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PSN: Other Political Theory: Political Philosophy (Topic)最新文献

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Justice and Taxation - Is There any Form of Just Taxation? If so, What is it Like and how can it be Justified? 正义与税收——有公正的税收吗?如果是这样,它是什么样的,它如何被证明是合理的?
Pub Date : 2010-11-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1770429
Mathias O. Royce
This article intends to assess the various characteristics of just taxation in its moral, lawful and rational sense. It aims to correlate these characteristics in the context of political aspects, such as fiscal resistance and fiscal competitiveness in unrestrained economies as well as governmental efficiency. This essay concludes in assessing the structures and strategies of fiscal policy making employed by governments which remain largely arbitrary and which reinforce and affirm the views of renowned libertarian scholars, who see taxation in its unjust form as a method for government to perpetually sustain itself.
本文试图从道德、法律和理性三个层面来评价公正税收的各种特征。它旨在将这些特征与政治方面的背景联系起来,例如不受约束经济体中的财政阻力和财政竞争力以及政府效率。本文最后评估了政府采用的财政政策制定的结构和策略,这些结构和策略在很大程度上仍然是武断的,并加强和肯定了著名自由主义学者的观点,他们认为税收的不公正形式是政府永久维持自身的一种方法。
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引用次数: 0
Reconciling Constitutionalism with Power: Towards a Constitutional Nomos of Political Ordering 宪政与权力的调和:走向政治秩序的宪政Nomos
Pub Date : 2010-08-21 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9337.2010.00460.x
Ming‐Sung Kuo
Drawing upon Hannah Arendt’s and Carl Schmitt’s theories on the relationship between nomos and boundary, this paper revisits how constitutionalism and political power are reconciled as a constitutional ordering. It first analyzes constitutionalism in the light of political modernity. Indicating that political power grounded by a constitution is omnipotent, complementing and completing constitutionalism, this paper contends that an omnipotent constitutional ordering is anything but an unleashed Leviathan. It is argued that constitutional omnipotence is framed and thus constrained by a constitutional nomos, the matrix of which is a dual delimitation of boundaries, generational and jurisdictional.
本文借鉴汉娜·阿伦特和卡尔·施密特关于nomos与边界关系的理论,重新审视宪政与政治权力作为一种宪政秩序是如何调和的。首先从政治现代性的角度分析宪政。本文指出以宪法为基础的政治权力是全能的,是对宪政的补充和完善,并认为一个全能的宪法秩序绝不是一个被释放出来的利维坦。有人认为,宪法的全能受到宪法nomos的框架和约束,其矩阵是边界的双重划定,代际和管辖权。
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引用次数: 12
Non-Individualism, Rights, and Practical Reason 非个人主义、权利和实践理性
Pub Date : 2008-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9337.2007.00380.x
G. Pavlakos
The paper looks at an impasse with respect to the role of rights as reasons for action which afflicts contemporary legal and political debates. Adopting a meta-ethical approach, it moves on to argue that the impasse arises from a philosophical confusion surrounding the role of rights as normative reasons. In dispelling the confusion, an account of reasons is put forward that attempts to capture their normativity by relating them to a reflexive public practice. Two key outcomes are identified as a result of this explication: first, that normative practices are instances of rule-following, and second, that agents partaking of normative practices possess absolute value (i.e., acquire the status of persons). In light of this explication, rights acquire the status of the most general reasons that purport to guarantee the content of personhood by specifying and safeguarding conditions which enable agents to participate in public practices of universalisation.
本文着眼于在权利作为行动理由的作用方面的僵局,这种僵局困扰着当代的法律和政治辩论。采用一种元伦理学的方法,它继续争辩说,僵局源于围绕权利作为规范性理由的作用的哲学混乱。为了消除这种困惑,作者提出了一种解释原因的方法,试图通过将原因与一种反身性的公共实践联系起来,来捕捉它们的规范性。这一解释确定了两个关键结果:第一,规范性实践是遵循规则的实例,第二,参与规范性实践的主体拥有绝对价值(即获得人的地位)。根据这种解释,权利获得了最一般理由的地位,这些理由旨在通过规定和保障使代理人能够参与普遍化的公共实践的条件来保障人格的内容。
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引用次数: 2
Privacy in the Political System: Perspectives from Political Science and Economics 政治系统中的隐私:政治学和经济学的视角
Pub Date : 2001-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2230389
Colin J. Bennett
This is a review that was originally written for a collection that was to have been edited and published by the late Alan F. Westin on the various social science contributions to the study of privacy. This paper was drafted in the late 1990s and funded through the Ethical, Legal and Social Issues (ELSI) component of the Human Genome Project. It was substantially revised in 2001. Obviously the literature in these fields has changed dramatically as the Internet has flourished and personal data is now more widely circulated and traded with enormous political, social and economic consequences. But the kinds of scholarly questions addressed and reviewed in this paper perhaps remain constant. What does the tradition of political theory contribute to the debate about the appropriate "balance" between privacy interests on the one hand, and wider societal and community obligations on the other? What is the relationship between attitudes toward privacy and political culture and ideology? What can political science tell us about the nature and extent of surveillance? What can political science (and particularly the study of bureaucratic behavior) tell us about the relationship between technology and politics? When privacy is viewed as a regulatory issue, what does the response to it tell us about the way that different states manage technological change? And how can privacy be analyzed on the basis of economics or public choice assumptions?
