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China's International Investment Strategy最新文献

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He Who Makes the Rules Owns the Gold 谁制定规则谁就拥有黄金
Pub Date : 2019-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198827450.003.0023
J. Slawotsky
This chapter analyses the ever-increasing importance of Chinese influence on international investment law, which is a key branch of international economic law. By using the mechanics of the current architecture to assume a leadership role, China will likely become the new architect of the legal and financial orders. New infrastructure and development banks, a growing usage of the yuan and other incipient transformations, herald an upcoming era of new international law architects. While new institutions may initially work in conjunction within the existing framework, it is probable that the new architects’ alternatives will reach a critical mass and achieve an independent role in the international economic and legal orders. This transformation will likely lead to rewriting the rules and will serve to devalue the institutions which have enforced the global governance architecture over the previous seventy years. At a minimum, the replacement of the present architects will present a definitional, let alone enforcement problem with respect to international law. A different code of conduct may conflict with current norms and international law will need to focus on this potential dichotomy between former and new standards and customs. The failure to address this impending clash of customs may lead to a fracture of global cooperation and enforcement of international law, reduced prosperity, and heightened economic and military conflict.
国际投资法是国际经济法的一个重要分支,中国对国际投资法的影响日益重要。通过利用现有架构的机制来承担领导角色,中国可能会成为法律和金融秩序的新建筑师。新的基础设施和开发银行,越来越多地使用人民币,以及其他早期的变革,预示着新的国际法建筑师时代即将到来。虽然新机构最初可能在现有框架内协同工作,但新建筑师的备选方案很可能达到临界质量,并在国际经济和法律秩序中发挥独立作用。这种转变可能会导致规则的重写,并将使过去七十年来执行全球治理架构的机构贬值。至少,更换目前的架构师将在国际法方面提出一个定义问题,更不用说执行问题了。一项不同的行为准则可能与现行准则和国际法相冲突,将需要把重点放在新旧标准和习惯之间的这种可能的二分法上。如果不能解决这种迫在眉睫的习俗冲突,可能会导致全球合作和国际法执行的破裂,减少繁荣,加剧经济和军事冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Beware of Chinese Bearing Gifts 小心中国人带的礼物
Pub Date : 2019-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827450.003.0019
Sophie Meunier
The exponential growth of Chinese direct investment has been accompanied in some cases by controversy and even resistance, both in developing and in developed economies. Around the world, critics have expressed fears and denounced some of the potential dangers of this investment, such as lowering of local labour standards, hollowing out of industrial core through repatriation of assets, and acquisition of dual use technology. Alarmist media headlines have warned against a Chinese takeover of national economies one controversial investment deal at a time. The ensuing political backlash has often received considerable media attention and increased scrutiny over subsequent deals. What explains the political challenges posed by the spectacular explosion of Chinese direct investment over the past few years in the United States (US) and the European Union (EU)? How and why have attitudes and policies in the West changed over the past decade towards Chinese FDI? This chapter considers two alternative explanations for the political challenges triggered by Chinese investment in Western countries. The first is that Chinese FDI causes political unease because of its novelty. The second is the perception that there is something inherently different about the nature of Chinese FDI and therefore it should not be treated politically like any other foreign investment. These two explanations lead to a different set of predictions for the future of Chinese FDI in Europe and the US. The first section analyses how the novelty of Chinese FDI may pose political challenges to Western politicians and publics and compares the current phenomenon with past instances of political problematic sources of FDI. Section II examines the argument that there is something inherently different about Chinese FDI, notably as stemming from an emerging economy, a unique political system, and a non-ally in the security dimension. The third section explores the domestic political context in which these challenges are raised: in Europe, the euro crisis and the rise of populism; in the US, the focus on geopolitical competition and the rise of economic nationalism. The conclusion raises some implications of these political challenges on the future of Chinese outward investment.
