯带领读者踏上了一段非地球学的身份探索之旅,强调了她的动态特征。甚至在出版之前,这部小说就得到了维吉尼·德斯彭特斯(Virginie Despentes)的支持,她是当代法国文学的领军人物之一,与她的习惯相反,她在一篇文章中赞扬了这位年轻的、仍然默默无闻的作家:“法蒂玛·达斯(Fatima Daas)的独白是由碎片构成的,仿佛她在为克里希·苏斯博伊斯(Clichy Sousbois)更新巴特和莫里亚克(Barthes and Mauriac)。[……]在这里,圣经试图发明不可能的事情:如何调和一切,如何在羞耻中呼吸,如何在死胡同中跳舞,直到打开一扇门。法蒂玛·达斯(Fatima Daas)的文本出版后,在法国和国外都受到了广泛的批评,获得了许多重要奖项,如第一部小说的Inrockupbles奖或国际文学奖(柏林世界文化之家)。
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引用次数: 0
Les Juifs de France et la laïcité. Essai de regard historique et jalons de comparaison avec le cas musulman 法国的犹太人和世俗主义。文章的历史观点和里程碑与穆斯林案例的比较
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185424
Jérémy Guedj
Abstract This article proposes to rethink, in broad strokes, the links between between the Jews of France and secularism by historicizing the subject and presenting the major issues. However, a diachronic vision shows that these relations are not linear and cannot be reduced to the simple model of ”Israelism“ or ”Franco-Judaism“, which was especially valid for the first half of the century. This leads to a better understanding of the interest and the limits of a comparison with Islam, which one tends too much to place in relation to this ”Israelite“ Judaism. However, if we proceed to a synchronic comparison, we can realize the many common points in the common approach to secularism.
本文通过对法国犹太人与世俗主义的历史化和主要问题的呈现,从宏观上重新思考法国犹太人与世俗主义的联系。然而,历时性的观点表明,这些关系不是线性的,不能简化为“以色列主义”或“法国-犹太教”的简单模式,这种模式在本世纪上半叶尤其有效。这使我们更好地理解与伊斯兰教比较的兴趣和局限性,人们往往过于倾向于将伊斯兰教与“以色列式”犹太教联系起来。然而,如果我们继续进行共时比较,我们可以认识到世俗主义的共同方法中的许多共同点。
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引用次数: 0
From Red and Green Decay to “Islamo-leftism: the Counterinsurgency fantasies of the French Elite” 从红绿衰退到“伊斯兰左派:法国精英的反叛幻想”
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185419
Ibrahim Bechrouri
Abstract During the 2022 presidential race in France, left-wing groups and leaders were systematically accused of "Islamo-leftism,” by opponents, in other words of being complicit in what is generally described as a radical Islamist project that is endangering the French Republic. In recent years, accusations of "Islamo-leftism" against groups or individuals associated with the left wing of the political spectrum have become commonplace in France. This term, initially coined by Pierre-André Taguieff in 2002, has a broader history, stretching back to the Cold War and the Colonial Era. After discussing what the narrative of Islamo-leftism encompasses, the debates surrounding it, and its social functions, this article will explain how President Emmanuel Macron and his allies have used it to impede progressive forces from significantly mobilizing against Islamophobia
摘要在2022年法国总统竞选期间,左翼团体和领导人被反对者系统地指责为“伊斯兰左派”,换言之,他们是危害法兰西共和国的激进伊斯兰项目的同谋“反对与左翼政治派别有关联的团体或个人在法国已经司空见惯。这个词最初由皮埃尔·安德雷·塔吉耶夫于2002年创造,历史更为悠久,可以追溯到冷战和殖民时代。在讨论了伊斯兰左派的叙事内容、围绕它的辩论及其社会功能后,本文我将解释总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙及其盟友如何利用它来阻止进步力量大规模动员起来反对伊斯兰恐惧症
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引用次数: 0
Decolonial Theory or the Invention of a Common Enemy 非殖民化理论或共同敌人的发明
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185413
Dominic Thomas, Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard
Abstract On both sides of the Atlantic, polemics have been raging on complex questions relating to identity and race: cancel culture, wokism, critical race theory, assaults on affirmative action policies, and labeling scholars “Islamo-Leftists.” The focus of this article is provided by a closer examination of the ways in which a group of militant academics have instrumentalized the notion of “decolonialism” and how adherents have positioned themselves as the self-appointed imaginary defenders of academic freedom in research. Having identified the primary corrupting influence as originating in the United States, they have sought to discredit scholarship on decolonial, postcolonial, and intersectional studies, delineating in the process a common enemy. What transpires is an antagonism aimed at scholars who have elected to subject French Republican ideals to greater scrutiny, highlighted shortcomings in secularist policies while pointing to deep-seated historical fractures in the country’s sense of exceptionalism, and also underscoring France’s inability to address structural racism and disquieting forms of Islamophobia. We all know the considerable impact postcolonial studies have had internationally, reconfiguring and reshaping intellectual debates and institutional frameworks and stimulating broad interdisciplinary research. One cannot overstate the importance of fostering spaces in which rigorous research findings can be shared and discussed and of finding our way back to the kind of dialogue and exchanges that were foundational elements in a tradition that made France’s reputation and were a source of pride.
