Young children face the risk of being infected by a variety of diseases; this makes it necessary to resort to vaccination as a failsafe for ensuring healthy life of the child. However the success of the immunisation drive is conditioned by prevailing conditions. Some of these also determine whether family members opt for full, partial or no immunisation. This paper attempts to identify and estimate the impacts of various socio-economic factors on childhood immunisation coverage in the East district of Sikkim. The study is based on primary data consisting of 204 respondents collected through household survey. The ordered probit and Heckman probit models have been utilised to estimate the significant change in childhood immunisation coverage. The study found that the birth order of child (BOC), mother’s age, the standard of living, caste and religion have a significant impact on childhood immunisation coverage. With regard to the extent of immunisation, the important elements are mother’s education, mother’s age, gender of the household head and distance from hospital.
{"title":"What Determines Child Immunisation? A Study of Socio-Economic Factors in East Sikkim","authors":"Ruma Kundu, Srikanta Kundu, Indraneel Mandal","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3790024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3790024","url":null,"abstract":"Young children face the risk of being infected by a variety of diseases; this makes it necessary to resort to vaccination as a failsafe for ensuring healthy life of the child. However the success of the immunisation drive is conditioned by prevailing conditions. Some of these also determine whether family members opt for full, partial or no immunisation. This paper attempts to identify and estimate the impacts of various socio-economic factors on childhood immunisation coverage in the East district of Sikkim. The study is based on primary data consisting of 204 respondents collected through household survey. The ordered probit and Heckman probit models have been utilised to estimate the significant change in childhood immunisation coverage. The study found that the birth order of child (BOC), mother’s age, the standard of living, caste and religion have a significant impact on childhood immunisation coverage. With regard to the extent of immunisation, the important elements are mother’s education, mother’s age, gender of the household head and distance from hospital.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124106242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region has become more integrated through trade and migration. Yet, public policies in ASEAN do not consider the interrelations between trade and immigration policies. Therefore, the paper employs a static panel gravity model for the 10 ASEAN countries over five-year intervals between 1990 and 2020 to identify the direct connections between migration and trade (exports, imports and intra-industry trade). The empirical results support a pro-import immigrant effect but not a pro-export immigrant effect. The negative effect of the stock of immigrants on the share of bilateral intra-industry trade implies that immigration better explains one-way trade or inter-industry trade. The limited presence of the immigrant-link effects reflects the large stock of unskilled ASEAN immigrants that reduces the possibilities of creating networks between the home and host countries. The significant immigration-import links, however, is sufficient to justify the importance for ASEAN to work towards connecting migration and trade policies.
{"title":"Immigration-Trade Relationship in ASEAN: What Does the Evidence Show?","authors":"Chanida Ekakkararungroj, S. Ong, E. Devadason","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3784396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3784396","url":null,"abstract":"The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region has become more integrated through trade and migration. Yet, public policies in ASEAN do not consider the interrelations between trade and immigration policies. Therefore, the paper employs a static panel gravity model for the 10 ASEAN countries over five-year intervals between 1990 and 2020 to identify the direct connections between migration and trade (exports, imports and intra-industry trade). The empirical results support a pro-import immigrant effect but not a pro-export immigrant effect. The negative effect of the stock of immigrants on the share of bilateral intra-industry trade implies that immigration better explains one-way trade or inter-industry trade. The limited presence of the immigrant-link effects reflects the large stock of unskilled ASEAN immigrants that reduces the possibilities of creating networks between the home and host countries. The significant immigration-import links, however, is sufficient to justify the importance for ASEAN to work towards connecting migration and trade policies.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116860527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this working paper, we analyze factors that may explain gender differences in the allocation of time to household production in sub-Saharan Africa. The study uses time use survey data to analyze the determinants of time spent on household production by husbands and wives in nuclear families in Ethiopia, Ghana, Tanzania, and South Africa. We assume that the time spent by each spouse is a function of personal and household characteristics. A bivariate Tobit model is used to estimate the marginal impact of a set of key variables that figure recurrently in the literature on time allocation. We observe a high degree of variability in the results for the set of countries, which does not allow us to draw hard general conclusions. We do find some weak evidence that supports time availability and gender ideology theory as well as for the hypothesis that bargaining power plays a role in explaining the intrahousehold allocation of household production.
