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Realizing Justice in the Coordinated Global Coronavirus Response 在全球协同应对中实现正义
Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.13.02.255
Jan‐Christoph Heilinger, S. Venkatapuram, Maike Voss, V. Wild
The COVID-19 pandemic is affecting countries across the globe. Only a globally coordinated response, however, will enable the containment of the virus. Responding to a request from policy makers for ethics input for a global resource pledging event as a starting point, this paper outlines normative and procedural principles to inform a coordinated global coronavirus response. Highlighting global connections and specific vulnerabilities from the pandemic, and proposing standards for reasonable and accountable decision-making, the ambition of the paper is two-fold: to raise awareness for the justice dimensions in the global response, and to argue for moving health from the periphery to the centre of philosophical debates about social and global justice.
新冠肺炎疫情正在影响全球各国。然而,只有全球协调一致的应对措施才能遏制该病毒。作为对政策制定者要求为全球资源认捐活动提供道德投入的回应,本文概述了为全球协调应对冠状病毒提供信息的规范性和程序性原则。本文强调了全球联系和大流行的具体脆弱性,并提出了合理和负责任的决策标准,其目标是双重的:提高对全球应对措施中正义层面的认识,并主张将卫生问题从关于社会和全球正义的哲学辩论的外围转移到中心。
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引用次数: 0
Chris Armstrong on Global Equality and Special Claims to Resources 克里斯·阿姆斯特朗谈全球平等和对资源的特殊要求
Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.184
Kim Angell
In ‘Justice and Natural Resources,’ Chris Armstrong offers a rich and sophisticated egalitarian theory of resource justice, according to which the benefits and burdens flowing from natural (and non-natural) resources are ideally distributed with a view to equalize people’s access to wellbeing, unless there are compelling reasons that justify departures from that egalitarian default. Armstrong discusses two such reasons: special claims from ‘improvement’ and ‘attachment.’ In this paper, I critically assess the account he gives of these potential constraints on global equality. I argue that his recognition of them has implications that Armstrong does not anticipate, and which challenge some important theses in his book. First, special claims from improvement will justify larger departures from the egalitarian default than Armstrong believes. Second, a consistent application of Armstrong’s life plan-foundation for special claims from attachment implies that nation-states may move closer to justify ‘permanent sovereignty’ over the resources within their territories than what his analysis suggests.
在《正义与自然资源》(Justice and Natural Resources)一书中,克里斯•阿姆斯特朗(Chris Armstrong)提出了丰富而复杂的资源正义平等主义理论。根据这一理论,自然(和非自然)资源带来的利益和负担应该得到理想的分配,以使人们获得幸福的机会均等,除非有令人信服的理由证明偏离这种平等主义的默认值是合理的。阿姆斯特朗讨论了两个这样的原因:来自“改进”和“依恋”的特殊要求。在本文中,我批判性地评估了他对全球平等的这些潜在制约因素的描述。我认为,他对他们的认识有阿姆斯特朗没有预料到的含义,这对他书中的一些重要论点提出了挑战。首先,改进的特殊主张将证明比阿姆斯特朗认为的更大程度地偏离平均主义的默认。其次,阿姆斯特朗的生命计划基础对依恋的特殊要求的一贯应用意味着,民族国家可能会比他的分析所暗示的更接近于证明对其领土内资源的“永久主权”。
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引用次数: 0
A Reply to My Critics 对批评我的人的回复
Pub Date : 2021-07-29 DOI: 10.21248/gjn.13.01.245
Chris Armstrong
It is a real pleasure to reply to so many thoughtful and probing responses to my book. In what follows, I will focus on six key themes that emerge across the various pieces. Some of them call into question core commitments of my theory, and in those cases I will try to show what might be said in its defence. Quite a number of the critics, however, present what we might call expansionist arguments: though they endorse some of the arguments I make, that is – or pick up some of its key concepts – they seek to push them in new and interesting directions. I will suggest that many of those arguments look likely to be successful, though I will also express caution about one or two of them. I doubt, however, that I will be the final judge of their success. Early on in the book I express the hope that it might provide a set of conceptual tools capable of advancing discussions about resource justice more broadly, even for scholars who reject my own idiosyncratic approach. Having made that gambit, I cannot now claim to have a monopoly on the use of the tools in question. Witnessing the use that others have already made of them has been a refreshing and rewarding experience.