在某些情况下,中国直接投资的指数级增长在发展中国家和发达经济体都受到了争议甚至抵制。在世界各地,批评人士表达了担忧,并谴责了这种投资的一些潜在危险,例如降低当地劳工标准,通过资产回流使工业核心空心化,以及获得军民两用技术。危言耸听的媒体头条警告中国不要一次一笔有争议的投资交易接管本国经济。随之而来的政治反弹往往会引起媒体的广泛关注,并对随后的交易进行更严格的审查。如何解释过去几年中国在美国和欧盟(EU)的直接投资爆炸式增长所带来的政治挑战?在过去十年中,西方对中国FDI的态度和政策是如何以及为什么发生了变化?本章考虑了中国在西方国家投资引发的政治挑战的两种不同解释。首先,中国的外国直接投资因其新颖性而引起政治不安。第二种看法是,中国的FDI本质上有些不同,因此不应像对待其他任何外国投资那样在政治上对待它。这两种解释导致了对中国在欧洲和美国的FDI未来的不同预测。第一部分分析了中国FDI的新颖性如何对西方政治家和公众构成政治挑战,并将当前的现象与过去存在政治问题的FDI来源进行了比较。第二部分考察了中国的外国直接投资在本质上有所不同的论点,特别是源于新兴经济体、独特的政治制度和安全维度的非盟友。第三部分探讨了提出这些挑战的国内政治背景:在欧洲,欧元危机和民粹主义的兴起;在美国,则是对地缘政治竞争的关注和经济民族主义的兴起。结论提出了这些政治挑战对中国对外投资未来的一些影响。
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引用次数: 7
Drivers and Issues of China–EU Negotiations for a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment 中欧全面投资协定谈判的动力和问题
Pub Date : 2019-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198827450.003.0010
F. Marisi, Qian Wang
Although the China–EU Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), currently under negotiation, covers only bilateral investments, it may clear the path for a potential free trade agreement between the parties. Its relevance goes beyond the purely economic and legal impact, owing to the central importance that these two regions have both economically and strategically in their wider neighbourhood and worldwide, often in competition with the interests of other world powers. In particular, the chapter identifies the provisions of fair and equitable treatment (FET), taxation, and transparency as the core issues in the negotiation process, and highlights both their features and relevance. The latter can be inferred from the frequency of alleged breaches in investor–state cases, and therefore it is on these issues that the legal discussion of the greater part of arbitration cases focuses. It is of essence that China and the EU carefully design all the clauses in the CAI, concluding a treaty able to foster investments in both directions and satisfy the parties’ interests, both as home states of investors and as host states. With these features, the CAI has full potential to serve as a role model for the rest of the world.
尽管目前正在谈判的《中欧全面投资协定》(CAI)仅涵盖双边投资,但它可能为双方之间潜在的自由贸易协定扫清道路。它的相关性超越了纯粹的经济和法律影响,因为这两个地区在其更广泛的邻国和世界范围内具有经济和战略上的核心重要性,经常与其他世界大国的利益竞争。特别是,本章将公平与公平待遇(FET)、税收和透明度的规定确定为谈判过程中的核心问题,并强调了它们的特点和相关性。后者可以从投资者-国家案件中被指控违约的频率推断出来,因此,大部分仲裁案件的法律讨论都集中在这些问题上。重要的是,中欧双方要认真设计《投资协定》的各项条款,缔结一个既能促进双向投资,又能满足投资国和东道国双方利益的条约。有了这些特点,CAI完全有潜力成为世界其他地区的榜样。
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引用次数: 2
A New Era in Cross-strait Relations? A Post-sovereign Enquiry in Taiwan’s Investment Treaty System 两岸关系进入新时代?台湾投资条约制度的后主权探究
Pub Date : 2019-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/OSO/9780198827450.003.0016
Horia Ciurtin
The author provides a post-sovereign enquiry in Taiwan’s investment treaty system. Going beyond the traditional legal divisions, Taiwan showed that it can bypass such limitations, being a main trend-setter in innovating the area of international economic law. Specifically, a close look at Taiwan’s nexus of investment treaty is eye-opening; Taiwan concluded twenty-nine BITs and six ample economic cooperation agreements with related investment provisions. The number and the importance of these agreements reveal that the concept of international recognition does not directly influence the behaviour of states which are willing to interact legally and economically. In this regard, non-diplomatic relations might be used as a step forward, as Taiwan is closer to conclude an agreement with another post-sovereign entity, the European Union. This global actor may open up the scene for a multi-tier dynamic where some of its component member states are in principle against any liaison with Taiwan, but will be bound to it because of their membership to the EU. To solve such legal contradiction, the established instruments of international law cannot be applied, and a new theoretical framework shall be developed. To this end, the starting point must be to discuss sovereignty thoroughly. The chapter assesses the polity’s effort for the development of diplomatic structures by means of investment agreements, in this way avoiding the problems related to recognition. This kind of agreement can be considered as a litmus test, showing Taiwan’s capacity to shift traditional categories of Westphalian international law and emerge as a self-standing actor.
笔者对台湾投资条约制度进行了后主权时代的探讨。台湾超越了传统的法律划分,证明了它可以绕过这些限制,成为国际经济法领域创新的主要引领者。具体来说,仔细研究台湾的投资协定会让人大开眼界;台湾共签订了29项双边投资协定和6项内容丰富的经济合作协定,并有相关投资条款。这些协定的数量和重要性表明,国际承认的概念并不直接影响愿意在法律和经济上相互交往的国家的行为。在这方面,非外交关系可能被用作向前迈出的一步,因为台湾更接近于与另一个后主权实体欧盟达成协议。这一全球角色可能会为多层动态打开舞台,其中一些组成成员国原则上反对与台湾有任何联系,但由于它们是欧盟成员国,它们将受到台湾的约束。要解决这一法律矛盾,现有的国际法文书不能适用,必须发展新的理论框架。为此,起点必须是彻底讨论主权问题。本章评估了该政体通过投资协定发展外交结构的努力,从而避免了与承认有关的问题。这种协议可以被视为一个试金石,表明台湾有能力改变威斯特伐利亚国际法的传统类别,成为一个独立的参与者。
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引用次数: 1
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China's International Investment Strategy
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