{"title":"Intrahousehold Allocation of Household Production: A Comparative Analysis for Sub-Saharan African Countries","authors":"F. Ríos‐Avila, A. Oduro, Luiza Nassif Pires","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3780177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3780177","url":null,"abstract":"In this working paper, we analyze factors that may explain gender differences in the allocation of time to household production in sub-Saharan Africa. The study uses time use survey data to analyze the determinants of time spent on household production by husbands and wives in nuclear families in Ethiopia, Ghana, Tanzania, and South Africa. We assume that the time spent by each spouse is a function of personal and household characteristics. A bivariate Tobit model is used to estimate the marginal impact of a set of key variables that figure recurrently in the literature on time allocation. We observe a high degree of variability in the results for the set of countries, which does not allow us to draw hard general conclusions. We do find some weak evidence that supports time availability and gender ideology theory as well as for the hypothesis that bargaining power plays a role in explaining the intrahousehold allocation of household production.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134183687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While Norway has experienced income growth accompanied by a large decline in mortality during the past several decades, little is known about the distribution of these improvements in longevity across the income distribution. Using municipality level income and mortality data, we show that the stark income gradient in infant mortality across municipalities in the 1950s mostly closed in the late 1960s. However, the income gradient in mortality for older age categories across municipalities persisted until 2010 and only flattened thereafter. Further, the infant mortality gap between rich and poor Norwegian families based on individual-level data persisted several decades longer than the gap between rich and poor municipalities and only finally closed in the early 21st century.
{"title":"Income Inequality and Mortality: A Norwegian Perspective","authors":"A. Butikofer, René Karadakic, K. Salvanes","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3774001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3774001","url":null,"abstract":"While Norway has experienced income growth accompanied by a large decline in mortality during the past several decades, little is known about the distribution of these improvements in longevity across the income distribution. Using municipality level income and mortality data, we show that the stark income gradient in infant mortality across municipalities in the 1950s mostly closed in the late 1960s. However, the income gradient in mortality for older age categories across municipalities persisted until 2010 and only flattened thereafter. Further, the infant mortality gap between rich and poor Norwegian families based on individual-level data persisted several decades longer than the gap between rich and poor municipalities and only finally closed in the early 21st century.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115255354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
English Abstract: The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and even consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless.
French Abstract: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La revendication d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal litige entre le gouvernement et les challengers du régime Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis d'opposition, se sont soldées par une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont finalement eu lieu le 30 juin 2019 et ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Peu de temps après, en février 2020, le président a remporté également les élections présidentielles contestées. Par cela il a même consolidé son pouvoir, aidé par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en avril 2020 et la récession économique qui a suivi, ont peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvern
摘要:自1967年以来，gnassingb<s:1>家族一直统治着这个国家。在整个调查期间，由体制和选举改革引起的对政治替代的要求构成了政府与纳辛伯勒政权的挑战者之间的主要争议问题。2018年12月20日的立法选举受到主要反对党的抵制，结果执政党轻松获胜。30多年来的首次地方选举最终于2019年6月30日举行，执政党获胜。不久之后，在2020年2月，在忠诚的军队和安全部门的协助下，总统也赢得了有争议的总统选举，甚至巩固了他的权力。4月在多哥爆发的冠状病毒疫情以及随后的经济衰退可能限制了民众对纳辛伯纳政权的抗议。政府的人权记录有所改善，但仍然很差。尽管在审查期间，该政权主要机构的框架和外观无可否认地有所改善，但民主仍远未完成。然而，国际社会，特别是多哥的非洲同行，非盟和西非经共体，在处理多哥问题上采取了“自由放任”的方式，以维护地区稳定和各自的国家利益。经济增长保持稳定在每年5%左右(在冠状病毒之前)。基础设施方面的公共投资和农业生产率，特别是出口作物生产率的提高，一直是经济增长的主要推动力。然而，增长仍然容易受到外部冲击和气候的影响，而且不具有包容性。人与人之间和区域不平等的加剧以及极端贫困的增加给积极增长蒙上了阴影。此外，洗钱、非法汇款和贩运活动的增长令人震惊。不过，商业环境有了很大改善。摘要:Le clan gnassingb<s:1> dirige Le pays depuis 1967。政治上的改革，最初的<s:2> <s:2>和其他所有的- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -在2018年之前，将所有的<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>和<s:1> <s:1>(或)- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -在2019年6月30日的最后一次会议上，“Les premiires郁闷的地方”和“30岁的地方”达成一致。如果是在2020年，那么就会有一个重要的问题，那就是:如果是在2020年，那么就会有一个重要的问题:如果是在2020年，那么就会有一个重要的问题。parcela il a même solidid<e:1> son pouvoir，协助parardamemadress和isservices de ssamiccurit<e:1>。在2020年4月，在多哥的科罗娜和科罗娜的三个月里，在多哥和科罗娜和科罗娜的三个月里，在多哥和科罗娜和科罗娜的三个月里，在多哥和科罗娜和科罗娜的三个月里，所有的人都参加了这次抗议活动。政府对人权的保护是最重要的，最重要的是，最重要的是，最重要的是，最重要的是。Malgre des indeniables du干部经验et de l 'apparence des螯机构du政权吊坠拉里面l 'examen∙余数腰理由achevee。国际社会、多哥非洲联盟、非洲联盟和非洲经委会、多哥国家联盟、多哥国家联盟、多哥国家联盟、多哥国家联盟、多哥国家联盟、多哥稳定联盟、多哥国家联盟、多哥自由放任主义联盟。在5%的条件下(科罗娜先锋)，<s:1> <s:1>经济与<s:1> <s:1>稳定与<s:1> <s:1>稳定与<s:1>稳定与<s:1>稳定与与)。公共投资、基础设施、生产力、农业、出口文化、经济、农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业、农业和农业。在此基础上，我们确定了易受影响的可变因素，包括外部因素和气候因素，以及可变因素和可变因素。综上所述，“升迁”指的是“升迁”、“升迁”、“升迁”、“升迁”、“升迁”、“升迁”、“升迁”。此外，“白漆”、“白漆”、“白漆”将使交通变得更加便捷，“白漆”将使交通变得更加便捷。世事无常的气候是最重要的，因为它考虑到所有的<s:2>和<s:2>。摘要:Zusammenfassung: Der gnassingb<s:1> - clan regiert das Land seit 1967。Die Forderung nach political Abwechslung, Die durch institutionelle Reformen and Wahlreformen ausgelöst wurde, war das Hauptstreitpunkt zwischen der Regierung和den herausforderen des gnassings<s:1> - regimes während des gesamten Untersuchungszeitraums。20年，反对党发起了一项名为Die von den groden的运动。2018年12月f<s:1> hrten zu einem leichten Sieg der Regierungspartei。Die ersten Kommunalwahlen seit mehr als 30 Jahren fanden schließlich am 30。2019年6月1日statt and fhrten zum Sieg der Regierungspartei。2020年2月，库尔兹·达洛夫(Kurz darauf)提出了一项新的研究，即:Präsident每个die umstritenen Präsidentschaftswahlen。 结果，他在忠心的军队和安全部队的支持下，大大巩固了自己的权力。多哥境内Corona-Epidemie爆发年4月以及随后的经济衰退有可能有助于抗议的民众反对Gnassingbé-Regime限制.政府的人权记录有所改善，但仍然很糟糕。尽管在本报告所述期间，民主制度的主要机构的框架和形象已有无可置疑的改善。但在本报告所述期间，民主仍远未全面确立。国际社会,特别是非洲同事Faure Gnassingbés大小和西非经共体区域稳定的,但追求利益和多哥的国家利益与美国“自由放任”-Ansatz .经济增长稳定在每年5%左右(科罗纳领先)。基础设施方面的公共投资和提高农业生产率、特别是出口文化方面的生产率是经济增长的主要推动力。但增长容易受到外部冲击和环境的影响，并在政治上不包容。正增长受到人们之间和区域不平等日益加剧和赤贫日
{"title":"BTI - 2022 Togo Country Report: Togo's Political and Socio-Economic Development, 2019-2020 (Enhanced Author's Version)","authors":"D. Kohnert","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3719557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3719557","url":null,"abstract":"<b>English Abstract:</b> The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The first local elections since more than 30 years took finally place on 30 June 2019 and resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Shortly afterwards, in February 2020, the President won also the disputed presidential elections and even consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in April and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum (before Corona). Public investment in infrastructure and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless.<br><br> <b>French Abstract:</b> Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La revendication d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal litige entre le gouvernement et les challengers du régime Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis d'opposition, se sont soldées par une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont finalement eu lieu le 30 juin 2019 et ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Peu de temps après, en février 2020, le président a remporté également les élections présidentielles contestées. Par cela il a même consolidé son pouvoir, aidé par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en avril 2020 et la récession économique qui a suivi, ont peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvern","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117080611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article throws light on the issues of labour migration in connection with children’s education. Many young people from Nepal have migrated to foreign countries with an aim to make their families’ economic condition stronger and support in their children’s education. So the purpose of the article is to analyze how labour migration matters in children’ education at the country of origin. Theoretical concept of migration such as: push factors are discussed to understand why and how people leave their own place. Similarly, what factors pull people at the place of destination attracts the new comers are also analyzed in the article. Subsequently, comparative analysis with other countries in regards to labour migration and its effect on children education are made based on review of literatures.