这篇评论最初是为一本合集写的这本合集是由已故的艾伦·f·威斯汀编辑和出版的关于各种社会科学对隐私研究的贡献。这篇论文是在20世纪90年代末起草的,由人类基因组计划的伦理、法律和社会问题(ELSI)组成部分资助。它在2001年进行了实质性修订。显然,随着互联网的蓬勃发展,这些领域的文献发生了巨大的变化,个人数据现在更广泛地传播和交易,带来了巨大的政治、社会和经济后果。但这篇论文所讨论和回顾的学术问题的种类可能会保持不变。政治理论的传统对隐私利益与更广泛的社会和社区义务之间的适当“平衡”的辩论有什么贡献?对隐私的态度与政治文化和意识形态之间的关系是什么?关于监视的性质和范围,政治学能告诉我们什么?政治科学(尤其是对官僚行为的研究)能告诉我们关于技术与政治之间关系的什么?当隐私被视为一个监管问题时,对它的反应告诉我们不同国家管理技术变革的方式是什么?如何在经济学或公共选择假设的基础上分析隐私?
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引用次数: 10
Networked Politics: Rethinking Political Organisation in an Age of Movements and Networks 网络政治:运动与网络时代对政治组织的再思考
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2843528
Mayo Fuster Morell, Marco Berlinguer, H. Wainwright
The world just now is a disturbing place for anyone who believes in peace, social justice, common goods, and ecological sanity. On the one hand, the traditional institutions of democratic control are exhausted; weakened, if not destroyed, by an unconstrained global market and superpower military ambition. On the other hand, the movements of mass protest, so visible on the eve of the invasion of Iraq that they were dubbed the “second superpower”, no longer provide the clear public focus that they once did.We believe, however, that diverse forms of resistance hold enormous potential for creating new forms of democracy and new institutions for social change. This social and cultural creativity often takes place beneath the media radar but it can sometimes surface unpredictably to disturb the complacent consensus. Our shared belief in the existence of this only partially understood, including self-understood, potential for social transformation has led us to explore the innovations in political organisation that are underway and the tools and insights that could take them further.We also share a curiosity in the transformative behaviour of people who frequently express common values – for example, as “ethical consumers”, vegetarians, file sharers, or participants in the social economy – but are not involved in movement or political networks.
对于任何相信和平、社会正义、共同利益和生态健全的人来说,现在的世界是一个令人不安的地方。一方面,传统的民主控制机制已经耗尽;被不受约束的全球市场和超级大国的军事野心削弱(如果不是摧毁的话)。另一方面,大规模抗议运动——在入侵伊拉克前夕如此明显,以至于被称为“第二超级大国”——不再像过去那样提供清晰的公众焦点。然而,我们认为,各种形式的抵抗具有创造新的民主形式和新的社会变革机构的巨大潜力。这种社会和文化的创造力往往在媒体的雷达之下发生,但它有时会不可预知地浮出水面,扰乱自满的共识。我们对社会转型潜力的共同信念只是部分理解,包括自我理解,这促使我们探索正在进行的政治组织创新,以及可以进一步推动它们的工具和见解。我们还对那些经常表达共同价值观的人的变革行为感到好奇——例如,作为“道德消费者”、素食者、文件分享者或社会经济参与者——但不参与运动或政治网络。
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引用次数: 5
Free Market Madness and Human Nature 自由市场的疯狂与人性
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1583672
Necati Aydin
The 2008 financial crisis has touched almost every nation around the world resulting in the loss of trillions of dollars in wealth. People began seriously questioning the fundamentals of free market system. While some blame politicians, bureaucrats, and corporate leaders for their mistaken policies, others blame human nature. In Alan Greenspan’s terms, “The cause of our economic despair, however, is human nature’s propensity to sway from fear to euphoria and back.” Greenspan is not the first one blaming human nature for economic crises. John Maynard Keynes made a similar point in his famous recession prescription book, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Many other economists refer to human nature in their works as well. For Bentham, it is human nature to pursue pleasure and avoid pain. For Adam Smith, it is human nature to act based on “self-interest”. However, no one elaborates on human nature which stays like a “black box” from which key assumptions in free market system are derived. This paper is an attempt to unlock the black box of human nature to better understand the crises of capitalism, including the most recent one. Even though the author agrees with Greenspan that the current financial crisis, and perhaps all economic crises, is driven by human nature, he disagrees with him that such crisis is unpredictable and unpreventable. The paper offers a new theory of human nature from an Islamic perspective to predict and prevent irrational and irresponsible behaviors of populist politicians, greedy capitalists, and conspicuous consumers.
2008年的金融危机几乎波及了世界上每个国家,导致数万亿美元的财富损失。人们开始严肃地质疑自由市场体系的基础。一些人将错误的政策归咎于政客、官僚和企业领导人,而另一些人则归咎于人性。用艾伦·格林斯潘的话说,“然而,我们经济绝望的原因是人类本性的倾向,即从恐惧到兴奋再到兴奋。”格林斯潘并不是第一个将经济危机归咎于人性的人。约翰•梅纳德•凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)在他著名的经济衰退处方书《就业、利息和货币通论》(The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money)中也提出了类似的观点。许多其他经济学家在他们的著作中也提到了人性。在边沁看来,追求快乐,避免痛苦是人的本性。在亚当•斯密看来,基于“自身利益”行事是人类的天性。然而,没有人详细阐述人性,人性就像一个“黑盒子”,自由市场体系的关键假设就是从这个黑盒子中推导出来的。本文试图打开人性的黑箱,以更好地理解资本主义的危机,包括最近的危机。尽管作者同意格林斯潘的观点,认为当前的金融危机,也许所有的经济危机都是由人性驱动的,但他不同意格林斯潘的观点,认为这种危机是不可预测和不可预防的。本文从伊斯兰的角度提出了一种新的人性理论,以预测和防止民粹主义政治家、贪婪的资本家、炫耀性消费者的非理性和不负责任的行为。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
PSN: Other Political Theory: Political Philosophy (Topic)
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