能回复这么多对我的书深思熟虑、深入探究的回复,我真的很高兴。在接下来的内容中,我将重点关注在各个部分中出现的六个关键主题。其中一些对我的理论的核心承诺提出了质疑,在这些情况下,我将努力展示可以为其辩护的话。然而,相当多的评论家提出了我们可以称之为扩张主义的论点:尽管他们赞同我提出的一些论点,也就是说,他们试图将它们推向新的和有趣的方向。我认为,这些论点中有许多看起来很可能是成功的,尽管我也会对其中的一两个表示谨慎。然而,我怀疑我将是他们成功的最终评判者。在本书的早期,我表达了这样一种希望,即它可能提供一套概念工具,能够更广泛地推进关于资源正义的讨论,甚至对于那些拒绝我自己独特方法的学者来说也是如此。在采取了这个策略之后,我现在不能声称对所讨论的工具的使用拥有垄断。目睹其他人已经使用它们是一种令人耳目一新和有益的体验。
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引用次数: 0
Special Claims from Improvement: A Comment on Armstrong 来自改进的特殊要求:评阿姆斯特朗
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.247
C. Heyward, Dominic Lenzi
Chris Armstrong argues that attempts at justifying special claims over natural resources generally take one of two forms: arguments from improvement and arguments from attachment. We argue that Armstrong fails to establish that the distinction between natural resources and improved resources has no normative significance. He succeeds only in showing that ‘improvers’ (whoever they may be) are not necessarily entitled to the full exchange value of the improvement. It can still be argued that the value of natural and improved resources should be distributed on different grounds, but that the value of improvements should be conceived differently.
克里斯·阿姆斯特朗(Chris Armstrong)认为,试图证明对自然资源的特殊要求是正当的,通常有两种形式:来自改善的论点和来自依恋的论点。我们认为,阿姆斯特朗未能证明自然资源和改良资源之间的区别没有规范意义。他只是成功地表明,“改进者”(无论他们是谁)不一定有权获得改进的全部交换价值。仍然可以认为,自然资源和改良资源的价值应该在不同的基础上进行分配,但改良的价值应该以不同的方式来考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Greening Global Egalitarianism? 绿化全球平均主义?
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.185
A. Mancilla
In Justice and Natural Resources: An Egalitarian Theory (2017), Chris Armstrong proposes a version of global egalitarianism that – contra the default renderings of this approach – takes individual attachment to specific resources into account. By doing this, his theory has the potential for greening global egalitarianism both in terms of procedure and scope. In terms of procedure, its broad account of attachment and its focus on individuals rather than groups connects with participatory governance and management and, ultimately, participatory democracy – an essential ingredient in the toolkit of green politics and policy-making. In terms of scope, because it does not commit itself to any particular moral framework, Armstrong’s theory leaves the door open for non-human animals to become subjects of justice, thus extending the realm of the latter beyond its traditionally anthropocentric borders. I conclude that these greenings are promising, but not trouble-free.