{"title":"Does Labour Migration Matter in Children’s Education?","authors":"Ghanashyam Niroula","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3774188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3774188","url":null,"abstract":"The article throws light on the issues of labour migration in connection with children’s education. Many young people from Nepal have migrated to foreign countries with an aim to make their families’ economic condition stronger and support in their children’s education. So the purpose of the article is to analyze how labour migration matters in children’ education at the country of origin. Theoretical concept of migration such as: push factors are discussed to understand why and how people leave their own place. Similarly, what factors pull people at the place of destination attracts the new comers are also analyzed in the article. Subsequently, comparative analysis with other countries in regards to labour migration and its effect on children education are made based on review of literatures.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"205 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114406818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Central Government in the year 2020 initially refused states a recompense for both actual and notional losses in their GST revenues for FY 2020-21. While the discombobulated state governments scrambled to find legal and fiduciary justification to their demands, the Center simply cited situational expediency and lack of any obligation for its denial. It suggested that two alternatives to the states, that involved them borrowing, as the only mechanism for compensation. As the GST Council debates and the 101st Constitutional Amendment Act would collectively reveal, the Center had promised to the contrary. The obligation of maintaining a constant supply of compensation-credit to states emanates from that promise and is all the more binding given the huge sacrifice made by the States. The historically unique creation of legislative tax-fields outside of the Schedule VII and the overwhelming dominance of the Center in administering them were both premised on this future consideration to the states. The proviso to Art. 368(2) has the same outcome as its laterally inverted version, Art. 252, insofar as it crafts a contract between two vertical government-branches operating in a ‘federal market’. This, then, adumbrates the foundation of what presently prevails in American Constitutional law as the ‘anti-coercion’ principle. The promise of GST compensation then becomes a contractual obligation at a Constitutional level, eliminating any legal space of revocability otherwise available to the Center.
{"title":"GST Compensation to States: An Ineluctable Obligation on the Union","authors":"Yash Sinha","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3759892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3759892","url":null,"abstract":"The Central Government in the year 2020 initially refused states a recompense for both actual and notional losses in their GST revenues for FY 2020-21. While the discombobulated state governments scrambled to find legal and fiduciary justification to their demands, the Center simply cited situational expediency and lack of any obligation for its denial. It suggested that two alternatives to the states, that involved them borrowing, as the only mechanism for compensation. As the GST Council debates and the 101st Constitutional Amendment Act would collectively reveal, the Center had promised to the contrary. The obligation of maintaining a constant supply of compensation-credit to states emanates from that promise and is all the more binding given the huge sacrifice made by the States. The historically unique creation of legislative tax-fields outside of the Schedule VII and the overwhelming dominance of the Center in administering them were both premised on this future consideration to the states. The proviso to Art. 368(2) has the same outcome as its laterally inverted version, Art. 252, insofar as it crafts a contract between two vertical government-branches operating in a ‘federal market’. This, then, adumbrates the foundation of what presently prevails in American Constitutional law as the ‘anti-coercion’ principle. The promise of GST compensation then becomes a contractual obligation at a Constitutional level, eliminating any legal space of revocability otherwise available to the Center.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116028164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Yulia S. Dolganova, A. Zaborovskaya, N. Istomina, V. Terziev
The article presents quantitative evidence for the hypothesis that the level of economic development of Russian regions depends on the amount of financial resources allocated by the state. Based on the study of statistical data on territories related to border, coastal, inaccessible and enclaves, quantitative dependencies are identified and conclusions are drawn about the current practice and directions of development of the state regulation.