在大西洋两岸,关于身份和种族的复杂问题的争论一直很激烈:取消文化、工作主义、批判种族理论、对平权行动政策的攻击,以及给学者贴上“伊斯兰左派”的标签。本文的重点是对一群好战的学者如何将“去殖民主义”的概念工具化,以及追随者如何将自己定位为自以为是的学术自由的假想捍卫者。在确定了主要的腐败影响源自美国之后,他们试图诋毁非殖民、后殖民和交叉研究方面的学术研究,并在这一过程中划定了一个共同的敌人。所发生的是一种针对学者的对抗,这些学者选择将法国共和党的理想置于更严格的审查之下,强调了世俗主义政策的缺陷,同时指出了法国例外论意识中根深蒂固的历史裂痕,还强调了法国在解决结构性种族主义和令人不安的伊斯兰恐惧症方面的无能。我们都知道,后殖民研究在国际上产生了相当大的影响,重新配置和重塑了智力辩论和制度框架,并刺激了广泛的跨学科研究。培养严谨的研究成果可以分享和讨论的空间,以及找到回归对话和交流的方式的重要性,无论如何强调都不为过,对话和交流是使法国享有声誉和自豪的传统的基本要素。
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引用次数: 0
Charlie Hebdo and the Belhoumi family 查理周刊和贝尔胡米家族
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185411
Stéphane Beaud, J. Rogers
Abstract The terrorist attacks of January 2015 in Paris prompted intense public debates concerning the relationship between Muslims and core elements of French republican values such as free speech and laïcité. The voices of Muslims themselves were heard relatively little in French media coverage of these matters. Drawing on a sociological study of eight second-generation members of an Algerian immigrant family, this article shows how their first-hand testimony illustrates the diversity of attitudes among French Muslims. Female members of the family who had built successful careers participated in the huge January 11 rally condemning the terrorist attacks and supporting free speech. Brothers with poorer employment records expressed more cynical attitudes, including in some cases supporting the claim that Charlie Hebdo journalists had been “asking for it” by publishing highly provocative cartoons which many Muslims considered to be Islamophobic. A sister working as an employment counsellor in a disadvantaged multi-ethnic banlieue with high levels of unemployment recounted how the disaffected and in some cases increasingly unhinged attitudes displayed in recent years by those she was charged with helping resembled those of the young men who had perpetrated the jihadist attacks of January 2015.
摘要2015年1月在巴黎发生的恐怖袭击引发了关于穆斯林与法国共和价值观核心要素(如言论自由和爱国主义)之间关系的激烈公开辩论。在法国媒体对这些问题的报道中,穆斯林自己的声音相对较少。本文对阿尔及利亚移民家庭的八名第二代成员进行了社会学研究,展示了他们的第一手证词如何说明法国穆斯林态度的多样性。这个家庭中有着成功事业的女性成员参加了1月11日的大型集会,谴责恐怖袭击并支持言论自由。就业记录较差的兄弟们表达了更愤世嫉俗的态度,包括在某些情况下支持《查理周刊》记者通过发布高度挑衅性的漫画“索要”的说法,许多穆斯林认为这些漫画具有伊斯兰恐惧症。一位姐姐在一个失业率很高的弱势多民族郊区担任就业顾问,她讲述了近年来她被指控帮助的人所表现出的不满态度,在某些情况下甚至越来越疯狂的态度,与2015年1月实施圣战袭击的年轻人相似。
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引用次数: 0
The Sexular State: Race, Gender, and the Other “Woke Controversy” 性状态:种族、性别和其他“觉醒的争议”
4区 文学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/17409292.2023.2185420
Mohamed Amer Meziane
Abstract This article first deploys a historical account of the French model of secularization, before and beyond mere laïcité. Drawing on an analysis of the imperial and colonial genealogies of secularization, it then moves on to examine some structural polemics in contemporary France: polemics about the veil since 1989 and the more recent debate on Wokism and Islamo-leftism among intellectuals. The last part of the essay is a theoretical intervention in some of the current debates about race, gender and secularism in recent scholarship on France and Algeria done by feminist Scholars.
本文首先对法国的世俗化模式进行了历史分析,在laïcité之前和之后。通过对帝国和殖民世俗化谱系的分析,本书接着探讨了当代法国的一些结构性争论:1989年以来关于面纱的争论,以及最近知识分子之间关于沃基主义和伊斯兰左翼主义的争论。文章的最后一部分是对当前一些关于种族,性别和世俗主义的争论的理论干预,这些争论是由女权主义学者在法国和阿尔及利亚所做的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary French and Francophone Studies
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