在《正义与自然资源:一种平等主义理论》(2017)中,克里斯·阿姆斯特朗提出了一种全球平等主义的版本——与这种方法的默认呈现相反——将个人对特定资源的依恋考虑在内。通过这样做,他的理论有可能在程序和范围上绿化全球平均主义。就程序而言,它对依恋的广泛描述和对个人而不是群体的关注与参与性治理和管理以及最终的参与性民主——绿色政治和决策工具包的一个基本组成部分——联系在一起。就范围而言,由于阿姆斯特朗的理论没有将自己置于任何特定的道德框架中,因此它为非人类动物成为正义的主体敞开了大门,从而将后者的领域扩展到其传统的人类中心主义边界之外。我的结论是,这些绿化是有希望的,但并非没有问题。
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引用次数: 1
Attachment, Sustainability, and Control over Natural Resources 对自然资源的依恋、可持续性和控制
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.189
Laura Coco, Fabian Schuppert
In this paper, we discuss Armstrong’s account of attachment-based claims to natural resources, the kind of rights that follow from attachment-based claims, and the limits we should impose on such claims. We hope to clarify how and why attachment matters in the discourse on resource rights by presenting three challenges to Armstrong’s theory. First, we question the normative basis for certain attachment claims, by trying to distinguish more clearly between different kinds of attachment and other kinds of claims. Second, we highlight the need to supplement Armstrong’s account with a theory of how to weigh different attachment claims so as to establish the normative standing that different kinds of attachment claims should have. Third, we propose that sustainability must be a necessary requirement for making attachment claims to natural resources legitimate. Based on these three challenges and the solutions we propose, we argue that attachment claims are on the one hand narrower than Armstrong suggests, while on the other hand they can justify more far-reaching rights to control than Armstrong initially considers, because of the particular weight that certain attachment claims have.
在本文中,我们将讨论阿姆斯壮对自然资源的附属性权利主张,附属性权利主张所带来的权利类型,以及我们应该对这种权利主张施加的限制。我们希望通过对阿姆斯特朗的理论提出三个挑战来澄清依恋在资源权利论述中是如何以及为什么重要的。首先,我们通过试图更清楚地区分不同类型的依恋和其他类型的主张,对某些依恋主张的规范基础提出质疑。其次,我们强调有必要用一种关于如何权衡不同依恋主张的理论来补充阿姆斯特朗的说法,以确立不同类型的依恋主张应该具有的规范性地位。第三,我们建议可持续性必须成为使自然资源附属权主张合法化的必要条件。基于这三个挑战和我们提出的解决方案,我们认为,依附权利要求一方面比阿姆斯特朗提出的窄,而另一方面,由于某些依附权利要求具有特殊的权重,它们可以证明比阿姆斯特朗最初认为的更深远的控制权。
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引用次数: 0
Armstrong on Justice, Well-being and Natural Resources 阿姆斯特朗谈正义、福祉和自然资源
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.186
David Miller
This paper argues first that Armstrong is led to see natural resources primarily as objects of consumption. But many natural resources are better seen as objects of enjoyment, where one person’s access to a resource need not prevent others from enjoying equal access, or as objects of production, where granting control of a resource to one person may produce collateral benefits to others. Second, Armstrong’s approach to resource distribution, which requires that everyone must have equal access to welfare, conceals an ambiguity as to whether this means equal opportunity for welfare, or simply equal welfare – the underlying issue being how far individuals (or countries) should be held responsible for the use they make of the resources they are allocated. Third, when Armstrong attacks arguments that appeal to ‘improvement’ as a basis for claims to natural resources, he treats them as making comparative desert claims: if country A makes a claim to the improved resources on its territory, it must show that their comparative value accurately reflects the productive deserts of its members compared to those of countries B. But in fact, A needs only to make the much weaker claim that its members have done more than others to enhance the value of its resources. Overall, Armstrong’s welfarist approach fails to appreciate the dynamic advantages of allocating resources to those best able to use them productively.