{"title":"State Financial Resources as a Tool for Managing Sustainable Development of Territories","authors":"Yulia S. Dolganova, A. Zaborovskaya, N. Istomina, V. Terziev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3771768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3771768","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents quantitative evidence for the hypothesis that the level of economic development of Russian regions depends on the amount of financial resources allocated by the state. Based on the study of statistical data on territories related to border, coastal, inaccessible and enclaves, quantitative dependencies are identified and conclusions are drawn about the current practice and directions of development of the state regulation.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129440630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Azerbaijani abstract: Görüldüyü kimi Azərbaycanın müstəqiliyindən sonra beynəlxalq maliyyə təşkilatları ilə əməkdaşlığı əsasən respublika prezidenti Heydər Əliyev cənablarının respublikaya rehbərlik etdiyi 10 illik bir dövrə təsadüf edir. Bu da onun böyük idarəetmə və siyasi qabliyyətindən, üzaqgörən xarici siyasətindən xəbər verir. Ümumiyyətlə respublikanın inkişafı üçün təxrəsalınmaz islahatların həyata keçirilməsində ortaya çıxan maliyyə problemlərinin aradan qaldırılmasında Dünya Bankının verdiyi kreditlerin müstəsna yeri olmuşdur. Eyni zamanda Bankın Azərbaycanda həyata keçirdiyi məqsədyönlü layihələrin müstəqil Azərbaycanın iqtisadi inkişafında müsbət rolu inkaredilməzdir. Dünya Bankının layihələrinin istiqamətləri müxtəlif olsa da onların hər birinin məzmununda insan inkişafı və iqtisadi rəfah mövcuddur.
English abstract: The Republic of Azerbaijan became a member of the World Bank in September 1992 and the International Development Association (IDA) in March 1995. The country joined the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) in 1992 and 1995, respectively. The major focus of the World Bank's work to date has been to assist Azerbaijan by providing policy advice, financing for both investments the government budget, and coordination of aid. In particular, the World Bank is working with the authorities to strengthen the government's institutional capacity to manage its petroleum resources and formulate key policy changes to accelerate reform. Total WB / IDA Lending as of July 1, 2002: US$ 531 million for 19 projects. sixteen projects are currently under implementation.
阿塞拜疆摘要：正如人们所看到的那样，阿塞拜疆独立后与国际金融组织的合作，阿塞拜疆共和国轮值主席国海德尔利耶夫领导阿塞拜疆共和国的时间长达10年。这显示了他高超的管理和政治能力以及外交政策。Ümumiyyətlətlə the loans given by the World Bank had an exceptional place in the elimination of the financial problems arising in the development of the country.同时，世界银行的贷款在独立的阿塞拜疆经济发展中的作用也是不可否认的。英文摘要：阿塞拜疆共和国于 1992 年 9 月成为世界银行成员，1995 年 3 月成为国际开发协会（IDA）成员，并分别于 1992 年和 1995 年加入多边投资担保机构（MIGA）和国际金融公司（IFC）。迄今为止，世界银行工作的主要重点是通过提供政策建议、为政府预算投资和援助协调提供资金来帮助阿塞拜疆。特别是，世界银行正在与阿塞拜疆当局合作，加强政府管理石油资源的机构能力，并制定关键的政策变化，以加速改革。截至 2002 年 7 月 1 日，世行/国际开发协会的贷款总额为 5.31 亿美元，用于 19 个项目。
{"title":"MÜSTƏQİLLİK SONRASI AZƏRBAYCAN-DÜNYA BANKI MÜNASİBƏTLƏRİ (Azerbaijan – World Bank Relations After Independence)","authors":"Murad Xəlləyev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3757138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3757138","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Azerbaijani abstract:</b> Görüldüyü kimi Azərbaycanın müstəqiliyindən sonra beynəlxalq maliyyə təşkilatları ilə əməkdaşlığı əsasən respublika prezidenti Heydər Əliyev cənablarının respublikaya rehbərlik etdiyi 10 illik bir dövrə təsadüf edir. Bu da onun böyük idarəetmə və siyasi qabliyyətindən, üzaqgörən xarici siyasətindən xəbər verir. Ümumiyyətlə respublikanın inkişafı üçün təxrəsalınmaz islahatların həyata keçirilməsində ortaya çıxan maliyyə problemlərinin aradan qaldırılmasında Dünya Bankının verdiyi kreditlerin müstəsna yeri olmuşdur. Eyni zamanda Bankın Azərbaycanda həyata keçirdiyi məqsədyönlü layihələrin müstəqil Azərbaycanın iqtisadi inkişafında müsbət rolu inkaredilməzdir. Dünya Bankının layihələrinin istiqamətləri müxtəlif olsa da onların hər birinin məzmununda insan inkişafı və iqtisadi rəfah mövcuddur.<br><br><b>English abstract:</b> The Republic of Azerbaijan became a member of the World Bank in September 1992 and the International Development Association (IDA) in March 1995. The country joined the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) in 1992 and 1995, respectively. The major focus of the World Bank's work to date has been to assist Azerbaijan by providing policy advice, financing for both investments the government budget, and coordination of aid. In particular, the World Bank is working with the authorities to strengthen the government's institutional capacity to manage its petroleum resources and formulate key policy changes to accelerate reform. Total WB / IDA Lending as of July 1, 2002: US$ 531 million for 19 projects. sixteen projects are currently under implementation.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133239662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-22DOI: 10.20469/ijbas.6.10004-6
Dennij Mandeij
The prevailing exchange rate and its volatility has been always an important issue in an open economy and freely floating exchange rate system, such as in Indonesia. In this system, the exchange rate is allowed to fluctuate based on the interaction between demand for and supply of foreign currency in the foreign exchange market. Its fluctuation may influence many economic activities and can be transmitted to the inflation rate. This shows that the prevailing exchange rate and its volatility become a crucial variable that must be taken into account by all economic actors. This paper aims to describe the application of asset approach in determining the equilibrium exchange rate Rupiah against US$ and analyze the factors that influence its volatility. The analysis method used is the applied method based on the theory of Uncovered Interest Parity (UIP) condition. The result shows that the actual exchange rate is completely different from the equilibrium exchange rate where Rupiah is undervalued towards US$. It reflects that the demand for US$ is greater than its supply which means that foreign exchange market is not in equilibrium. When all else equal, a decreasing of Rupiah interest rate, an increasing of US$ interest rate and a rising of expected future exchange rate, respectively, will depreciate Rupiah against US$. The changing of these three factors can show and describe clearly its effect on the volatility of exchange rate.
{"title":"Determination of Equilibrium Exchange Rate Rupiah Against US Dollar and its Volatility: Application of Asset Approach","authors":"Dennij Mandeij","doi":"10.20469/ijbas.6.10004-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20469/ijbas.6.10004-6","url":null,"abstract":"The prevailing exchange rate and its volatility has been always an important issue in an open economy and freely floating exchange rate system, such as in Indonesia. In this system, the exchange rate is allowed to fluctuate based on the interaction between demand for and supply of foreign currency in the foreign exchange market. Its fluctuation may influence many economic activities and can be transmitted to the inflation rate. This shows that the prevailing exchange rate and its volatility become a crucial variable that must be taken into account by all economic actors. This paper aims to describe the application of asset approach in determining the equilibrium exchange rate Rupiah against US$ and analyze the factors that influence its volatility. The analysis method used is the applied method based on the theory of Uncovered Interest Parity (UIP) condition. The result shows that the actual exchange rate is completely different from the equilibrium exchange rate where Rupiah is undervalued towards US$. It reflects that the demand for US$ is greater than its supply which means that foreign exchange market is not in equilibrium. When all else equal, a decreasing of Rupiah interest rate, an increasing of US$ interest rate and a rising of expected future exchange rate, respectively, will depreciate Rupiah against US$. The changing of these three factors can show and describe clearly its effect on the volatility of exchange rate.","PeriodicalId":105668,"journal":{"name":"Development Economics: Regional & Country Studies eJournal","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132882117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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