本文首先认为,阿姆斯特朗被引导将自然资源主要视为消费对象。但是,许多自然资源最好被视为享受的对象,其中一个人对资源的使用不一定妨碍其他人对资源的平等使用,或者被视为生产的对象,其中将资源的控制权授予一个人可能会给其他人带来附带利益。其次,阿姆斯特朗的资源分配方法要求每个人都必须有平等的机会获得福利,这掩盖了一个模棱两可的问题,即这意味着获得福利的机会平等,还是仅仅意味着福利平等——潜在的问题是个人(或国家)应该在多大程度上对他们使用分配给他们的资源负责。第三,当阿姆斯特朗抨击那些以“改良”作为自然资源主张基础的论点时,他将其视为对沙漠的比较主张:如果A国对其领土上的改良资源提出要求,它必须证明其比较价值准确地反映了其成员与b国相比的生产优势。但事实上,A只需要提出一个弱得多的主张,即其成员在提高其资源价值方面比其他国家做得更多。总的来说,阿姆斯特朗的福利主义方法未能认识到将资源分配给最能有效利用资源的人的动态优势。
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引用次数: 0
Armstrong's Resource-Egalitarianism Theory and Attachment 阿姆斯壮的资源平均主义理论与依恋
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.188
M. Moore
The paper analyses the interrelationship between Armstrong’s egalitarian theory and his treatment of the ‘attachment theory’ of resources, which is the dominant rival theory of resources that his theory is pitched against. On Armstrong’s theory, egalitarianism operates as a default position, from which special claims would need to be justified, but he also claims to be able to incorporate 'attachment' into his theory. The general question explored in the paper is the extent to which ‘attachment’ claims can be ‘married’ to an egalitarian theory. The more specific argument is that a properly constrained attachment theory is more plausible than Armstrong’s egalitarian theory. It also criticizes attachment and improvement accounts as justifying permanent sovereignty over resources. The paper argues that neither of those arguments aim to justify the international doctrine of permanent sovereignty.
本文分析了阿姆斯壮的平等主义理论与他对资源“依附理论”的处理之间的相互关系,后者是阿姆斯壮的理论所反对的占主导地位的资源竞争理论。在阿姆斯特朗的理论中,平等主义是一种默认的立场,从这种立场出发,特殊的主张需要得到证明,但他也声称能够将“依恋”纳入他的理论。本文探讨的一般问题是,“依恋”主张在多大程度上可以与平等主义理论“联姻”。更具体的论点是,适当约束的依恋理论比阿姆斯特朗的平等主义理论更可信。它还批评附加和改进帐目是对资源的永久主权的正当性。本文认为,这两种观点都不是为了证明国际永久主权学说的正当性。
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引用次数: 0
Who May Geoengineer: Global Domination, Revolution, and Solar Radiation Management 谁能成为地球工程师:全球统治、革命和太阳辐射管理
Pub Date : 2021-07-28 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.237
Patrick Smith
This paper uses a novel account of non-ideal political action that can justify radical responses to severe climate injustice, including and especially deliberate attempts to engineer the climate system in order reflect sunlight into space and cooling the planet. In particular, it discusses the question of what those suffering from climate injustice may do in order to secure their fundamental rights and interests in the face of severe climate change impacts. Using the example of risky geoengineering strategies such as sulfate aerosol injections, I argue that peoples that are innocently subject to severely negative climate change impacts may have a special permission to engage in large-scale yet risky climate interventions to prevent them. Furthermore, this can be true even if those interventions wrongly harm innocent people.
本文采用了一种新颖的非理想政治行动,可以证明对严重气候不公正的激进反应是合理的,特别是包括故意设计气候系统以便将阳光反射到太空并冷却地球。特别是,它讨论了那些遭受气候不公正的人在面对严重的气候变化影响时,为了确保他们的基本权利和利益,可以做些什么。以硫酸盐气溶胶注入等危险的地球工程策略为例,我认为无辜地受到严重负面气候变化影响的人们可能会获得特别许可,从事大规模但危险的气候干预以防止这些影响。此外,即使这些干预错误地伤害了无辜的人,这也可能是正确的。
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引用次数: 4
Essay Prize Introduction 论文奖简介
Pub Date : 2021-07-24 DOI: 10.21248/GJN.13.01.246
Leon G. Smith, The Editors
N/A
N/A
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric
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